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town called Pedasus at the foot of Mount Ida. (n. xxi. 86.) Strabo relates that Leleges and Carians once occupied the whole of Ionia, and that in the Milesian territory and in all Caria tombs and forts of the Leleges were shown. He further says that the two were so intermingled that they were frequently regarded as the same people. (Strab. vii. p. 321, xiii. p. 611.) It would therefore appear that there was some close connection between the Leleges and Carians, though they were probably different peoples. The Leleges seem at one time to have occupied a considerable part of the western coast of Asia Minor. They were the earliest known inhabitants of Samos. (Athen. xv. p. 672.) The connection of the Leleges and the Carians was probably the foundation of the Megarian tradition, that in the twelfth generation after Car, Lelex came over from Egypt to Megara, and gave his name to the people (Paus. i. 39. § 6); but their Egyptian origin was evidently an invention of later times, when it became the fashion to derive the civilisation of Greece from that of Egypt. A grandson of this Lelex is said to have led a colony of Megarian Leleges into Messenia, where they founded Pylus, and remained until they were driven out by Neleus and the Pelasgians from Iolcos; whereupon they took possession of Pylus in Elis. (Paus. v. 36. § 1.) The Lacedaemonian traditions, on the other hand, represented the Leleges as the autochthons of Laconia; they spoke of Lelex as the first native of the soil, from whom the people were called Leleges and the land Lelegia; and the son of this Lelex is said to have been the first king of Messenia. (Paus. iii. 1. § 1, iv. 1. §§ 1, 5.) Aristotle seems to have regarded Leucadia, or the western parts of Acarnania, as the original seats of the Leleges; for, according to this writer, Lelex was the autochthon of Leucadia, and from him were descended the Teleboans, the ancient inhabitants of the Taphian islands. He also regarded them as the same people as the Locrians, in which he appears to have followed the authority of Hesiod, who spoke of them as the subjects of Locrus, and as produced from the stones with which Deucalion repeopled the earth after the deluge. (Strab. vii. pp. 321, 322.) Hence all the inhabitants of Mount Parnassus, Locrians, Phocians, Boeotians, and others, are sometimes described as Leleges. (Comp. Dionys. Hal. i. 17.) (See Thirlwall, Hist. of Greece, vol. i. p. 42, seq.)

LEMANIS PORTUS (Kaids λuhy, Ptol. ii. 3. § 4), one of the chief seaports of Britain, situated in the territories of the Cantii; the site near Lymne, in Kent. The road from Durovernum to Portus Lemanis (Itin. Anton. iv.) is extant nearly its entire length, and known by the name of Stone Street.

The harbour or port is no longer to be traced, owing to the silting up of the sea; but it must have been situated opposite to West Hythe and Lymne. The remains of the castrum, called Stutfall Castle, to the west of West Hythe, and below Lymne, indicate the quarters of the Turnacensian soldiers stationed there in defence of the Littus Saxonicum. (Not. Dig.) Recent discoveries have shown that a body of marines (Classiarii Britannici) were also ocated at the Portus Lemanis, and at Dubris (Dover). An altar was also found, recording the name of a prefect of the British fleet. (Report on Excavations made at Lymne.) The Portus Lemanis is laid down in the Peutingerian Tables, and it is mentioned by the anonymous Geographer of

The Roman station was situated on the slope of a hill. Like that of Richborough (Rutupiae), it was walled on three sides only; the side facing the sea being sufficiently defended by nature in a steep bank, such as we see at other Roman castra where the engineers have availed themselves of a natural defence to save the expense and labour of building walls. The fortress enclosed about 10 acres. The walls, in part only now standing, were upwards of 20 ft. high, and about 10 ft. thick; they were further strengthened by semicircular solid towers. The principal entrance was on the east, facing the site of the village of West Hythe. It was supported by two smaller towers, and, as recent excavations prove, by other constructions of great strength. Opposite to this, on the west, was a postern gate, of narrow dimensions. At some remote period the castrum was shattered by a land-slip, and the lower part was carried away, and separated entirely from the upper wall, which alone stands in its original position. To this cause is to be ascribed the present disjointed and shattered condition of the lower part. Parts of the wall and the great gateway were completely buried. The excavations alluded to brought them to light, and enabled a plan to be made. Within the area were discovered the walls of one of the barracks, and a large house with several rooms heated by a hypocaust. [C. R. S.]

