« السابقةمتابعة »
with the generals of Justinian. (Procop. B. G. ii. 11, iii. 6, iv. 28, 34.) The Jerusalem Itinerary places the station of Intercisa 9 M. P. from Calles (Cagli), and the same distance from Forum Sempronii (Fossombrone), hoth of which distances are just about correct. (D'Anville, Analyse de Vitality p. 155.) [E.H. B.]
INTERNUM MARE, the great inland or Mediterranean Sea, which washes the coasts of Southern Europe, Northern Africa, and Asia Minor.
L Name.—In the Hebrew Scriptures, this sea, on the W. of Palestine, and therefore behind a person facing the E., is called the " Hinder Sea " (Bait. zi. 24; Joel, ii. 20), and also the " Sea of the Philistines " (Exod. xxii. 81), because that people occupied the largest portion of its shores. Pre-eminently it was " the Great Sea " (A'tim. xxxiv. 6, 7; Josh. i. 4, be. 1, xv. 47; Eeek. xlvii. 10, 15, 20), or simply "the Sea" (1 Kingt, v. 9; camp, 1 Mace. xiv. 34. xv. 11). In the same way, the Homeric poems, IleM'Kl, the Cyclic poets, Aeschylus, and Pindar, call it emphatically "the Sea." The logographer llerataeus speaks of it as " the Great Sea " (Fr. 349, »1. Klausen). Nor did the historians and systematic geographers mark it off by any peculiar denomination. The Roman writers call it Make Internum (Pomp. Mela, i. I. § 4; Plin. iii. 3) or Intestinum (Sail. Jug. 17; Flor. iv. 2; fi taw SiKarTa, Polyb. iii. 39; jj trrht Strab ii. p. 121, iii. p. 139; h ivrbt
'HpaxAtfur arnKiy dak., Arist. Met ii. 1), or more frequently, Make Nostrum (SalL Jug. 17, 18; Caes. B. G.Y.I; Liv. xxvi. 42; Pomp. Mela, L 5. § 1; i) xiff riiias ddX, Strab. ii. p. 121). The epithet "Mediterranean " is not used in the classical writers, and was first employed for this sea by Soliuus (c. 22; oomp. Isid. Orig. xiii. 16). The Greeks of the present day call it t he " White Sea " ('Aaapt Bikaoaa), to distinguish it from the Black Sea. Throughout Europe it is known as the Mediterranean.
2. Extent, Shape, and Admeasurements.— The Mediterranean Sea extends from 6° W. to 36° E. of Greenwich, while the extreme limits of its latitude are from 30° to 46° N-; and, in round numbers, its length, from Gibraltar to its furthest extremity in Syria, is about 2000 miles, with a breadth varying from 80 to 500 miles, and, including the Euxine, with a line of shore of 4500 leagues. The ancients, who considered this sea to be a very large portion of the globe, though in reality it is only equal to one-seventeenth part of the Pacific, assigned to it a much greater length. As they possessed no means for critically measuring horizontal angles, and were unaided by the compass and chronometer, correctness in great distances was unattainable. On this account, while the E. shores of the Mediterranean approache I a tolerable degree of correctness, the relative positions and forms of the W. coasts are erroneous. Strabo, a philosophical rather than a scientific geographer, set himself to rectify the errors of Eratosthenes (ii. pp. 105, 106), but made more mistakes: though he drew a much better " contour" of the Mediterranean, \ et he distorted the W. parts, by placing Massilia 131° to the S. of Byzantium, instead of 2J° to the N. of that city. Ptolemy also fell into great errors, such as the nattening-in of the N. coast of Africa, to the amount of 4J° to the S-, in the latitude of Carthage, while Byzantium was placed 2° to the N. of its true position; thus increasing the breadth in the very part where the greatest accuracy might be expected. Nor was this all; for the extreme length of the Internal Sea was carried to upwards of 20°
beyond its true limits. The maps of Agathodaemon which accompany the Geography of Ptolemy, though indifferently drawn, preserve a much better outline of this sea than is expressed in the Theodosian or Peutingerian Table, where the Mediterranean is so reduced in breadth as to resemble a canal, and the site, form, and dimensions of its islands are displaced and disfigured.
