position in the "narrows of Aegypt, at a point arch over the Assyrians was commemorated by a where the Arabian and Libyan hills converge for statue in the temple of Ptah-Sethos holding in his the last time as they approach the Delta, and hand a mouse, the symbol of destruction. (Horapol. whence Memphis commanded the whole inland | Hieroglyph. i. 50; comp. Aelian, H. Anim. vi. 41; trade, whether ascending or descending the Nile. Strab. xiii. p. 604; Herod. ii. 141.) Under PsamOn the coins of Hadrian the wealth and fertility of metichus (B. C. 670) the Phoenician soldiers, who Memphis are expressed by a figure of the Nile on had aided him in gaining the crown, were established their reverse, holding in his left hand a cornucopia. by him in "the Tyrian camp,""-at least this seems (Mionnet, Suppl. ix. No. 42.) to be the meaning of Herodotus (ii. 112),— but were removed by his successor Amasis into the capital itself, and into that quarter of it called the "White Castle." Of all the Aegyptian cities, Memphis suffered the most severely from the cruelty and fanaticism of the Persians. Its populace, excited by the defeat of the Aegyptian army at Pelusium, put to death the Persian herald who summoned the Memphians to surrender. The vengeance of the conqueror is related by Herodotus. Memphis became the headquarters of a Persian garrison; and Cambyses, on his return from his unfortunate expedition against Aethiopia, was more than ever incensed against the vanquished. Psammen.itus, the last of the Pharaohs, The position of Memphis, again, as regarded the civilisation which Aegypt imparted or received, was most favourable. A capital in the Thebaid would have been too remote for communication with the East or Greece: a capital in the Delta would have been too remote from the Upper Kingdom, which would then have pertained rather to Aethiopia than to Aegypt; while the Delta itself, unsupported by the Thebaid, must in all probability have become an Assyrian province. But the intermediate situation of Memphis connected it both with the southern portions of the Nile valley, as far as its keys at Philae and Elephantina, and also through the isthmus of Suez and the coast, with the most civilised races of Asia and Europe. After the foundation of Alexan-was compelled to put himself to death (Herod. iii. 15); dreia, indeed, Memphis sunk into a provincial city. But the Saracen invaders in the seventh century confirmed the wisdom of Menes's choice, for they built both Old and New Cairo in the neighbourhood of Memphis, only changing the site from the western to the eastern bank of the river, because their natural alliances, unlike those of the Pharaohs, were with the Arabians and the Syrian Khalifates. The history of Memphis is in some measure that of Aegypt also. The great works of Menes were probably accomplished by successive monarchs, if not indeed by several dynasties. In the 1st period of the monarchy we find that the 3rd, 4th, 6th, 7th, and 8th dynasties consisted of Memphite kings. Athotis, who is styled a son of Menes, is said to have built the palace, and thus stamped the new city as a royal residence. In the reign of Kaiechos, in the 2nd dynasty, the worship of Apis was established at Memphis, which was equivalent to rendering it a cathedral city. In the 7th dynasty we have a record of seventy Memphite kings, each reigning for one day this probably denotes an interregnum, and perhaps a foregone revolution; for, as Herodotus remarks (ii. 147), the Aegyptians could not exist without a monarchy. After the 8th dynasty no series of Memphite kings occurs; and the royal families pass to Heracleopolis, in the first place; next, after the expulsion of the Shepherds, to Thebes; afterwards to the Deltaic cities of Tanis, Bubastis, and Sais. The shepherd kings, though they formed their great cainp at Abaris, retained Memphis as the seat of civil government (Manetho, ap. Joseph. cont. Apion, i. 14); and although, after they withdrew into Syria, Thebes became the capital, yet we have a proof that the 18th dynasty-the house of Ramesesheld their northern metropolis in high esteem. For Sesostris, or Rameses III. (Herod. ii. 108), on his return from his Asiatic wars, set up in front of the