LEMANUS or LEMANNUS LACUS (Aeμávos, Aeμávn Aíμvn: Leman Lake or Lake of Geneva). Caesar says (B. G. i. 8) that he drew his rampart against the Helvetii "from the Lacus Lemannus, which flows into the Rhone, as far as the Jura;" a form of expression which some of the commentators have found fault with and altered without any reason. The name Aquévŋ Aíμvn in Ptolemy's text (ii. 10. § 2) is merely a copyist's error In the Antonine Itin. the name Lausonius Lacus occurs; and in the Table, Losannensis Lacus. Mela (ii. 5), who supposes the Rhodanus to rise not far from the sources of the Rhenus and the Ister, says that, "after being received in the Lemannus Lacus, the river maintains its current, and flowing entire through it, runs out as large as it came in." Strabo (p. 271) has a remark to the same purpose, and Pliny (ii. 103), and Ammianus Marcellinus (xv. 11). This is not the fact, as we may readily suppose, though the current of the Rhone is perceptible for some distance after the river has entered the east end of the lake of Geneva. Ausonius (De Clar. Urb. Narbo) makes the lake the chief source of the Rhodanus:Qua rapitur praeceps Rhodanus genitore Lemanno; but this poetical embellishment needs no remark.

The Lake of Geneva is an immense hollow filled by the Rhone and some smaller streams, and is properly described under another title. [RHODANUS.] [G. L.]

LEMA'VI. [GALLAECIA.]

LEMINCUM, in Gallia Narbonensis, is placed in the Table and the Antonine Itin. on a road from the Alpis Graia (Little St. Bernard) to Vienna (Vienne). Lemincum is Lemens, near Chambery, and there is also, according to some authorities, a Mont Leminc. The next station to Lemincum on the road to Vienna is Labiscum. [LABISCUM.] [G. L.]

LEMNOS (Anμvos: Eth. Ahuvios), one of the larger islands in the Aegaean sea, situated nearly midway between Mount Athos and the Hellespont. According to Pliny (iv. 12. s. 23), it lay 22 miles

latter is nearly double the true distance. Several ancient writers, however, state that Mount Athos cast its shadow upon the island. (Soph. ap. Schol. ad Theocr. vi. 76; Plin. l. c.) Pliny also relates that Lemnos is 112 miles in circuit, which is perhaps not far from the truth, if we reckon all the windings of the coast. Its area is nearly 150 square miles. It is of an irregular quadrilateral shape, being nearly divided into two peninsulas by two deep bays, Port Paradise on the N., and Port St. Antony on the S. The latter is a large and convenient harbour. On the eastern side of the island is a bold rock projecting into the sea, called by Aeschylus 'Epuatov λénas Anuvov, in his description of the beacon fires between Mount Ida and Mycenae, announcing the capture of Troy. (Aesch. Agam. 283; comp. Soph. Philoct. 1459.) Hills, but of no great height, cover two-thirds of the island; they are barren and rocky, and there are very few trees, except in some of the narrow valleys. The whole island bears the strongest marks of the effects of volcanic fire, the rocks, in many places, are like the burnt and vitrified scoria of furnaces. Hence we may account for its connection with Hephaestus, who, when hurled from heaven by Zeus, is said to have fallen upon Lemnos. (Hom. I. i. 594.) The island was therefore sacred to Hephaestus (Nicandr. Ther. 458; Ov. Fast. iii. 82), who was frequently called the Lemnian god. (Ov. Met. iv. 185; Virg. Aen. viii. 454.) From its volcanic appearance it derived its name of Aethaleia (A¡@άλea, Polyb. ap. Steph. B., and Etym. M. s. v. À¡ðáλn). It was also related that from one of its mountains, called MOSYCHLUS (Móσuxλos), fire was seen to blaze forth. (Antimach. ap. Schol. ad Nicandr. Ther. 472; Lycophr. 227; Hesych. s. v.) In a village in the island, named Chorous, there is a hot-spring, called Thermia, where a commodious bath has been built, with a lodging-house for strangers, who frequent it for its supposed medicinal qualities. The name of Lemnos is said to have been derived from the name of the Great Goddess, who was called Lemnos by the original inhabitants of the island. (Hecat. ap. Steph. B. 8. v.)

