bly, that the Writ of Habeas Corpus was, and must have been, a Writ of Right at common law. He inclines to think, that perfons impreffed have a right to that writ, under the Habeas Corpos act of Charles the Ild. And he concludes, that the writ of Habeas Corpus is every Englishman's right, in all cafes of confinement or reftraint; that it ought to be as eafily and speedily awarded and re⚫ turned as poffible in every cafe; and that as there has arisen a doubt, whether the ftatute of 31 Charles II. extends to all cafes, that ⚫ doubt ought to be removed by fome exprefs law, extending the fame, or more advantageous provifions to every commitment or reftraint of liberty, (except in civil cafes, and in cafe of treafon or felony, plainly expreffed in the warrant) by whatever perfon or authority that commitment, confinement, or reftraint may be.'

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These noble sentiments do honour to the Author; and must be highly grateful to every man who retains a lively fenfe of public Liberty. This performance, short as it is, bears the marks of a mafterly hand; and fhews that the Writer has been used to more arduous employments.

Let us hope, however, that the Bill, lately rejected in the House of Lords, may, under fome more acceptable form, meet with the concurrence of that branch of the legiflature, next feflions of parliaFor to leave the injured without redrefs, is, in effect, to defeat the very end of society.

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Art. 2. The Cafe of the Five Millions fairly flated, in regard to Taxes, Trade, Law, Lawyers, &c. Addreffed to the Guardians of our Liberty. 8vo. 1s. Millar.

The judicious Writer of this pamphlet inveighs, with great zeal and propriety, against the fpirit of Monopoly, which univerfally prevails, and is, in a great degree, eftablished by grant in this kingdom. He afferts, that all Monopolies are against the great Charter, becaufe. they are again the liberty and freedom of the fubject, and againit the law of the land.

He cenfures the impofition of improper and oppreffive taxes. He particularly takes notice of the bad policy of taxing every kind of grain and obferves, that a bounty upon exported corn, is the worft kind of tax. As to the objection, that corn would be a glut, and could never be exported, if the bounty was taken off-He answers, that as corn would be confiderably cheaper, the price of labour would be greatly reduced by which means the Farmers would carry on their improvements upon eafier terms, and with greater fpirit, and coniequently grow greater quantities of the different forts of grain. From thence he takes occafion to argue, that the quantity of exported corn would be proportionably greater.

He exclaims, not without reafon, againft the multiplicity of our laws; with which, as he obferves, a general corruption of manners is infeparable. He recommends a more fummary and fpeedy method of recovering fmall debts; and concludes with a genteel panegyric on the prefent adminiftration.

Upon

Upon the whole, this appears to be a fenfible and well-meant performance. And as the Miniftry are not above liftening to the Voice of the People, we hope that grievances, thus publicly complained of, will be taken into public confideration.

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Art. 3. A Propofal for the Encouragement of Seamen to ferve more readily in his Majefty's Navy, for preventing of Defertion, fupporting their Wives and Families, and for the easier and quieter Government of his Majesty's Ships. 8vo. 1 s. Millar.

The Author propofes, that a number of small houses be built at Chatham, Portsmouth, and Plymouth, on a piece of ground bought for that purpose, the rent of each house not to exceed fifty fhillings a year; the rent to be defalked out of the Seamens wages: and that married Seamen fhall have the preference of refiding in fuch houfes. That fuch Seamen who refide at thofe ports, are immediately to repair on board fuch fhips as they are ordered to, whether commiffioned at the port where they refide or not. That in cafe of death or desertion, the Captain of the fhip fhall acquaint the Commiffioner of the port, that the houfe may be difpofed of; with this diftinction, that if any Sailor will marry the widow of the deceased, he fhall have prefer.ence, and not be moved out of the houfe; but that the wife of the runaway, and his family, fhall immediately be turned out. That each of thefe houses fhall take in two fick Seamen, whom the wife .fhall nurse, and be paid per week. That the children of fuch Seamen be employed, as foon as capable: both fexes while young, in picking oakham for the dock-yards; and the boys, when grown up, as Officers fervants: the girls to make fhip-colours, and flopcloaths: and when marriageable, each Seaman who marries one of them, to have a houfe directly. That for the benefit of Seamen abroad, who are inclined to remit money to their wives, &c. fuch who are fo inclined, fhall, before they fail, make known to the Commiffioner of the Port, the monthly allowance he will make to his -wife, &c.