temple of Ptah at Memphis a colossal statue of himself 45 feet high; and this is probably the colossal figure still lying among the mounds of ruin at Mitranich. Under the 25th dynasty, while the Aethiopians occupied Aegypt, Memphis was again the seat of a native government, apparently the result of a revolution, which set Sethos, a priest, pon the throne. A victory obtained by this mon Cambyses slew the god Apis with his own hand, and massacred his priests; he profaned the Temple of Ptah and burned the images of the Cabeiri (id. ib. 32). Under Darius Aegypt was mildly governed, and his moderation was shown by his acquiescence in the high priest's refusal to permit the erection of a statue to him at Memphis. (Herod. ii. 110; Diodor. i. 58.) The next important notice of this city is in the reign of Artaxerxes I. Inaros, son of Psammetichus, had revolted from Persia, and called in the aid of the Athenians. (Diod. xi. 71.) The Persians were defeated at Paprenis in the Delta (ib. 74; comp. Mannert, Geogr. x. p. 591), fled to Memphis, and were besieged in the "White Castle." (Thucyd. i. 108-109.) The siege lasted for more than a year (Diodor. ii. 75), and was at length raised (Ctesias, c. 33), and the authority of the king of Persia restored. Under Nectanebus I., the first monarch of the Sebennytic dynasty, Memphis expelled its Persian garrison, nor did it return to its allegiance, until Nectanebus II., the last repre. sentative of thirty dynasties, was driven into Aethiopia. (Athenaeus, iv. p. 150.) From this period Memphis loses its metropolitan importanee, and sinks to the level of the chief provincial city of Aegypt. If, as Diodorus remarks (i. 51), Thebes surpassed Memphis in the grandeur of its temples, the latter city was more remarkable for the number of its deities and sacred buildings, and for its secular and commercial edifices. It might, indeed, as regards its shrines, be not improperly termed the Pantheon of the land of Misraim. The following were its principal religious structures, and they seem to include nearly all the capital objects of Aegyptian worship except the goat and the crocodile: 1. The temple of Isis, was commenced at a very early period, but only completed by Amasis, B. C. 564. It is described as spacious and beautiful (Herod. ii. 176; Heliodor. Aethiop. vii. 2, 8, 11), but inferior to the Iseium at Busiris (Herod. ii. 59, 61). 2. The temple of Proteus, founded probably by Phoenicians, who had a commercial establishment at Memphis. It was of so early date as to be ascribed to the era of the Trojan War. (Plutarch, de Gen. Socrat. c. 7.) 3. The temple of Apis, completed in the reign of Psammetichus (Herod. ii. 153; Aelian, Hist. An. xi. 10; Clemens Alexand. Paedag. iii. 2; Strab. xvii. p. 807), stood opposite the southern portal of the great temple of Ptah or Hephaestos, and was celebrated for its colonnades, through which the processions of Apis were conducted. Here was also an oracle of Apis, in connection with one of Osiris and Isis (Plin. viii. 46; Pausan. vii. 22.) This temple was the cathedral of Aegypt, and not only established there a numerous, opulent, and learned college of priests, but also attracted thither innumerable worshippers, who combined commercial with religious purposes. 4. The temple of Serapis, in the western quarter of Memphis. This Serapis was of earlier date than the Alexandrian deity of similar name. To the Memphian Serapeium was attached a Nilo-meter, for gauging and recording the periodical overflows of the river. It was removed by Constantine as a relic of paganism, but replaced by his successor Julian. (Socrat. Hist. Eccles. i. 18; Sozomen, v. 2; comp. Diodor. i. 50, 57; Senec. Quaest. Nat. iv. 2; Plin. viii. 46.) 5. A temple of Phre, or the Sun, mentioned only in the Rosetta inscription (Letronne, Recueil des Inscr. Grecques et Lat. de l'Egypte; Brugsch, Inscript. Rosettan.) 