The earliest inhabitants of Lemnos, according to Homer, were the SINTIES (EVTies), a Thracian tribe; a name, however, which probably only signifies robbers (from σivouai). (Hom. Il. i. 594, Od. viii. 294; Strab. vii. p. 331, x. p. 457, xii. p. 549.) When the Argonauts landed at Lemnos, they are said to have found it inhabited only by women, who had murdered all their husbands, and had chosen as their queen Hypsipyle, the daughter of Thoas, the former King of the island. [See Dict. of Biogr. art. HYPSIPYLE.] Some of the Argonauts settled here, and became by the Lemnian women the fathers of the MINYAE (Mivbai), the later inhabitants of the island. The Minyae were driven out of the island by the Tyrrhenian Pelasgians, who had been expelled from Attica. (Herod. iv. 145, vi. 137; Apoll. Rhod. i. 608, seq, and Schol.; Apollod. i. 9. § 17, iii. 6. § 4.) It is also related that these Pelasgians, out of revenge, made a descent upon the coast of Attica during the festival of Artemis at Brauron, and carried off some Athenian women, whom they made their concubines; but, as the children of these women despised their half-brothers born of Pelasgian women, the Pelasgians murdered both them and their Athenian mothers. In consequence of this atrocity, and of the former murder of the Lemnian husbands by their wives, “Lemnian Deeds” (Ańμvia |

pya) became a proverb throughout Greece for all atrocious acts. (Herod. vi. 128; Eustath. ad I. p. 158. 11, ad Dionys. Per. 347; Zenob. iv. 91.) Lemnos continued to be inhabited by Pelasgians, when it was conquered by Otanes, one of the generals of Darius Hystaspis (Herod. v. 26); but Miltiades delivered it from the Persians, and made it subject to Athens, in whose power it remained for a long time. (Herod. vi. 137; Thuc. iv. 28, vii. 57.) In fact, it was always regarded as an Athenian possession, and accordingly the peace of Antalcidas, which declared the independence of all the Grecian states, nevertheless allowed the Athenians to retain possession of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros. (Xen. Hell. iv. 8. § 15, v. 1. § 31.) At a later period Lemnos passed into the hands of the Macedonians, but it was restored to the Athenians by the Romans. (Polyb. xxx. 18.)

In the earliest times, Lemnos appears to have contained only one town, which bore the same name as the island (Hom. Il. xiv. 230); but at a later period we find two towns, Myrina and Hephaestias. MYRINA (Múpiva: Eth. Mupivaîos) stood on the western side of the island, as we may infer from the statement of Pliny, that the shadow of Mt. Athos was visible in the forum of the city at the time of the summer solstice. (Plin. iv. 12. s. 23; Hered. vi. 140; Steph. B. s. v.; Ptol. iii. 13. § 4.) On its site stands the modern Kastro, which is still the chief town in the place. In contains about 2000 inhabitants; and its little port is defended by a pier, and commanded by a ruinous mediaeval fortress on the overhanging rocks. HEPHAESTIAS, or HEPHAESTIA ('Hoaiorías, 'Hpaioría: Eth. 'HpaiσTIEUS), was situated in the northern part of the island. (Herod., Plin., Ptol. l. cc.; Steph. B. s. v.) There are coins of Hephaestia (see below), but none of Myrina, and none bearing the name of the island. (Eckhel, vol. ii. p. 51.)

