on the N. side of the Apennines. These are the Celelates, Cerdiciates, and apparently the Ilvates also. (Liv. xxxii. 29, 31.) 6. The EPANTERII are mentioned also by Livy (xxviii. 46) as a tribe who occupied the mountains above the Ingauni; but no subsequent mention of them occurs. In addition to these, Livy notices the Garuli, Hercates, and Lapicini, as situated on the S. side of the Apennines (xli. 19), but we have no further clue to their position. Pliny also enumerates (iii. 5. of the Alps, the Veneni, Bimbelli, Magelli, Casmonates, and Veleiates, of which the last doubtless occupied the country around Veleia, the ruins of which still remain about eighteen miles S. of Placentia. The others are wholly unknown, and the names themselves vary so much in the MSS. as to be of very doubtful authority. them with the Romans, that these leagues were extremely variable and partial. The names of many of the different tribes have been transmitted to us; but it is often difficult, or impossible, to determine with any degree of certainty the situation or limits of their respective territories. It is probable, as pointed out by Pliny, that these limits themselves varied much at different times (Plin. iii. 5. s. 6), and many of the minor tribes, whose names are mentioned by Livy in the history of the Roman conquest of Liguria, seem to have at a later periods. 7) among the Ligurian tribes on the Italian side disappeared altogether.* The only tribes concerning whom we have any tolerably definite information are: 1. the APUANI, in the valley of the Macra, and about the Portus Lunae ; but the greater part of the territory which had once belonged to this powerful tribe was not included in Roman Liguria. 2. The FRINIATES, who may be placed with much probability in the upper valley of the Scultenna, or Panaro, on the N. slope of the Apennines towards Mutina (a district still called Frignano); so that they also were excluded from Liguria in the later sense of the term. 3. The BRINIATES may perhaps be placed in the valley of the Vara, the most considerable confluent of the Magra, called by Ptolemy the Boactes. 4. The GENUATES, known to us only from an inscription [GENUA], were obviously the inhabitants of Genua and its immediate neighbourhood. 5. The VETURI, mentioned in the same inscription, adjoined the Genuates on the W., and were apparently separated from them by the river Porcifera, or Polcevera 6. The more powerful and cele-earliest times as a place of trade (Strab. iv. p. 202), brated tribe of the INGAUNI may be placed with certainty on the coast near Albenga (Albium Ingaunum), though we cannot fix their limits with any precision. 7. The INTEMELII Occupied the coast W. of the Ingauni: their chief town was Albium Intemelium, now Vintimiglia. 8. The VEDIANTII inhabited the country on both sides of the Varus, as their name is evidently retained by the town of Vence, some miles W. of that river; while Cemenelium, about 5 miles to the E. of it, also belonged to them. (Plin. iii. 5. s. 7.) Of the tribes N. of the Apennines, or inhabiting the valleys of that range which slope towards the Padus, the most conspicuous were:-1. The VAGIENNI, whose capital was Augusta Vagiennorum, now Bene, between the Stura and the Tanaro, while their confines appear to have extended as far as the Monte Viso and the sources of the Po. 2. The STATIELLI, whose position is marked by the celebrated watering-place of Aquae Statiellae, now Acqui. 3. The TAURINI, whose capital was Augusta Taurinorum, now Turin, and who appear to have occupied the whole country on both sides of the Padus, from the foot of the Cottian Alps to the banks of the Tanarus. 4. The EUBURIATES (Flor. ii. 3; Plin. iii. 5. s. 7) may be placed, according to a local antiquary, in the hills of the Astigiana. (Durandi, Piemonte Cispadano, cited by Walckenaer, Geogr. des Gaules, vol. i. p. 161.) 