The Author illuftrates these, and other articles which we have not room to extract. He computes that one of thefe houses may be built for fifty or fixty pounds; and fuppofing twelve thoufand to be erected, he calculates the whole amount at 720,cool. The rent being at fifty fhillings a year, he reckons will bring in thirty thousand pounds per annum; fo that in twenty-four years the Government will reimburfe itfelf the original expence of thefe buildings.

We must confefs that this fcheme wears a flattering appearance; and we heartily with that our men in power would think of fome method for the better regulation of our navy; that the inhuman and abominable practice of impressing, may no longer difgrace the freedom of our conftitution. Ra

Art. 4. Confiderations humbly offered to Parliament, relative to the Heads of a Bill for promoting Industry, fuppreffing Idlenes and Begging, and Saving above one Million Sterling yearly, of

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the Money now actually paid by the Nation to the Poor. 8vos IS. Millar.

As it is the nature of mankind to start from one extreme to ano ther, fo from a general inattention to public improvement, every man now is feized with the spirit of projecting and reforming. If the feveral plans of Reformation lately offered, fhould happily have the defired effect, we may expect that our prostitutes will turn continent, our poor grow induftrious, and our rich men become generous. In fhort, from the united endeavours of the fchemes without doors, and the Patriots within, we may hope to fee the Golden Age revive in Britain,

The fcheme here propofed is too tedious and complicated to admit our giving the Reader fo full an idea of it as we could wish. It must fuffice to obferve, that the Writer would have a law enacted, by which each parish, or diftrict, fhall be obliged to hire or build a work-house→→ That the Governors of fuch work house be declared a Corporation in law; and to continue two years, except the firit fet, when one half are to go out by ballot, and as many new to be chofen in their places. That fuch Governors have the power of Juftices of the Peace, with regard to all crimes and misdemeanors committed within their limits. That to put a stop to the abufe of the laws with regard to settlements, it may be declared lawful for all persons to feek for work where they can find it; and that the fettlement of every poor perfon may be de clared to be the parish where the perfon is found feeking work, idle, fufpicious, or begging; with liberty to the parish, where fo found, to receive the perfon into their work houfe, or at their own expence, in a humane way, to carry fuch to the parish where they can prove the perfon fo found continued longest at work, from seven years of age to the time when found; or to fuch parish or district where the perfon was found begging or feeking work, and was neither taken up nor furnished with work. He advances feveral arguments in fupport of his proposals, and takes notice, that when compared with the laws in force, very little new will be enacted, except as to the method of rendering the law practicable, and the execution easy.

He calculates, that the expence of carrying this scheme into execution will not exceed two hundred pounds for one parish; and that it will not be fo much where two or three are conjoined. Upon the whole, the Writer appears to be master of his fubject, but we think his scheme more plaufible than practicable. He has, however, thrown out many hints which may admit of improvement, and for which he merits thanks. Some regulations are certainly wanting on this head; for to fee fuch a crowd of miferable fpectacles in our ftreets, fome wretched impoftors, others rea! objects, is undoubtedly a difgrace to humanity, a fcandal to our police, and, at firft fight, gives the lie to all that is faid of the excellence of our government, and the riches and profperity of the kingdom. R--d

Art. 5. National Spirit confidered as a true Source of political Liberty. 8vo. Is. Cooper.

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The fcope of this fenfible treatife, is, to prove that the preference of one fyftem to another, has been generally determined in the world rather from the nature and genius of a people, than from fpeculative principles. The Author takes occafion to ridicule our political inftability, and very juftly obferves, that the prefent conjuncture is plainly the Barometer of our political Wit, which flows in various and oppofite directions, according to the vague and contradictory hints and advices given by a nameless multitude of News-Writers. In a very lively and fpirited manner, he describes the effects wrought by the magic Call of Oppofition, when given in the critical time of fome unexpected lofs or difappointment; then, fays he, the eyes and ears of numbers of people are only open to read and hear hideous and fhameful defcriptions of the fate of Britain; contemptible ESTIMATES of the Manners, Principles, and Spirit of the People; anatomical Figures of her political Infirmities; with Death-Heads innumerable."