According to Pliny (xxxvi. 13. s. 19) Lemnos had a celebrated labyrinth, supported by 150 columns, and with gates so well poised, that a child could open them. Pliny adds, that there were still traces of it in his time. Dr. Hunt, who visited the island in 1801, attempted to find out the ruins of this labyrinth, and was directed to a subterraneous staircase in an uninhabited part of the island, near a bay, called Porniah. He here found extensive ruins of an ancient and strong building that seemed to have had a ditch round it communicating with the sea. "The edifices have covered about 10 acres of ground: there are foundations of an amazing number of small buildings within the outer wall, each about seven feet square. The walls towards the sea are strong, and composed of large square blocks of stone. On an elevated spot of ground in one corner of the area, we found a subterraneous staircase, and, after lighting our tapers, we went down into it. The entrance was difficult: it consisted of 51 steps, and about every twelfth one was of marble, the others of common stone. At the bottom is a small chamber with a well in it, by which probably the garrison was supplied: a censer, a lamp, and a few matches, were lying in a corner, for the use of the Greek Christians, who call this well an Aylaoua, or Holy Fountain, and the ruins about it Panagia Coccipée. The peasants in the neighbourhood had no knowledge of any sculpture, or statues, or medals having ever been found there." It does not appear, however, that these ruins have any relation to the labyrinth

mentioned by Pliny; and Dr. Hunt thinks that they are probably those of the citadel of Hephaestias.

The chief production of the island, was a red earth called terra Lemnia or sigillata, which was employed by the ancient physicians as a remedy for wounds and the bites of serpents; and which is still much valued by the Turks and Greeks for its supposed medicinal virtues. It is dug out of a hill, made into small balls, and stamped with a seal containing Arabic characters.

The ordinary modern name of the island, is Stalimene (eis Tàv Anuvov), though it is also called by its ancient name.

There were several small islands near Lemnos, of which the most celebrated was CHRYSE (Xpvoh), where Philoctetes was said to have been abandoned by the Greeks. According to Pausanias, this island was afterwards swallowed up by the sea, and another appeared in its stead, to which the name of Hiera was given. (Eustath ad Hom. Il. ii. p. 330; Appian, Mithr. 77; Paus. viii. 33. § 4.) (Rhode, Res Lemnicae, Vratisl. 1829; Hunt, in Walpole's Travels, p. 54, seq.)

HPA

COIN OF HEPHAESTIAS IN LEMNOS.

LEMOVICES (Λεμόβικες, Strab. p. 190; Λεμονίκοι, Ptol. ii. 7. § 10), a Gallic people who were bounded by the Arverni on the east, the Bituriges Cubi and the Pictones on the north, and the Santones on the west. Their chief town was Augustoritum or Limoges. [AUGUSTORITUM.] The diocese of Limoges, comprehending the diocese of Tulle, which has been separated from it, represents the limits of the Lemovices; but the diocese of Limoges extends somewhat beyond the limits of the old province of Limousin, which derives its name from the Lemovices, and into that province which was called La Marche. An inscription in Gruter, found at Rancon, in the diocese of Limoges, proves that there was included in the territory of the Lemovices a people named Andecamulenses; and another Gallic inscription shows that Mars was called Camulus. Camulogenus was a Gallic name. (Caes. B. G. vii. 59, 62.) Caesar (B. G. vii. 4) enumerates the Lemovices among the peoples whom Vercingetorix stirred up against the Romans in B. C. 52: they are placed in the text between the Aulerci and Andes. The Lemovices sent 10,000 men to assist their countrymen at the siege of Alesia (B. G. vii. 75) But in the same chapter (vii. 75) the Lemovices are again mentioned: "universis civitatibus quae Oceanum attingunt quaeque eorum consuetudine Ar moricae appellantur, quo sunt in numero Curiosolites, Redones, Ambibari, Caletes, Osismi, Lemovices, Veneti, Unelli, sex millia." Here the Lemovices are placed in a different position, and are one of the Armoric States. [ARMORICAE CIVITATES.] Some critics erase the name Lemovices from Caesar's text; but there is good authority for it. Davis remarks (Caes. Oudendorp, i. p. 427), that all the MSS. (known to him) have the reading Lemovices, and that it occurs also in the Greek translation. He also observes, that as there were three Aulerci