6. The temple of the Cabeiri (Herod. iii. 37), into which none but the high-priest might lawfully enter. The statues of the pigmy gods were burned by Cambyses, and the temple inutilated. - 7. The temple of Ptah or Hephaestos, the elemental principle of fire, worshipped under the form of a Pygmy. This was the most ancient shrine in Memphis, being coeval with its foundation. (Diodor. i. 45; Herod. ii. 99, iii. 37; Strab. xvii. 807; Ammian. xvii. 4.) It was enlarged and beautified by several successive monarchs, apparently through a spirit of rivalry with the great buildings at Thebes. (1.) Moeris erected the great northern court (Herod. ii. 101; Diod. i. 51). (2.) Rameses the Great raised in this court six colossal figures of stone, portrait-statues of himself, his queen, and their four sons. (Herod. ii. 108-110; Strab. xvii. p. 807.) (3.) Rhampsinitus built the western court, and erected two colossal figures of summer and winter. (Herod. ii. 121; Diodor. i. 62: Wilkinson, M. and C. i. p. 121.) (4.) Asỹchis added the eastern court. (Herod. ii. 136.) It was, in the opinion of Herodotus, by far the noblest and most beautiful of the four quadrangles. (5.) Psammetichus, the Saite king, added the south court, in commemoration of his victory over the Dodecarchy (Polyaen. Stratag. vii. 3; Herod. ii. 153; Diodor. i. 67); and Amasis (Herod. ii. 176) erected or restored to its basis the colossal statue of Ptah, in front of the southern portico. From the priests of the Memphian temples, the Greeks derived their knowledge of Aegyptian annals, and the rudiments also of their philosophical systems. It was at Memphis that Herodotus made his longest sojourn, and gained most of his information respecting Lower Aegypt. Democritus also resided five years at Memphis, and won the favour of the priests by his addiction to astrological and hieroglyphical studies. (Diog. Laert. Democrit. ix. 34.) Memphis reckoned among its illustrious visitors, in early times, the legislator Solon, the historian Hecataeus, the philosophers Thales and Cleobulus of Lindus; and in a later age, Strabo the geographer, and Diodorus the Sicilian. The village of Mitra-nich, half concealed in a grove of palm-trees, about 10 miles S. of Gizeh, marks the site of the ancient Memphis. The successive conquerors of the land, indeed, have used its ruins as a stone-quarry, so that its exact situation has been a subject of dispute. Major Rennell (Geography of Herodotus, vol. ii. p. 121, seq.), however, brings incontestable evidence of the correspondence of Mitranich with Memphis. Its remains extend over many hundred acres of ground, which are covered with blocks of granite, broken obelisks, columns and colossal statues. The principal mound corresponds probably with the area of the great temple of Ptah. There are several accounts of the appearance of Memphis at different eras. Strabo saw the Hephaesteium entire, although much of the city was then in ruins. In the twelfth century A. D. it was visited by the Arabian traveller Ab-dallatif, who was deeply impressed with the spectacle of grandeur and desolation." Its ruins offer," he says, "to the spectator a union of things which confound him, and which the most eloquent man in the world would in vain attempt to describe." He seems to have seen at least one of the colossal statues of the group of Rameses in the northern court of the Hephaesteium. Among innumerable "idols," as he terms them, he "measured one which, without its pedestal, was more than 30 cubits long. This statue was formed of a single piece of red granite, and was covered with a red varnish." (Ab-dallatif, De Sacy's Translation, 4to. p. 184.) Sir William Hamilton (Aegyptiaca, 4to. p. 303) visited the spot, and says, that " high mounds enclose a square of 1800 yards from N. to S., and 400 from E. to W. The entrance in the centre of each side is still visible. The two principal entrances faced the desert and the river (that is W. and E.). He entered by the latter, and found immediately "thirty or forty large blocks of very fine red granite, lying on the ground, evidently forming parts of some colossal statues, the chief ornaments of the temple." The district in which these remains are found is still termed Memf by the Coptic population, and thus helps to confirm the identity of the village of Mitranich with the ancient capital of Aegypt. [W.B.D.] MENAENUM or MENAE (Meval, Ptol., Steph. B.; Mévavov, Diod.: Eth. Mevalos, Steph. ; but coins have Mévaivos; Menaenus, Cic.; Menaeninus, Plin.: Minéo), an inland city of Sicily, about 18 miles W. of