The latitudes were estimated by the ancient observers in stadia reckoned from the equator, and are not so discordant as might be expected from such a method. The length between the equinoctial line and Syracuse, or rather the place which they called the "Strait of Sicily," is given as follows:—
Eratosthenes - - - - 25,450
Marinns of Tyre ... 26,075
Their longitudes run rather wild, and are reckoned from the "Sacrum Promontorium" (Cape 8L Vin~ cent), and the numbers given are as the arc from thence to Syracuse:—
Eratosthenes .... 11,800
Marinus of Tyre ... 18,583
In Admiral Smyth's work (The Mediterranean, p. 375) will be found a tabular view of the abovementioned admeasurements of the elder geographers, along with the determination resulting from his own observations; assuming, for a reduction of the num. bers, 700 stadia to a degree of latitude, for a plane projection in the 36° parallel, and 555 for the corresponding degree of longitude. (Comp. Gosselin, Geographic dee Greet, 1 Tol Paris, 1780; Geographic det Ancient, 3 vols. Paris, 1813; Mesuret Itinerairet, 1 vol. Paris, 1813.)
3. Physical Geography. — A more richly-varied and broken outline gives to the N. shores of the Mediterranean an advantage over the S. or Libyan coast, which was remarked by Eratosthenes. (Strab. ii. p. 109.) The three great peninsulas, — the Iberian, the Italic, and the Hellenic, — with their sinuous and deeply indented shores, form, in combination with the neighbouring islands and opposite coasts, many straits and isthmuses. Exclusive of the Euxine (which, however, must be considered as part of it), this sheet of water is naturally divided into two vast basins; the barrier at the entrance of the straits marks the commencement of the W. basin, which descends to an abysmal depth, and extends as far as the central part of the sea, where it flows over another barrier (the subaqueous Adventure Bank, discovered by Admiral Smyth), and again falls into the yet unfathomed Levant basin.
Strabo (ii. pp. 122—127) marked off this expanse by three smaller closed basins. The westernmost, or Tyrrhenian basin, comprehended the space between the Pillars of Hercules and Sicily, including the Iberian, Ligurian, and Sardinian seas; the waters to the W. of Italy were also called, in reference to the Adriatic, the " Lower Sea," as that gulf bore the name of the '• Upper Sea." The second was the Syrtic basin, E. of Sicily, including the Ausonian or Siculian, the Ionian, and the Libyan seas: on the N. this basin runs up into the Adriatic, on the S. the gulf of Libya penetrates deeply into the African continent The E. part of this basin is interrupted by Cyprus alone, and was divided into the Carpathian, Pamphylian, Cilician, and Syrian seas.
The third or Aegean portion is bounded to the S. by a curved line, which, commencing at the coast of Caria in Asia Minor, is formed by the islands of Rhodes, Crete, and Cythera, joining the Peloponnesus not far from Cape Malea, with its subdivisions, the Thracian, Myrtoan, Icarian, and Cretan seas.
From the Aegean, the " White Sea" of the Turks, the channel of the Hellespont leads into the Propontis, connected by the Thracian Bosporus with the Euxine: to the NE. of that sheet of water !ies the Palus Macotis, with the strait of the Cimmerian Bosporus. The configuration of the continents and of the islands (the latter either severed from the main or volcanically elevated in lines, as if over long fissures) led in very early times to cosmo logical views respecting eruptions, terrestrial revolutions, and overpourings of the swollen higher seas into those which were lower. The Euxine, the Hellespont, the straits of Gades, and the Internal Sea, with its many islands, were well fitted to originate such theories. Not to speak of the floods of Ogyges and Deucalion, or the legendary cleaving of the pillars of Hercules by that hero, the Samothracian traditions recounted that the Euxine, once an inland lake, swollen by the rivers that flowed into it, had broken first through the Bosporus and afterwards the Hellespont. (Diod. v. 47.) A reflex of these Samothraeian traditions appears in the *' Sluice Theory" of Straton of Lampsacus (Strab. i. pp. 49, 50), according to which, the swellings of the waters of the Euxine first opened the passage of the Hellespont, and afterwards caused the outlet through the Pillars of Hercules. Tiub theory of Straton led Eraiosthenes of Cyrene to examine the problem of the equality of level of all external seas, or seas surrounding the continents. (Strab. I. c; comp. ii. p. 104.) Strabo (i. pp. 51, 54) rejected the theory of Straton, as insufficient to account for all the phenomena, and proposed one of his own, the profoundness of which modern geologists are only now beginning to appreciate. "It is not," he says (£. a), u because the lands covered by seas were originally at different altitudes, that the waters have risen, or subsided, or receded from some parts and inundated others. But the reason is, that the same land is sometimes raised up and sometimes depressed, so that it either overflows or returns into its own place again. We must therefore ascribe the cause to the ground, either to that ground which is under the sea, or to that which becomes flooded by it; but rather to that which lies beneath the sea, for this is more moveable, and, on account of its wetness, can be altered with greater quickness." (Lyell, Geology, p. 17; Humboldt, Cosmos, vol. ii. p. 118, trans., Aspects of Nature, vol. ii. pp. 73—83, trans.)