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we may add that there were two Bituriges, Bituriges Cubi and Bituriges Vivisci; and Volcae Arecomici and Volcae Tectosages. If the text of Caesar then is right, there were Armoric Lemovices as well as the Lemovices of the Limousin; and we must either keep the name as it is, or erase it. The emendation of some critics, adopted by D'Anville, rests on no foundation. Walckenaer finds in the district which he assigns to the Lemovices Armoricani, a place named La Limousinière, in the arrondissement of Nantes, between Machecoul, Nantes and SaintLéger; and he considers this an additional proof in favour of a conjecture about the text of Ptolemy in the matter of the Lemovices; as to which conjecture his own remarks may be read. (Géog. &c. des Gaules, vol. i. p. 369.) [G. L.]

LEMO'VII, a German tribe, mentioned by Tacitus (Germ. 43) as living with the Rugii on the coast of the Ocean, that is, the Baltic Sea. Tacitus mentions three peculiarities of this and the other tribes in those districts (the modern Pommerania), — their round shields, short swords, and obedience towards their chiefs. (Comp. Zeuss, die Deutschen, p. 155.) [L. S.]

LE'NTIA (Linz), a small place in Noricum on the Danube, on the road from Laureacum. According to the Notitia Imperii, from which alone we learn anything about this place, it appears that a prefect of the Legio Italica, and a body of horse archers, were stationed there. (Comp. Gruter, Inscript. p. 541. 10; Muchar, Noricum, i. P 284.) [L. S.]

LENTIENSES, the southernmost branch of the Alemanni, which occupied both the northern and southern borders of the Lacus Brigantinus. They made repeated inroads into the province of Rhaetia, but were defeated by the emperor Constantius. (Amm. Marc. xv. 4, xxxi. 10; Zeuss, die Deutschen, p. 309, foll.) [L. S.]

LE'NTULAE or LE'NTOLAE, a place in Upper Pannonia, on the principal highroad leading through that country, and 32 Roman miles to the south-east of Jovia. (It. Ant. p. 130; It. Hieros. p. 562; Geogr. Rav. iv. 19.) Ptolemy (ii. 15. §5) mentions a town Aévrovdov in the same neighbourhood, which is perhaps only a slip for Aévrovλov. Some identify the place with the modern Bertzentze, and others with Lettichany. [L. S.]

LEO FLUVIUS. [LEONTES.]

LEON (Aéшv ǎкра.) 1. A point on the S. coast of Crete, now Punta di Lionda. (Ptol. iii. 17. § 4; Höck, Kreta, vol. i. pp. 394, 413.) [E. B. J.]

2. A promontory of Euboea, S. of Eretria, on the kaλn aктý. (Ptol. iii. 15. § 24.)

3. A place on the E. coast of Sicily, near Syracuse, where both the Athenians and Romans landed when they were going to attack that city. (Thuc. vi. 97; Liv. xxiv. 39.) [SYRACUSAE.]

LEONICA. [EDETANI.]

LEONTES (Λέοντος ποταμου ἐκβολαί), a river of Phoenicia, placed by Ptolemy between Berytus and Sidon (v. 15, p. 137); consistently with which notice Strabo places Leontopolis between the same two towns, the distance between which he states at 400 stadia. He mentions no river of this name, but the Tamyras (ó Тaμúρas потаμós), the grove of Aesculapius, and Leontopolis, which would doubtless correspond with the Lion river of Ptolemy; for it is obviously an error of Pliny to place "Leontos oppidum" between "Berytus" and "Flumen Lycos"

kind in Sicily. His usurpation is referred by Eu sebius to the 43rd Olympiad, or B. c. 608. (Arist Pol. v. 10, 12; Euseb. Arm. vol. ii. p. 109.) Leontini appears to have retained its independ