The Writer appears to be a fincere friend to the Revolution, and takes notice, that nothing can be more abfurd and inconsistent, than to espouse a political Creed that contradicts the national fpirit; and renders the memory of any Revolution made in favour of civil and religious Liberty, a ground of party antipathy, discontent, and faction.

His reflections on Party Diftin&tions are fo juft, that we cannot forbear defcribing them. Certain it is, fays he, that no political Tenets whatever can be fuppofed to conftitute a perfonal Character; or fupply the place of Genius, Temper, and Manners in any man. When the latter appear to be wholly moulded upon the former, the conduct in private life will be liable to various, and, perhaps, not unjuft accufations; efpecially in a nation where Parties prevail, and Factions inflame one another. The only genuine merit belonging to a perfon's political perfuafion, confifts in its being fuch as beft correfponds with the culture and enlargement of the mind; the exercise of truly public affections; and perieverance in the love and fervice of one's country.'

Thefe reflections fhew the Author to be a man of found judgment, and of a liberal turn of mind. It were to be wifhed, that thofe odious diftinations of Whig and Tory, were quite abolished among us. A man of real understanding, will fcorn to enlift under the banner of either party. They ferve only to perpetuate narrow prejudices: for the Zealots of each, form a chain of political principles, and if you do but object to one link, they abhor you as an enemy to their whole fyftem. Thus, if you are not weak and bafe enough to defame the memory of our great Deliverer, King William, by acknowleging him to have been a monster of imperfections, without either valour or virtue, the fenfelefs and flavifh Tories, will condemn you as a bigotted Whig. In like manner, if you intimate, that abufes have been introduced fince the Revolution, unknown before; if you will not allow that the kingdom has been compleatly happy fince that ra, the Whigs are ready to brand you as a rank Tory. It is not enough that you allow the nation to have been happier fince that period, you must

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fubfcribe to their tenets without referve, or incur the scandal of difputing every article of their Creed: with them, to cenfure the abufes of the Revolution, is to abufe the Revolution itself. But tho' every lover of Liberty, and of his Country, muft exprefs his pious gratitude for the bleffings of the Revolution, yet every man of difcernment, muft perceive that we have, in many inflances, deviated from the principles then eftablished. Bring us back to them, and we fhall enjoy a fyftem, which, of all others, bids fairelt for the promotion and fecurity of political felicity: and the revival of national Spirit among us, affords trong hopes of fuch a happy Reformation.

Art. 6. A Congratulatory Epiftle from a reformed Rake, to John Fg, Efq; upon the new Scheme of Reclaiming Profitutes. 8vo. 1s. Burnet.

The Author fmartly attacks Mr. Fielding, for having, according to his published plan, confined his fcheme for a Reformatory, to the low, or very low Whores and Bawdy-houses only; while the top, or thofe which fome may call genteel Bawdy-houses, are more infamous in their trade, and of worfe confequence to the public. He seems willing, however, to confider this as a flip of his Worship's pen ; but yet he is apprehenfive, that the executive part of the plan, fo far as it hath been hitherto enforced, may have ferved to corroborate this error, and prove that its continuance may chance to be of fome duration. For, 'In the account,' fays our Author, published in the Public • Advertiser, of the search that was made for Prostitutes, I find that it was limited to Drury-lane, Hedge lane, and St. Giles's. I own, if • I had been a Peace-Officer upon that occafion, I fhould have stepped • into the Turk's-head, or, indeed, almoft any other houfe in BowSTREET, and have found more proper objects of correction, than thofe half starved wretches, rather a difguft than incitement to incontinence.'

The Author has a great deal more, that may ferve both to entertain and inform the public: for he illuftrates his arguments by a number of pleasant fallies and anecdotes, that serve to fhew he is no common Scribbler. What he fays of the top houfes of carnal recreation, particularly deferves the attention of the public; for it is chiefly from thefe corrupt fountains that the evil fprings as our Author (to jay nothing of our own experience) clearly fhews, beyond difpute; and to him therefore we refer our Readers for farther information.

Art. 7. An Idea of a Botanical Garden in England: with Lectures on the Science. Without Expence to the Public, or to the Students By Dr. John Hill. 8vo. 6d. Baldwin.

Dr. Hill has here started a very pretty Thought, which we should be glad to fee carried into execution, his fcheme being as cafily practicable, as the intention is obviously important. To be more particular here is needlefs, when the Propofal at large may be had at to eafy a price.

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