5. E. of these must be placed several smaller tribes mentioned by Livy in the history of the Roman wars with Liguria, and of which we know only that they were situated The coast of Liguria, as already described, is bordered closely throughout its whole extent by the ranges of the Maritime Alps and Apennines, which for the most part rise very abruptly from the seashore, in other places leave a narrow strip of fertile territory between their foot and the sea, but nowhere is there anything like a plain. This steep coast also affords very few natural ports, with the exception of the magnificent bay called the Portus Lunae (now the Gulf of Spezia) near its eastern extremity, which is one of the most spacious and secure harbours in the Mediterranean. The port of Genua also caused it to be frequented from the while the Portus Herculis Monoeci (Monaco), though small, was considered secure. It is singular that the much more spacious and secure harbour of Villafranca, in the same neighbourhood, is not mentioned by any ancient writer, though noticed in the Maritime Itinerary under the name of Portus Olivulae. The same Itinerary (pp. 503, 504) notices two small ports, which it places between this last and that of Monaco, under the names of Anao and Avisio, which may probably be placed respectively at S. Ospizio and Eza. [NICAEA.] The PORTUS MAURICI of the same Itinerary is still called Porto Maurizio, a small town about two miles W. of Oneglia. The rivers of Liguria are not of much importance. From the proximity of the mountains to the S. coast, the streams which descend from them to the sea are for the most part mere mountain torrents, altogether dry in summer, though violent and destructive in winter and after heavy rains. Almost the only exceptions are the two rivers which formed the extreme limits of Liguria on the E. and W., the MACRA and the VARUS, both of which are large and perennial streams. Next in importance to these is the RUTUBA or Roja, which flowed through the country of the Intemelii. It rises at the foot of the Col di Tenda, in the Maritime Alps, and has a course of above 36 miles from thence to the sea at Vintimiglia. The smaller streams on the S. coast were:- the PAULO (Paglione), which flowed by the walls of Nicaea (Plin. iii. 5. s. 7; Mel. ii. 4. § 9); the TAVIA (Itin. Marit. p. 503) still called the Taggia, between S. Remo and Porto Maurizio; the MERULA (Plin. . c.), which still retains its name, and falls into the *The same thing is the case with the names of three Ligurian tribes, cited by Stephanus of Byzan-sea between Oneglia and Albenga; the PORCIFERA tium (8. v.) from Theophrastus,-the Arbaxani, Eubii, and Ipsicuri. Of these we do not know even whether they dwelt in Italy or on the southern coast of Pliny (l. c.), now called the Polcevera, which flows a few miles to the W. of Genoa; the FERITOR (lb.), on the E. of the same city, now the Bisagno; the Lavagna, that falls into the sea at Chiavari; and the BOACTES of the same author, which can be no other than the Vara, the most considerable tributary of the Magra. Much more considerable than these, both in the volume of water and length of their course, are the streams which flow from the N. slopes of the Apennines towards the Padus. But of these, the only ones whose names are found in any ancient author, are the TANARUS, or Tanaro, one of the most important of the southern tributaries of the Padus; the STURA, which joins the Tanarus near Pollentia; and the TREBIA, which rises in the Apennines, not far from Genoa, and falls into the Po near Placentia, forming during a part at least of its course the boundary between Liguria and Gallia Cispadana. The rivers marked in this part of Italy in the Tabula are so confused, and the names so corrupt, that it is useless to attempt to identify them. The native Ligurians lived for the most part in mere villages and mountain fastnesses (“castella vicique," Liv. xl. 17; Strab. v. p. 218), and had probably few towns. Even under the Roman government there seem to have been few places which deserved the name of towns along the seacoast, or among the inner ranges of the Apennines; but on the northern slopes of the same mountains, where they approached or opened out into the plains, these grew up rapidly and rose to great prosperity,- so that Pliny says of this part | of Liguria in his time, "omnia nobilibus oppidis nitent" (Plin. iii. 5. s. 7). Those which he proceeds to enumerate are:- - LIBARNA (between Arquata and Serravalle), DERTONA (Tortona), IRIA (Voghera), BARDERATE (of uncertain site), INDUSTRIA (at Monteu, on the right bank of the Po), POLLENTIA (Polenza), CARREA POTENTIA (uncertain), FORUM FULVII, called VALENTINUM (Valenza), AUGUSTA VAGIENNORUM (Bene), ALBA POMPEIA (Alba), ASTA (Asti), AQUAE STATIELLAF (Acqui). To these must be added AUGUSTA TAURINORUM, which was certainly a Ligurian town, though, from its position on the left bank of the Padus, it is enumerated by Pliny with the cities of the xith region, or Gallia Transpadana. In the same district were FORUM VIBII, in the territory of the Vagienni, and OCELUM, now Uxeau, in the valley of Fenestrelles. Segusio (Susa) was probably a Gaulish rather than a Ligurian town. In addition to these may be mentioned CLASTIDIUM (Casteggio), which is expressly called by Livy a Ligurian town, though -situated on the Gaulish frontier, and CEBA, now Ceva, in the upper valley of the Tanaro. Litubium, mentioned by Livy together with Clastidium (xxxii. 29), and Carystum, noticed by the same author as a town of the Statielli (xlii. 7), are otherwise wholly unknown. Along the coast of Liguria, beginning from the Varus, the towns enumerated by Pliny or Ptolemy are:- NICAEA (Nice), CEMENELIUM (Cimiez, a short distance inland), PORTUS HERCULIS MONOECI (Monaco), ALBIUM INTEMELIUM (Vintimiglia), ALBIUM INGAUNUM (Albenga), VADA SABBATA (Vado, near Savona), GENUA, PORTUS DELPHINI (Porto Fino), Tigullia (probably Tregoso, near, Sestri), Segesta (probably Sestri), PORTUS VENERIS (Porto Venere), and PORTUS ERICIS (Lerici), both of them on the Gulf of Spezia, which was called as a whole the PORTUS LUNAE [LUNA]. The other names enumerated in the Itineraries are for the most part very obscure and uncertain, and many of Boaceas (probably Boactes fl.: the Vara). Tegulata (perhaps identical with the Tigullia of Delphinis (Portus Delphini, Plin.: Porto Fino). Libarium (Libarnum).* Dertona (Tortona). Aquae (Acqui). Canalicum. Vada Sabata (Vado). Albingaunum (Albenga). (The distances given along this line of route are in both Itineraries so corrupt and confused that they are omitted above. For a fuller discussion of the routes in question see Walckenaer, Géographie des Gaules, vol. iii. pp. 18-21; and Serra, Storia dell' antica Liguria, vol. i. pp. 97-100.) *It is evident that the Antonine Itinerary here quits the coast road, and makes a sudden turn inland to Dertona, and thence back again by Aquae Statiellae to the coast at Vada Sabata, from whence it resumes the line of coast road. A comparison with the Tabula (as given in fac-simile by Mannert), in which both lines of road are placed side by side, will at once explain how this error originated; and points out a source of corruption and confusion in our existing copies of the Itinerary, which has doubtless operated in many other cases where it cannot now be so distinctly traced. 3. The most important of the routes in the interior of Liguria, was that leading from Genua inland by Libarnum to Dertona, from whence a branch communicated, through Iria and Comillomagus, with Placentia; while another branch passed by Aquae Statiellae to the coast at Vada Sabata. (The stations on both these roads have been already given in the preceding route). From Aquae Statiellae another branch led by Pollentia to Augusta Taurinorum. (Tab. Peut.) [E. H. B.] LIGU'STICUM MARE (td AcyvotIKOV Téλayos, Strab. ii. p. 122), was the name given in ancient times to that part of the Mediterranean sea which adjoined the coast of Liguria, and lay to the N. of the Tyrrhenian sea. The name was applied (like all similar appellations) with considerable vagueness, sometimes as limited to what is now called the Gulf of Genoa, in which sense it is termed the LIGUSTICUS SINUS by Florus (iii. 6. § 9), — at others in a much wider sense, so that Pliny speaks of Corsica as an island "in Ligustico mari." Some of the Greek geographers included under the name the whole extent from the frontiers of Spain to those of Etruria, comprising the MARE GALLICUM of the Romans, or the modern Gulf of Lyons. The more limited use of the name seems, however, to have been the more usual, at all events in later times, and elsewhere adopted by Pliny himself. (Plin. iii. 5. s. 10, 6. s. 12, Strab. I. c.; Ptol. iii. 1. § 3; Agathem. i. 3; Dionys. Per. 76; Priscian, Per. 80.) [E. H. B. soon LÍLAEA (Alλaia: Eth. Aiλaleus), a town of Phocis, situated at the foot of Mount Parnassus, and at the sources of the Cephissus. (Hom. Il. ii. 522, Hymn. in Apoll. 