identical with Nahr-ed-Dâmur, half way between Beyrút and Saida, Lion's town and river should be looked for south of this, and north of Sidon. The only stream in this interval is Nahr-el-Auly, called also in its upper part Nahr Barûk, which Dr. Robin-ence till after B. C. 498, when it fell under the yoke son has shown to be the Bostrenus Fluvius. [BoSTRENUS.] This, therefore, Mannert seemed to have sufficient authority for identifying with the Leontes. But the existence of the Litány-a name supposed to be similar to the Leontes-between Sidon and Tyre, is thought to countenance the conjecture that Ptolemy has misplaced the Leontes, which is in fact identical with the anonymous river which Strabo mentions near Tyre (p. 758), which can be no other than the Litány (Robinson, Bib. Res. vol. iii. pp. 408 -410, and notes). No great reliance, however, can be placed on the similarity of names, as the form Leontos is merely the inflexion of Aéwr, which was not likely to be adopted in Arabic. It is far more probable that the classical geographer in this, as in other cases, translated the Semitic name. [See CANIS and LYCUS.] Besides which the Litány does not retain this name to the coast, but is here called Nahr-el-Kasimiyeh, the Casimeer of Maundrell (March 20, p. 48; Reland, Palaestina, pp. 290, 291.) [G. W.]

LÉONTI'NI (Acovтîvoi : Eth. AeovTIVOS: Lentini), a city of Sicily, situated between Syracuse and Catana, but about eight miles from the seacoast, near a considerable lake now known as the Lago di Lentini. The name of Leontini is evidently an ethnic form, signifying properly the people rather than the city itself; but it seems to have been the only one in use, and is employed both by Greek and Latin writers (declined as a plural adjective*), with the single exception of Ptolemy, who calls the city AeóvTiov or Leontium. (Ptol. iii. 4. § 13.) But it is clear, from the modern form of the name, Lentini, that the form Leontini, which we find universal in writers of the best ages, continued in common use down to a late period. All ancient writers concur in representing Leontini as a Greek colony, and one of those of Chalcidian origin, being founded by Chalcidic colonists from Naxos, in the same year with Catana, and six years after the parent city of Naxos, B.C. 730. (Thuc. vi. 3; Scymn. Ch. 283; Diod. xii. 53, xiv. 14.) According to Thucydides, the site had been previously occupied by Siculi, but these were expelled, and the city became essentially a Greek colony. We know little of its early history; but, from the strength of its position and the extreme fertility of its territory (renowned in all ages for its extraordinary richness), it appears to have early attained to great prosperity, and became one of the most considerable cities in the E. of Sicily. The rapidity of its rise is attested by the fact that it was able, in its turn, to found the colony of Euboea (Strab. vi. p. 272; Scymn. Ch. 287), apparently at a very early period. It is probable, also, that the three Chalcidic cities, Leontini, Naxos, and Catana, from the earliest period adopted the same line of policy, and made common cause against their Dorian neighbours, as we find them constantly doing in later times.

The government of Leontini was an oligarchy, but it fell at one time, like so many other cities of Sicily, under the yoke of a despot of the name of Panaetius, who is said to have been the first instance of the

Polybius uses the fuller phrase Tv Aeovτίνων πόλις (vii. 6).

In B. C.

of Hippocrates, tyrant of Gela (Herod. vii. 154): after which it seems to have passed in succession under the authority of Gelon and Hieron of Syracuse; as we find that, in B. C. 476, the latter despot, having expelled the inhabitants of Catana and Naxos from their native cities, which he peopled with new colonists, established the exiles at Leontini, the possession of which they shared with its former citizens. (Diod. xi. 49.) We find no special mention of Leontini in the revolutions that followed the death of Hieron; but there is no doubt that it regained its independence after the expulsion of Thrasybulus, B. C. 466, and the period which followed was probably that of the greatest prosperity of Leontini, as well as the other Chalcidic cities of Sicily. (Diod. xi. 72, 76.) But its proximity to Syracuse became the source of fresh troubles to Leontini. 427 the Leontines found themselves engaged in hostilities with their more powerful neighbour, and, being unable to cope single-handed with the Syrasans, they applied for support not only to their Chalcidic brethren, but to the Athenians also, who sent a fleet of twenty ships to their assistance, under the command of Laches and Charoeades. (Thuc. iii. 86; Diod. xii. 53) The operations of the Athenian fleet under Laches and his successors Pythodorus and Eurymedon were, however, confined to the part of Sicily adjoining the Straits of Messana: the Leontines received no direct support from them, but, after the war had continued for some years, they were included in the general pacification of Gela, B. c. 424, which for a time secured them in the possession of their independence. (Thuc. iv. 58, 65.) This, however, did not last long: the Syracusans took advantage of intestine dissensions among the Leontines, and, by espousing the cause of the oligarchy, drove the democratic party into exile, while they adopted the oligarchy and richer classes as Syracusan citizens. The greater part of the latter body even abandoned their own city, and migrated to Syracuse; but quickly returned, and for a time joined with the exiles in holding it out against the power of the Syracusans. But the Athenians, to whom they again applied, were unable to render them any effectual assistance; they were a second time expelled, B. C. 422, and Leontini became a mere dependency of Syracuse, though always retaining some importance as a fortress, from the strength of its position. (Thuc. v. 4; Diod. xii. 54.)