The fluvial system of the Internal Sea, including the rivers that fall into the Euxine, consists, besides many secondary streams, of the Nile, Danube, Borysthenes, Tanais, Po, Rhone, Ebro, and Tyras. The general physics of this sea, and their connection with ancient speculations, do not fall within the scope of this article; it will be sufficient to say that the theory of the tides was first studied on the coast of this, which can only in poetical language be called " a tideless sea." The mariner of old had his charts and sailing directories, was acquainted
with the bewildering currents and counter-currents of this sea, — the M Typhon" (*ru<£»r), and the "Prester" (t^o-ttj^), the destroyer of tliose at sea, of which Lucretius (vi. 422—445) has given so terrific a description, — and hailed in the hour of danger, as the " Dioscuri" who played about the mast-head of his vessel (Plin. ii. 437; Sen. Nat, Quaest. ii.), the fire of St. Elmo, "sacred to the seaman." Much valuable information upon the winds, climate, and other atmospheric phenomena, as recorded by the ancients, and compared with modern investigations, is to be found in Smyth (Afediterraneany pp. 210 — 302). Forbigcr's section upon Physical Geography (vol. i. pp. 576— 655) is useful for the references to the Latin and Greek authors. Some papers, which appeared in Frasers Magazine for the years 1852 and 1853, upon the fish known to the ancients, throw considerable light upon the ichthyology of this sea. Recent inquiry has confirmed the truth of many instructive and interesting facts relating to the fish of the Mediterranean which have been handed down by Aristotle, Pliny, Archestratus, Aelian, Ovid, Oppi an, Athenaeus, and Ausonius.
4. Historical Geography.—To trace the progress of discovery on the waters and shores of this sea would be to give the history of civilisation,—"nullum sine nomine saxum." Its geographical position has eminently tended towards the intercourse of nations, and the extension of the knowledge of the world The throe peninsulas — the Iberian, Italic, and Hellenic—run out to meet that of Asia Minor projecting from the E. coast, while the islands of the Aegean have served as stepping stones lor the passage of the peoples from one continent to the other; and the great Indian Ocean advances by the fissure between Arabia, Aegypt, and Abyssinia, under the name of the lied Sea, so as only to be divided by a narrow isthmus from the Delta of the Nile valley and the SE. coast of the Mediterranean.
"We," says Plato in the Phaedo (p. 109, b.), u who dwell from the Phasis to the Pillars of Hercules, inhabit only a small portion of the earth in which we have settled round the (Interior) sea, like ants or frogs round a marsh." And yet the margin of this contracted basin has been the site where civilisation was first developed, and the theatre of the greatest events in the early history of the world. Religion, intellectual culture, law, arts, and manners— nearly everything that lifts us above tho savage, have come from these coasts.
The earliest civilisation on these shores was to the S.t but the national character of the Aegyptians was opposed to intercourse with other nations, and their navigation, such as it was, was mainly confined to the Nile and Arabian gulf. The Phoenicians were the first great agents in promoting tho communion of peoples, and their flag waved in every part of the waters of the Internal Sea. Carthage and Etruria. though of less importance than Phoenicia in connecting nations and extending the geographical horizon, exercised great influence on commercial intercourse with the W. const of Africa and the N. of Europe. The progressive movement propagated itself more widely and enduringly through the Greeks and Romans, especially after the latter had broken the Phocnico-Carthaginian power.