240; Strab. ix. Fp. 407, 424; Paus. ix. 24. § 1, x. 33. § 3; Stat. Theb. vii. 348.) It was distant from Delphi by the road over Parnassus 180 stadia. (Paus. l. c.) It is not mentioned by Herodotus (viii. 31) among the towns destroyed by the Persians; whence we may conjecture that it belonged at that time to the Dorians, who made their submission to Xerxes. (Leake, Northern Greece, vol. ii. p. 90.) It was destroyed at the end of the Sacred War; but was afterwards restored. It was taken by Demetrius, but subsequently threw off the Macedonian yoke. Pausanias saw at Lilaea a theatre, an agora, and baths, with temples of Apollo and Artemis, containing statues of Athenian workmanship and of Pentelic marble. (Paus. x. 33. § 4; see also x. 3. § 1, x. 8. § 10; Lycophr. 1073; Steph. B. s. v.) The ruins of Lilaea, called Paleokastro, are situated about half a mile from the sources of the Cephissus. The entire circuit of the fortification exists, partly founded on the steep descent of a rocky hill, while the remainder encompasses a level space at its foot, where the ground is covered with ruins. Some of the towers on the walls are almost entire. The sources of the Cephissus, now called Kefalovrýses (Kepaλo6púσeis), are said by Pausanias very often to issue from the earth, especially at midday, with a noise resembling the roaring of a bull; and Leake found, upon inquiry, that though the present natives had never made any 81ch observation at Kefalovrýses, yet the water often rises suddenly from the ground in larger quantities than usual, which cannot but be accompanied with some noise. (Dodwell, Classical Tour, vol. ii. p. 133; Leake, Northern Greece, vol. ii. pp. 71, 84.) Ptolemy (iii. 15. § 15) erroneously calls commercial place (emporium) on the coast of Bithynia, 40 stadia to the east of Dia; but no particulars are known about it. (Arrian, Peripl. p.13; | Anonym. Peripl. 3.) It is possible that the place may have derived its name from the Lilaeus, which Pliny (H. N. v. 43) mentions among the rivers of Bithynia. [L. S.] LILYBAEUM (Λιλυβαίον: Εth. Λιλυβαίτης, Lilybaetanus: Marsala), a city of Sicily, situated on the promontory of the same name, which forms the extreme W. point of the island, now called Capo Boèo. The promontory of Lilybaeum is mentioned by many ancient writers, as well as by all the geographers, as one of the three principal headlands of Sicily, from which that island derived its name of Trinacria. It was the most westerly point of the island and that nearest to Africa, from which it was distant only 1000 stadia according to Polybius, but Strabo gives the distance as 1500 stadia. Both statements, however, exceed the truth; the real distance from Cape Bon, the nearest point of the coast of Africa, being less than 90 geog. miles, or 900 stadia. (Pol. i. 42; Strab. ii. p. 122, vi. pp. 265, 267; Mel. ii. 7; Plin. iii. 8. s. 14; Ptol. iii. 4. § 5; Diod. v. 2, xiii. 54; Steph. B. s. v.; Dionys. Per. 470.) The headland itself is a low but rocky point, continued out to sea by a reef of hidden rocks and shoals, which rendered the navigation dangerous, though there was a safe port immediately adjoining the promontory. (Pol. l. c.; Virg. Aen. iii. 706.) Diodorus tells us distinctly that there was no town upon the spot until after the destruction of Motya by Dionysius of Syracuse, in B. C. 397, when the Carthaginians, instead of attempting to restore that city, settled its few remaining inhabitants on the promontory of Lilybaeum, which they fortified and converted into a stronghold. (Diod. xiii. 54, xxii. 10.) It is, therefore, certainly a mistake (though one of which we cannot explain the origin) when that author, as early as B. C. 454, speaks of the Lilybaeans and Segestans as engaged in war on account of the territory on the banks of the river