In B. C. 417 the Leontine exiles are mentioned as joining with the Segestans in urging on the Athenian expedition to Sicily (Diod. xii. 83; Plut. Nic. 12); and their restoration was made one of the avowed objects of the enterprise. (Thuc. vi. 50.) But the failure of that expedition left them without any hope of restoration; and Leontini continued in its subordinate and fallen condition till B. C. 406, when the Syracusans allowed the unfortunate Agrigentines, after the capture of their own city by the Carthaginians, to establish themselves at Leontini. The Geloans and Camarinaeans followed their example the next year: the Leontine exiles of Syracuse at the same time took the opportunity to return to their native city, and declare themselves independent, and the treaty of peace concluded by Dionysius with Himilco, in B. c. 405, expressly stipulated for the

freedom and independence of Leontini. (Diod. xiii. 89, 113, 114; Xen. Hell. ii. 3. § 5.) This condition was not long observed by Dionysius, who no sooner found himself free from the fear of Carthage than he turned his arms against the Chalcidic cities, and, after reducing Catana and Naxos, compelled the Leontines, who were now bereft of all their allies, to surrender their city, which was for the second time deserted, and the whole people transferred to Syracuse, B. C. 403. (Id. xiv. 14, 15.) At a later period of his reign (B. C. 396) Dionysius found himself compelled to appease the discontent of his mercenary troops, by giving up to them both the city and the fertile territory of Leontini, where they established themselves to the number of 10,000 men. (Id. xiv. 78.) From this time Leontini is repeatedly mentioned in connection with the civil troubles and revolutions at Syracuse, with which city it seems to have constantly continued in intimate relations; but, as Strabo observes, always shared in its disasters, without always partaking of its prosperity. (Strab. vi. p. 273.) Thus, the Leontines were among the first to declare against the younger Dionysius, and open their gates to Dion (Diod. xvi. 16; Plut. Dion. 39, 40). Some years afterwards their city was occupied with a military force by Hicetas, who from thence carried on war with Timoleon (Ib. 78, 82); and it was not till after the great victory of the latter over the Carthaginians (B. C. 340) that he was able to expel Hicetas and make himself master of Leontini. (Ib. 82; Plut. Timol. 32.) That city was not, like almost all the others of Sicily, restored on this occasion to freedom and independence, but was once more incorporated in the Syracusan state, and the inhabitants transferred to that city. (Diod. xvi. 82.)

