fword against an uncle, whom he was accustomed to call father. But finding that the command of the King's army was bestowed on his rival, he made ready for battle. The Prince obtained a complete victory: but his heart was not elated: the horrors of a civil war stared him in the face: he bid farewell to his friends, difmiffed his army, and retired into a neighbouring kingdom; relying on the affections of the people to be placed on the throne after his uncle's death. During banishment, which continued thirty tedious years, frequent attempts upon his life, put his temper to a severe trial; for while he existed, the King had no hopes that his fon would reign in peace. He had the fortitude to stand every trial; when, in the year 1702, beginning to yield to age and misfortunes, his uncle died. His coufin was depofed; and he was called by the unanimous voice of the nobles, to reign over a people who adored him.

SKETCH

SKETCH

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PREFAC E.

IN N the following flight essay, intended for novices only, it is my fole ambition to rival certain pains-taking authors, who teach hiftory in the perfpicuous mode of question and anfwer. Among novices, it would be unpardonable to rank fuch of my fellow-citizens, as are ambitious of feat in parliament; many of whom facrifice the inheritance of their anceftors, for an opportunity to exert their patriotism in that auguft affembly. Can fuch a facrifice permit me to doubt, of their being adepts in the myfteries of government, and of taxes in particular? they ought at leaft to be initiated in thefe myfteries.

It is of importance, that taxes, and their effects, be underflood, not only by the members of our parliament, but also by their electors: a reprefentative will not readily vote for a destructive tax, when he cannot hope to difguife his conduct. The intention of the present sketch, is to unfold the principles upon which taxes ought to be founded, and to point out what are beneficial, what noxious. I have endeavoured to introduce fome light into a subject involved in Egyptian darkness ; and if that end be attained, I fhall die in the faith, that I have not been an unprofitable fervant to my country.

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456

1

J

FINANCE S.

T

it

His fubject confists of many parts, not a little intricate. A proper distribution will tend to perspicuity; and I think may be fitly divided into the following fections. 1ft, General confiderations on taxes. 2d, Power of impofing taxes. 3d, Different forts of taxes, with their advantages and difadvantages. 4th, Manner of levying taxes. 5th, Rules to be observed in taxing. 6th, Examination of British taxes. 7th, Regulations for advancing industry and commerce.

SECTION I

GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS on TAXES.

AS

S opulence is not friendly to study and knowledge, the men best qualified for being generals, admirals, judges, or ministers of state, are seldom opulent; and to make fuch men serve without pay, would be in effect to ease the rich at the expence of the poor. With respect to the military branch in particular, the bulk of those who compose an army, if withdrawn from daily labour, must starve, unless the public, which they serve, afford them maintenance. A republican government, during peace, may indeed be fupported at a very small charge among a temperate and patriotic

people.

people. In a monarchy, a public fund is indifpenfable, even during peace and in war it is indispensable, whatever be the government. The Spartans carried all before them in Greece, but were forc'd to quit their hold, having no fund for a standing army; and the other Greek states were obliged to confederate with the Athenians, who after the Perfian war became mafters at fea. A defect fo obvious in the Spartan government, did affuredly not escape Lycurgus, the most profound of all legislators. Foreseeing that conquest would be destructive to his countrymen, his fole purpose was to guard them from being conquered; which in Sparta required no public fund, as all the citizens were equal, and equally bound to defend themselves and their country. A state, it is true, without a public fund, is ill qualified to oppose a standing army, regularly disciplined, and regularly paid. But in political matters, experience is our only fure guide; and the history of nations, at that early period, was too barren to afford inftruction. Lycurgus may well be excused, confidering how little progress political knowledge had made in a much later period. Charles VII. of France was the first in modern times who established a fund for a standing army. Against that dangerous innovation, the crown-vaffals had no refource but to imitate their fovereign; and yet, without even dreaming of a resource, they fuffered themselves to be undermined, and at laft overturned, by the King their fuperior. Thus, on the one hand, a nation, however warlike, that has not a public fund, is no match for a standing army enured to war. Extenfive com

merce, on the other hand, enables a nation to fupport a standing army; but, by introducing luxury, it eradicates manhood, and renders that army an unfit match for any poor and warlike invader. Hard may seem the fate of nations, laid thus open to destruction from every quarter. All that can be faid is, that the Deity never intended to ftamp immortality upon any production of

man.

VOL. I.

3 M

The

The stability of land fits it, above all other fubjects, for a public patrimony. But as crown-lands lie open to the rapacity of favourites, it becomes necessary, when these are diffipated, to introduce taxes; which have the following properties; that they unite in one common intereft the fovereign and his fubjects, and that they can be augmented or diminished according to exigencies.

The art of levying money by taxes was fo little understood in the fixteenth century, that after the famous battle of Pavia, in which the French King was made prisoner, Charles V. was obliged to disband his victorious army, tho' confifting but of 24,000. men, because he had not the art to levy, in his extensive dominions, the fum that was neceffary to keep it on foot. So little knowledge was there in England of political arithmetic in the days of Edward III. that L. 1: 2: 4 on each parish was computed to be fufficient for raifing a fubfidy of L. 50,000. It being found, that there were but 8700 parishes, exclufive of Wales, the parliament, in order to raise the said fubfidy, affeffed on each parish L. 5, 16 s.

of

In impofing taxes, ought not the expence of living to be deducted, leaving the remainder of a man's stock as the only taxable subject? This method was adopted in the state of Athens. A rent 500 measures of corn, burdened the landlord with the yearly contribution of a talent: a rent of 300, burdened him with half a talent: a rent of 200, burdened him with the fixth part of a talent; and land under that rent paid no tax. Here the tax was not in proportion to the estate, but to what could be fpared out of it; or, in other words, in proportion to the ability of the proprietor. At the fame time, ability must not be estimated by what a man actually faves, which would exempt the profuse and profligate from paying taxes, but by what a man can pay who lives with economy according to his rank. This rule is founded on the very nature of government: to tax a man's food, or the fubject that af

fords