Mazarus (Id. xi. 86). The promontory and port were, however, frequented at a much earlier period : we are told that the Cnidians under Pentathlus, who afterwards founded Lipara, landed in the first instance at Lilybaeum (Id. v. 9); and it was also the point where, in B. c. 409, Hannibal landed with the great Carthaginian armament designed for the attack of Selinus. (Id. xiii. 54.) Diodorus tells us (l. c.) that on the promon ory was a well (opéap),* from whence the city took its name: this was ob viously the same with a source or spring of fresh water rising in a cave, now consecrated to St. John, and still regarded with superstitious reverence. (Fazell. de Reb. Sic. vii. 1; Smyth's Sicily, p. 228.) It is clear that the new city quickly rose to prosperity, and became an important stronghold of the Carthaginian power, succeeding in this respect to the position that Motya had previously held. [MOTYA.] Its proximity to Africa rendered it of especial importance to the Carthaginians in securing their communications with Sicily, while the danger which would threaten them if a foreign power were in possession of such a fortress, immediately opposite to the gulf of Carthage, led them to spare no pains for its security. Hence Lily baeum twice became the last bulwark of their power in Sicily. In B. C. 276 it was besieged by Pyrrhus, who had already reduced Lilaea a town of Doris. thaginians from all their other strongholds. But they continued to throw in supplies and reinforcements by sea to Lilybaeum, so that the king, after a siege of two months, was compelled to abandon the enterprise as hopeless. (Diod. xxii. 10. Exc. Hoesch. pp. 498, 499.) But it is the memorable siege of Lilybaeum by the Romans in the First Punic War which has given to that city its chief historical celebrity. When the Romans first commenced the siege in the fifteenth year of the war, B. C. 250, they were already masters of the whole of Sicily, with the exception of Lilybacum and Drepanum; and hence they were able to concentrate all their efforts and employ the armies of both consuls in the attack of the former city, while the Carthaginians on their side exerted all their energies in its defence. They had just before removed thither all the inhabitants of Selinus (Diod. xxiv. 1. p. 506), and in addition to the citizens there was a garrison in the place of 10,000 men. (Pol. i. 42.) The city appears to have occupied the whole of the promontory, and was fortified on the land side by a wall flanked with towers and protected by a deep ditch. The Romans at first attacked this vigorously, but all their efforts were frustrated by the courage and activity of the Carthaginian commander Himilco; their battering engines were burnt by a sally of the besieged, and on the approach of winter the consuls were compelled to convert the siege into a blockade. This was easily maintained on the land side, but the Romans in vain endeavoured to exclude the besieged from succours by sea. A Carthaginian fleet under Hannibal succeeded in making good its entrance into the port; and the skilful Carthaginian captains were able to elude the vigilance of the Roman cruisers, and keep up free communications with the besieged. The Roman consuls next tried to block up the entrance of the port with a mound, but this was soon carried away by the violence of the waves; and soon after, Adherbal, the Carthaginian commander-in-chief, who lay with a large fleet at Drepanum, totally defeated the Roman fleet under the consul P. Claudius, B. C. 249. This disaster was followed by the almost total loss of two Roman fleets in succession by shipwreck, and these accumulated misfortunes compelled the Romans to abandon the very attempt to contest the dominion of the sea. But though they could not in consequence maintain any efficient blockade, they still continued to hem in Lilybaeum on the land side, and their armies continued encamped before the city for several years in succession. It was not till the tenth year of the siege that the victory of C. Lutatius Catulus at the Aegates, B. C. 241, compelled the Carthaginians to conclude peace, and to abandon the possession of Lilybaeum and Drepanum, which up to that time the continued efforts of the Romans had failed in wresting from their hands. (Pol. i. 41— 54, 59-62; Diod. xxiv. 1, 3, 11, Exc. H. pp. 506 - 509, Exc. Vales. p. 565; Zonar. viii. 15-17; Oros. iv. 10.) 