Leontini. It was a city of the Siculi, and not a Greek colony, but, according to Diodorus, was not an ancient settlement of that people, but first founded by their king Ducetius, in B. c. 459. (Diod. xi. 78.) It was situated at a distance of about 2 miles from the celebrated lake and sanctuary of the Palici [PALICORUM LACUS] (Steph. B. s. v.); and Ducetius appears, a few years afterwards, to have removed the inhabitants again from his newly built city, and to have founded another, in the immediate neighbourhood of the sacred lake, to which he gave the name of Palica (Diod. xi. 88, where the reading Mévas for Neas, suggested by Cluver, and adopted by Wesseling, is at least very probable, though it is difficult to understand how Diodorus could call it the native city of Ducetius, if it had, in fact, been only founded by him.) This new city, however, was destroyed soon after the death of Ducetius (Diod. xi. 90), and it is probable that the inhabitants settled again at Menaenum. The latter city, though it never attained to any great importance, continued to subsist down to a late period. There is little doubt that it is the city meant by Diodorus (xiv. 78, where the editions have Zuéveov, a name certainly corrupt), which was reduced by Dionysius in B. C. 396, together with Morgantia and other cities of the Siculi. It is mentioned more than once by Cicero among the municipal towns of Sicily, and seems to have been a tolerably flourishing place, the inhabitants of which carried on agriculture to a considerable extent. (Cic. Verr. iii. 22, 43.) It is enumerated also by Silius Italicus among the cities of Sicily, and by Pliny among the stipendiary towns of that island, and its name is found also in Ptolemy. (Sil. Ital. xiv. 266; Plin. iii. 8. s. 14; Ptol. iii. 4. § 13.) This is the last notice of it that occurs; but there is no doubt that the modern town of Minéo retains the name, and probably the site, of Menaenum. It is situated on a lofty hill, forming part of a range which sweeps round from Palagonia to Caltagirone, and forms the boundary of a deep basin, in the centre of which is a small plain, with the volcanic lake now called Lago di Naftia, which is unquestionably the ancient Lacus Palicorum. No ruins are now extant at Minéo; but the coins of Menaenum, which are numerous, though only of copper, attest the consideration which it anciently enjoyed. [E. H. B.] MENA'PIA (Mevanía, Ptol. vi. 11. § 8), a sinal place in Bactriana in the immediate neighbourhood of Eucratidia. It is probably the same as that called MENAPILA by Ammianus (xxiii. 6). [V.] MENA'PII, a people of North Gallia. In Caesar's time (B. G. iv. 4) the Menapii were on both sides of the lower Rhine, where they had arable farms, buildings, and small towns. The Usipetes and and Tenctheri, who were Germans, being hard pressed by the Suevi, came to the Rhine, surprised and massacred the Menapii on the east bank, and then crossing over spent the winter on the west side, and lived at free cost among the Menapii. The history of these marauders is told elsewhere. [USIPETES.] On the west side of the Rhine the Eburones were the immediate neighbours of the Menapii (B. G. vi. 5), and they were between the Menapii and the Treviri. The Menapii were protected by continuous swamps and forests. On the south and on the coast the Menapii bordered on the Morini. Caesar does not state this distinctly; but he mentions the Menapii (B. G. ii. 4) among the Belgian confederates next to the Morini; and the Menapii were said to be able to raise 7000 fighting men. As the Veneti sought the aid of the Morini and Menapii in their war with Caesar, we must conclude that they had ships, or their aid would have been useless (B. G. iii. 9). Caesar describes all Gallia as reduced to obedience at the close of the summer of B. C. 56, except the Morini and Menapii (B. G. iii. 28), who were protected against the Roman general for this season by their forests and the bad weather. The next year (B. C. 55), immediately before sailing for Britannia, Caesar sent two of his legati to invade the country of the Menapii and those Pagi of the Morini which. had not made their submission (B. G. iv. 22). After his return from Britannia Caesar sent Labienus