At a later period the Leontines again figure as an independent state, and, during the wars of Agathocles with the Carthaginians, on several occasions took part against the Syracusans. (Diod. xix. 110, xx. 32.) When Pyrrhus arrived in Sicily, B. C. 278, they were subject to a tyrant or despot of the name of Heracleides, who was one of the first to make his submission to that monarch. (Id. xxii. 8, 10, Eac. H. p. 497.) But not long after they appear to have again fallen under the yoke of Syracuse, and Leontini was one of the cities of which the sovereignty was secured to Hieron, king of Syracuse, by the treaty concluded with him by the Romans at the commencement of the First Punic War, B. C. 263. (ld. xxiii. Exc. H. p. 502.) This state of things continued till the Second Punic War, when Leontini again figures conspicuously in the events which led to the fall of Syracuse. It was in one of the long and narrow streets of Leontini that Hieronymus was assassinated by Dinomenes, B. C. 215 (Liv. xxiv. 7; Polyb. vii. 6); and it was there that, shortly after, Hippocrates and Epicydes first raised the standard of open war against Rome. Marcellus hastened to attack the city, and made himself master of it without difficulty; but the severities exercised by him on this occasion inflamed the minds of the Syracusans to such an extent as to become the immediate occasion of the rupture with Rome. (Liv. xxiv. 29, 30, 39.) Under the Roman government Leontini was restored to the position of an independent municipal town, but it seems to have sunk into a state of decay. Cicero calls it "misera civitas atque inanis" (Verr. ii. 66); and, though its fertile territory was still well cultivated, this was done almost

ticularly from Centuripa. (Пb. iii. 46, 49.) Strabo also speaks of it as in a very declining condition, and though the name is still found in Pliny and Ptolemy, it seems never to have been a place of importance under the Roman rule. (Strab. vi. p. 273; Mel. ii. 7. § 16; Plin. iii. 8. s. 14; Ptol. iii. 4. § 13.) But the great strength of its position must have always preserved it from entire decay, and rendered it a place of some consequence in the middle ages. The modern city of Lentini, which preserves the ancient site as well as name, is a poor place, though with about 5000 inhabitants, and suffers severely from malaria. No ruins are visible on the site; but some extensive excavations in the rocky sides of the hill on which it stands are believed by the inhabitants to be the work of the Laestrygones, and gravely described as such by Fazello. (Fazell. de Reb. Sic. iii. 3.)

The situation of Leontini is well described by Polybius: it stood on a broken hill, divided into two separate summits by an intervening valley or hollow; at the foot of this hill on the W. side, flowed a small stream, which he calls the LISSUS, now known as the Fiume Ruina, which falls into the Lake of Lentini, a little below the town. (Pol. vii 6.) The two summits just noticed, being bordered by precipitous cliffs, formed, as it were, two natural citadels or fortresses; it was evidently one of these which Thucydides mentions under the name of PHOCEAE, which was occupied in B. C. 422 by the Leontine exiles who returned from Syracuse. (Thuc. v. 4.) Both heights seem to have been fortified by the Syracusans, who regarded Leontini as an important fortress; and we find them alluded to as forts" (rà opoúpia) of Leontini. (Diod. xiv. 58, xxii. 8.) Diodorus also mentions that one quarter of Leontini was known by the name of "The New Town" ( Néa móλis, xvi. 72); but we have no means of determining its locality. It is singular that no ancient author alludes to the Lake (or as it is commonly called the Biviere) of Lentini, a sheet of water of considerable extent, but stagnant and shallow, which lies immediately to the N. of the city. It produces abundance of fish, but is considered to be the principal cause of the malaria from which the city now suffers. (D'Orville, Sicula, p. 168; Smyth's Sicily, pp. 157, 158.)

"the

The extraordinary fertility of the territory of Leontini, or the LEONTINUS CAMPUS, is celebrated by many ancient authors. According to a tradition commonly received, it was there that wheat grew wild, and where it was first brought into cultivation (Diod. iv. 24, v. 2), and it was always regarded as the most productive district in all Sicily for the growth of corn. Cicero calls it" campus ille Leontinus nobilissimus ac feracissimus," " uberrima Siciliae pars," "caput rei frumentariae," and says that the Romans were accustomed to consider it as in itself a sufficient resource against scarcity. (Cic. Verr. iii. 18, 44, 46, pro Scaur. 2, Phil. viii. 8.) The tract thus celebrated, which was known also by the name of the LAESTRYGONII CAMPI [LAESTRYGONES], was evidently the plain extending from the foot of the hills on which Leontini was situated to the river Symaethus, now known as the Piano di Catania. We have no explanation of the tradition which led to the fixing on this fertile tract as the abode of the fabulous Laestrygones.

Leontini was noted as the birthplace of the cele brated orator Gorgias, who in B. c. 427 was the

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