8.) Aemilius, who defeated a Carthaginian force that After the fall of the Roman Empire Lilybaeum still continued to be one of the most important cities of Sicily. It is mentioned as such under the successive dominion of the Goths and Vandals (Procop. B. V. i. 8, ii. 5); and during the period of the Arabian dominion in Sicily, that people attached so much value to its port, that they gave it the name of Marsa Alla,-the port of God,-from whence has come its modern appellation of Marsala. It was not till the 16th century that this celebrated port was blocked up with a mole or mound of sunken stones by order of the Emperor Charles V., in order to protect it from the attacks of the Barbary corsairs. From that period Trapani has taken its place as the principal port in the W. of Sicily; but Marsala is still a considerable town, and a place of some Lilybaeum now passed into the condition of a trade, especially in wine. (Smyth's Sicily, p. 232.) Roman provincial town: but it continued to be a Very few vestiges of the ancient city remain, but flourishing and populous place. Its position rendered numerous fragments of sculpture, vases, and other it now as important a point to the Romans for the relics, as well as coins, have been discovered on the invasion of Africa, as it had previously been to the site; and some portions of an ancient aqueduct are Carthaginians for that of Sicily; and hence its name still visible. The site of the ancient port, though is one of frequent occurrence during almost all now filled with mud, may be distinctly traced, but it periods of Roman history. Thus, at the outbreak of is of small extent, and could never have had a depth the Second Punic War, B. C. 218, Lilybaeum was of more than 12 or 14 feet. The rocks and shoals the station of the Roman fleet under the praetor M. | which even in ancient times rendered it difficult of approach (Pol. i. 42), would now effectually prevent | dary, with Pannonia on one side and Dacia on the it from being used as a port for large vessels. other, but belonging to neither. Observe the words (Smyth, l. c. pp. 233, 234.) in Italics. It is a strong proof of the extent to which Greek culture and civilisation were diffused throughout Sicily, that, though we have no account of Lilybaeum being at any time in possession of the Greeks, but, on the contrary, we know positively that it was founded by the Carthaginians, and continued in their hands till it passed under the dominion of Rome, yet the coins of Lilybaeum are exclusively Greek; and we learn from Cicero that it was possible for a man to acquire a knowledge of the Greek language and literature in that city (Cic. in Caecil. 12). [E. H. B.] COIN OF LILYBAEUM. LI’MENAE (Aquévai), also called LIMNOPOLIS (Auvŵv móλis), a place in the north of Pisidia, which is mentioned only by ecclesiastical writers (Hierocl. p. 672; Concil. Chalced. p. 670; Concil. Const. iii. p. 676, where it is called Avuvaia). The ancient ruins of Galandos, on the east of the lake of Eyerdir, are believed to belong to Limenae. (Arundell, Discov. in Asia Minor, vol. i. p. 326; Franz, Fünf Inschrift, p. 35.) [L. S.] LIME'NIA (Aquería), a town of Cyprus, which Strabo (x. p. 683) places S. of Soli. It appears from some ecclesiastical documents cited by Wesseling (ap. Hierocl.) to have been 4 M. P. from Soli. Now Limna. (Engel, Kypros, vol. i. p. 77.) [E. H. B.] LIMIA, river and town. [GALLAECIA.] LIMICI. [GALLAECIA.] LIMIGANTES. The ordinary account of the Limigantes is as follows. In A. D. 334 — 337, the Sarmatians, in alliance with the Vandals under Visumar, provoke the indignation of Constantine by their inroads on the Empire. He leaves them to the sword of Geberic the Gothic king. Reduced and humbled by him, they resort to the expedient of arming their slaves. These rebel against their masters, whom they either reduce or expel. Of those that leave their country, some take arms under the Gothic king, others retreat