against the Morini with the legions which had been brought back from Britannia. The summer had been dry, and as the marshes did not protect the Morini, as in the year before, most of them were compelled to yield. The troops which had been sent against the Menapii under the two legati ravaged the lands, destroyed the corn, and burnt the houses; but the people fled to the thickets of their forests, and saved themselves from their cruel enemy. (B. G. iv. 38.) In B. C. 53 Caesar himself entered the country of the Menapii with five legions unincumbered with baggage. The Menapii were the only Galli who had never sent ambassadors to Caesar about peace, and they were allies of Ambiorix, king of the Eburones, Caesar's enemy. Trusting to the natural protection of their country, the Menapii did not combine their forces, but fled to the forests and marshes, carrying their property with them. Caesar entered their country with his army in three divisions, after having with great rapidity made his bridges over the rivers, but he does not mention any names. The buildings and villages were burnt, and a great number of cattle and men were captured. The Menapii prayed for peace, gave hostages, and were told that their hostages would be put to death, if they allowed Ambiorix to come withir their borders. With this threat Caesar quitted the country that he had ravaged, leaving Comm the Atrebat, one of his slavish Gallic tools, with a body of cavalry to keep watch over the Menapii. (B. G. vi. 5, 6.) It appears from Caesar's narrative that this people had farins, arable land, and cattle; and probably ships. They were not savages, but a people with some civility. Caesar's narrative also leads us to infer that the Menapii on the coast bordered on the Morini, as Strabo (iv. pp. 194, 199) says. Pliny (iv. 17) also makes the Menapii and Morini conterminous on the coast, but he makes the Scaldis (Schelde) the northern limit of the Menapii; and he places the Toxandri north of the Schelde. D'Anville (Notice, fc., Nervii) attempts to show, against the authority of the ancient writers, that the Nervii extended to the coast, and consequently were between the Morini and the Menapii. But it is here assumed as proved that the Morini on the coast bordered on the Menapii, who in Caesar's time at least extended along the coast from the northern boundary of the Morini to the territory of the BATAVI. [BATAVORUM INSULA.] Walckenaer proves, as he supposes, that the river Aas, from its source to its outlet, was the boundary between the Morini and the Menapii. The Aas is the dull stream which flows by St. Omer, and is made navigable to Gravelines. Accordingly he makes the hill of Cassel, which is east of the Aas, to be the Castellum Menapiorum of the Table. This question is examined under CASTELLUM MORINORUM. The boundary on the coast between the Morini and Menapii is unknown, but it may, perhaps, have been as far north as Dunkerque. As the Eburones about Tongern and Spa were the neighbours of the Menapii of Caesar on the east, we obtain a limit of the Menapii in that direction. On the north their boundary was the Rhine; and on the south the Nervii. Under Augustus some German peoples, Ubii, Sicambri [GUGERNI], and others were removed to the west side of the Rhine. The " It is observed that "though it is very probable that Caesar never advanced into the interior of Flanders, it is, however, certain that the Romans afterwards, if they did not absolutely make themselves masters of it, at least were there for some time at different epochs. Their idols, their Dei Penates, sepulchral urns, lamps, Roman utensils, and especially the medals of almost all the emperors, discovered in great numbers, are irrefragable evidence of this." (Bast, Recueil d'Antiquités Romaines et Gauloises, fc., Introduction.) "Ancient earthen vessels have been found in great numbers all along the coast from Dunkerque to Bruges, which shows that the sea has not gained here, and refutes the notion that in the time of Caesar and Pliny this coast was neither inhabited nor habitable." (Walckenaer, Géog. &c. vol. i. p. 469.) An inscription found at Rimini, of the age of Vespasian, mentions the "Salinatores Menapiorum," or saltmakers of the Menapii. If