to the parts beyond the Carpathians; a third portion seeks the service of Rome, and is established, to the number of 300,000, in different parts of Pannonia, Thrace, Macedonia, and Italy (Gibbon, c. xviii. with note). Zeuss (Die Deutschen, &c., s. v. Sarmatae) holds that others were transplanted to the Rhine, believing that a passage in Ausonius applies to them. (Ad Mosell 1.5-8.) This may or may not be the case. The more important elements of the account are, that the slaves who were thus armed and thus rebelled, are called Limigantes-this being the name they take in Gibbon. Their scene of action was the parts about the present town of Peterwaradein, on the north bank of the Danube, nearly opposite the Servian frontier, and in the district between the Theiss and the great bend of the Danube. Here lay the tract of the Sarmatae, and Jazyges Metanastae, a tract which never In his note, Gibbon draws special attention te "the broken and imperfect manner" in which the "Gothic and Sarmatian wars are related." Should this remark stimulate the inquiries of the historian, he may observe that the name Limigantes is not found in the authority nearest the time, and of the most importance in the way of evidence, viz. Ammianus Marcellinus. Ammianus speaks only of servi and domini: —“Sarmatae liberi ad discretionem servorum rebellium appellati (xxix. 6. 15).” On the other hand, it is only in a work of such inferior authority (at least, for an event A. D. 337) as the Chronicle of Jerome (Chronicon Hieronymi) that the name Limigans is found; the same work stating that the masters were called Arcaragantes. To say nothing about the extent to which the story has a suspicious similarity to more than one older account of the expulsion of the masters by the slaves of the same sort, the utter absence of either name in any other writer is remarkable. So is their semi-Latin form. Can the whole account of the slave insurrection be problematical- based upon a confusion of names which will be shown to be highly probable? Let us bear in mind the locality of these Limigantes, and the language of those parts in contact with it which belonged to Rome. The locality itself was a Limes (eminently so), and the contiguous tongue was a Lingua Rustica in which such a form as Limigantes would be evolved. It is believed to be the Latin name of the Sarmatae and Jazyges of what may be called the Daco-Pannonian March. The account of the Servile War is susceptible of a similar explanation. Ammianus is nearly the last of the authors who uses the name Sarmatae, which will, ere long, be replaced, to a great extent, by the name Serv- (Zep6-). Early and late, this name has always suggested the idea of the Latin Servus,-just as its partial equivalent Slav- does of the English Slave. It is submitted that these Servi of Ammianus (Limigantes of the Chronicle) are the Servians (Servi) of the March (Limes), now beginning to be called by the name by which they designated themselves rather than by the name by which they were designated by their neighbours. [R. G. L.] LIMITES ROMA'NI, sometimes simply LIMES or LIMITES, is the name generally applied to the long line of fortifications constructed by the Romans as a protection of their empire, or more directly of the Decumates agri, against the invasions of the Germans. It extended along the Danube and the Rhine, and consisted of forts, ramparts, walls, and palisades The course of these fortifications, which were first commenced by Drusus and Tiberius, can still be traced with tolerable accuracy, as very considerable portions still exist in a good state of preservation. Its whole length was about 350 English miles, between Cologne and Ratisbon. It begins on the Danube, about 15 miles to the south-west of Ratisbon, whence it proceeds in a north-western direction under the name given to it in the middle ages of "the Devil's Wall " (Teufelsmauer), or Pfahlrain, For a distance of about 60 miles it was a real stone wall, which is still in a tolerable state of preservation, and in some places still rises 4 or 5 feet above the ground; and at intervals of little more than a mile, remnants of round towers are visible. This |