the position of the Meldi of Caesar has been rightly determined [MELDI], they were a Menapian people. There is nothing to show whether the Menapii were Galli or Germani. [G. L.] MENAPILA [MENAPIA.] MENDE (Mévon, Herod. vii. 123; Scyl. p. 26; Thuc. iv. 123; Steph. B.), or MENDAE (Mévdai, Paus. v. 10. § 27; Plin. iv. 10; Mévda, Polyaen. ii. 1. § 21; Suid. 8. v.; Mendis, Liv. xxxi. 45 :| Eth. Mevdalos), a town of Pallene, situated on the SW. side the cape. It was a colony of Eretria in Euboea, which became subject to Athens with the other cities of Pallene and Chalcidice. On the arrival of Brasidas, Mende revolted from the Athenians (Thuc. l. c.), but was afterwards retaken by Nicias and Nicostratus (Thuc. iv. 130; Diod. xii. 72). It appears, from the account which Livy (1. c.) gives of the expedition of Attalus and the Romans (B. C. 200), to have been a small maritime place under the dominion of Cassandria. Together with Scione, Mende occupied the broadest part of the peninsula (Pomp. Mela, ii. 3. § 11), and is probably represented by some Hellenic remains which have been observed on the shore near Kávo Posidhi, to the E., as well as on the heights above it. (Leake, North. Greece, vol. iii. p. 156.) The types -Silenus riding upon an on its autonomous coins ass, and a "Diota" in a square (Eckhel, vol. ii. MENDES (Mévons, Herod. ii. 42, 46. 166; Diod. i. 84; Strab. xvii. p. 802; Mela, i. 9 § 9; Plin. v. 10. s. 12; Ptol. iv. 5. § 51; Steph. B. s. v.: Eth. Mevdhoios), the capital of the Mendesian nome in the Delta of Egypt. It was situated at the point where the Mendesian arm of the Nile (Mevoholov oтóμa, Scylax, p. 43; Ptol. iv. 5. § 10; Mendesium ostium, Pliny, Mela, ll. cc.) flows into the lake of Tanis. Mendes was, under the Pharaonic kings, a considerable town; the nome was the chief seat of the worship of Mendes or Pan, the all-producing-principle of life, and one of the eight greater deities of Aegypt, and represented under the form of a goat. It was also one of the nomes assigned to that division of the native army which was called the Calasirii, and the city was celebrated for the manufacture of a perfume designated as the Mendesium unguentum. (Plin. xiii. 1. s. 2.) Mendes, however, declined early, and disappears in the first century A. D.; since both Ptolemy (l. c.) and Aristides (iii. p. 160) mention Thmuis as the only town of note in the Mendesian nome. From its position at the junction of the river and the lake, it was probably encroached upon by their waters, after the canals fell into neglect under the Macedonian kings, and when they were repaired by Augustus (Sueton. Aug. 18, 63) Thmuis had attracted its trade and population. Ruins, however, supposed to be those of Mendes, have been found near the hamlet of Achman-Tanah (Champollion, l'Egypte, vol. ii. p. 122.) [W. B. D.] MENDICULEIA. 1. A town of the Ilergetes, probably Monzon. [Vol. II. p. 32, a.] 2. A town in the interior of Lusitania, on the bank of the Tagus. (Ptol. ii. 5. § 8, where some MSS. have Mevdikovλnta, others Mevonkovλia.) MENEDE MIUM (Meveðnμov), a town in the western part of Pisidia, two miles west of Pogla. (Ptol. v. 5. § 6; Steph. s. v., who calls it a town of Lycia.) [L. S.] MENELAI PORTUS (Μενελάϊος λιμήν, Herod. iv. 169), a harbour of Marmarica, situated to the W. of Paraetonium (Strab. i. p. 40, xvii. p. 838), and a day's voyage from Petras. (Scylax, 107, d.) Here, according to legend, the hero Menelaus landed (Herod. ii. 119); and it was the place where Agesilaus died in his march from the Nile to Cyrene, B. C. 361. (Corn. Nep. Ages. 8.) Its position must be sought on the coast of the Wady Daphnéh, near the Rás-al-Milkr. (Pacho, Voyage dans la Marmarique, p. 47.) [E. B. J.] MENELAIUM. [SPARTA.] MENELA'US (Mevéλaos, Strab. xviii. p. 803; Steph. B. s. v.: Eth. Menelaites), was a town of the Delta, situated to SE. of the highroad between ΜΕΝΙΝΧ (Μήνιγξ, αι. Μήνιγξ), an island of MENNIS (Curt. v. 1. § 16), a small town of Mesopotamia, at which Alexander halted in his march from Arbela to Babylon. Curtius stated that it was celebrated for its naphtha pits,-which indeed abound in that part of Asia. [V.] MENOBA (Plin. iii. 1. s. 3) or MENUBĂ (Inscr. ap. Florez, Esp. Sagr. ix. p. 47), a tributary of the river Baetis, on its right side, now the Guadiamar. MENOSCA (Mnvóσxa, Ptol. ii. 6. § 9; Plin. iv. 20. s. 34), a town of the Varduli, on the N. coast of Hispania Tarraconensis. Its site is uncertain. Some place it at St. Sebastian; others at St. Andre; and others, again, at Sumaya. 2. A small state of the Bastuli, in Hispania Baetica. ("Mentesani, qui et Bastuli," Plin. l. c.; Inser. Gruter, p. 384, 2; Florez, Esp. Sagr. v. p. 24.) MENTONOMON, an aestuary or bay of the Northern Ocean, mentioned by Pytheas, upon which the Guttones dwelt, and at a day's sail from which was an island named Abalus, where amber was gathered. (Plin. xxxvii. 7. s. 11.) The same island is mentioned in another passage of Pliny (iv. 13. s. 27), as situated a day's sail from the Scythian coast. In Sillig's edition of Pliny this part of Scythia is called Raunonia; but some of the MSS. and older editions have Bannonianna or Bantomannia, which is apparently only another form of Mentonomon. The bay was no doubt on the Prussian coast in the Baltic. (Zeuss, Die Deutschen, &c. p. 269.) MENTORES (Mévropes), a Liburnian tribe (Hecatae. Fr. 62, ed. Klausen; Plin. iii. 21. s. 25), off whose coast were the three islands called Mentorides, probably the same as the rocky islands of Pago, Osero, and Arbe. [E. B. J.] MENU'THIAS (Mevovoiás, Steph. B.), an island off the E. coast of Africa. Ptolemy (iv. 8. § 2, comp. vii. 2. § 1) describes it as being adjacent (Taрáкeiтai) to the Prom. Prasum; at the same time he removes it 5° from the continent, and places it at 85° long., 12° 30′ lat., to the NE. (and depivŵv àvatoλŵv) of Prasum. The graduation of Ptolemy's map is here so erroneous, that it is impossible to make out the position of his island Menuthias, which some have identified with one of the islands of Zanzibar, or even with Madagascar. (Vincent, Navigation of the Ancients, vol. ii. pp. 174-185; Gosselin, Géographie des Anciens, vol. i. pp. 191, 195.) The simple narrative of the Periplus gives a very faithful picture of this coast,-harmonising with the statements of Ptolemy and Marinus of Tyre,-as far as the Rhaptus of the former (Govind, or the river of Jubah). Afterwards it thus proceeds (p. 9, ed. Hudson) : "Thence" (from the Nova Fossa, "New Cut," or "Channel," or the opening of the coral reefs by Govind), "at the distance of two natural days' sail, on a course a little above Libs (SW.), Menuthias island occurs on the W. (the important words “Due West”—ñаp' aiтhy Thy đúσ w—are arbitrarily altered in Blancard's edition to the opposite sense, with a view to force the author into agreement with Ptoleiny; comp. Annot. ad Hudson. p. 68), about 300 stadia from the mainland, low, and covered with wood, with streams, plenty of birds of various kinds, and land-turtle. But, excepting crocodiles, which are harmless, it has no other animals. At this island there are boats, both sewed together, and hollowed out of single trunks, which are used for fishing, and catching turtle. Here, they take fish in wicker baskets, which are let down in front of MENOSGADA (Mŋvoσyáða), a place in central the hollows of the rocks." It appears, therefore, Germany, not far from the sources of the Main that Menuthias was distant about two days' sail (Moenus), from which it, no doubt, derived its from Nova Fossa, or 60 or 80 miles from the river name. (Ptol. ii. 11. § 29.) Its site is generally Govind, just where an opening in the coral reefs is believed to have been that of the modern Mainroth, now found. The coasting voyager, steering Sw., near Culmbach. [L. S.] reached the island on the E. side,- -a proof that it MEʼNTESA. 1. Surnamed BASTIA (It. Anton. was close to the main; a contiguity which perhaps p. 402; Mentissa, Liv. xxvi. 17; Mévriσa, Ptol. ii. is further shown by the presence of the crocodiles; 6. § 59), a town of the Oretani in Hispania Tarra-though much stress cannot be laid upon this point, as conensis, on the road from Carthago Nova to Castulo, and 22 Roman miles from Castulo. Pliny (iii. 3. 8. 4) calls the inhabitants "Mentesani, qui et Ore they may have been only lizards. It is true, the navigator says that it was 300 stadia from the mainland; but as there is no reason to suppose that |