In the Hellenic peninsula the broken configuration of the coast-line invited early navigation and commercial intercourse, and the expeditions of tho Swnfana (Herod, iv. 162) and Pbocaeans (HcnxL i. 163) laid open the W. coast of this sea. During the period of the Roman Universal Empire, the Mediterranean was the lake of the imperial city. Soon after the conclusion of the First Mithridatic War, piracy, which has always existed from the earliest periods of history to the present day in the Grecian waters, was carried on systematically by large armies and fleets, the strongholds of which were Cilicia and Crete. From these stations the pirates directed their expeditions over the greater part of the Mediterranean. (Appian, BeU. Mithr. 92; Plut. Pomp. 24.) Piracy, crushed by Pompeius, was never afterwards carried on so extensively as to merit a place in history, but was not entirely extirpated even by the fleet which the Roman emperors maintained in the East, and that cases still occurred is proved by inscriptions. (Bookh, Corp. Inter. Graec. nn. 2335, 2347.) The Romans despised all trade, and the Greeks, from the time of H:uirian, their great patron, till the extinction of the Roman power in the East, possessed the largest share of the commerce of the Moditeiranean. Even after the Moslem conquests, the Arabs, in spite of the various expeditious which they fitted out to attac k Constantinople, never succeeded in forming a maritime power; and their naval strength declined with the numbers and wealth of their Christian subjects, until it dwindled into a few piratical squadrons. The emperors of Constantinople really remained masters of the sea. On all points connected with this sea, see Admiral Smyth, The Mediterranean, London, 1854. [E. B. J.]
INTEROCREA (JlmtpoKpta, Strab.), a small town or village of the Sabines, between Amiternum and Reate. It was placed on the Via Salaria, at the junction of its two branches, one of which led eastwards to Amiternum, the other, and principal one, up the valley of the Velinus, to Asculum. It is now railed Antrodoco, and is a position of great military importance, from its commanding the entrance to the two passes just mentioned, which must in all ages have formed two of the principal lines of communication across the Apennines. It seems, however, to have been in ancient times but a small place: Strabo calls it a village; and its name is otherwise found only in the Itineraries, which place it at 14 M. P. from Reate, a distance that coincides with the position of Antrodoco. (Strab. v. p. 228; /tin. Ant p. 307; Tab. Peuty Its ancient name is evidently derived from its position in a deep valley between rugged mountains; for we learn from Festus (p. 181, ed. Miill.) that Ocris was nn ancient word for a mountain: and it is interesting to find this form still preserved in the name of the Montagne di Ocra, a lofty and rugged group of the Apennines, near Aquila. (Zannoni, Carta del Regno di Napoli, 3. fol.) [E. H. B.]
INTERPR0M1UM, a village of the Marrucini, forming a station on the Via Claudia Valeria between Corfinium and Teate. It is repeatedly mentioned in the Itineraries, but the distances are variously given. (Itin.Ant. pp. 102,310; Tab.PeuL) The line of the ancient highroad is, however, well ascertained, and the position of Interproinium is fixed by ancient remains, as well as mediaeval records, at a place on the right bank of the Atemus, just below the narrow gorge through which that river flows below Populi. The site is now marked only by a tavern called the Oskria di S. Valentino, from the little town of that name on the hill above; it is distant 12 Roman miles from Coifuiiuin (S. Pelliito'),
and 13 from Teate (Chieti), or 81 from Petcara, at the mouth of the Atemus. (Holsten. Not. ad Cluv. p. 143; D'Anvillc, Analyse de 11 talk, p. 178; Romanelli, vol. iii. p. 117.) An inscription also mentions Interproinium under the name of Pagus Interprominus (Orell. Inter. 144; Romanelli, Lcl); it is called "Interproinium vicus " in the Itinerary of Antoninus (p. 102), and was evidently a mere village, probably a dependency of Teate. [E. H. B.J
INTPBILL 1. [edeta.ni.] 2. A town of Hispunia Bactica, near llliturgis, the scene of a battle gained by the Romans over the Carthaginians in the Second Punic War. (Liv. xxiii. 49; Frontin. Slratag. iii. 3.) [P. S.]
INUl CASTRUM. [castrum Ihui.]
INYCUM or INYCUS ("ikwcox, Steph. B., but T] "ivvkos, Herod.: Eth. '1vvk7vos), a town of Sicily, situated in the SW. of the island, on the river Uypsas. It is principally known from its connection with the mythical legends concerning Minos and Daedalus; the capital of the Sicanian prince Cocalus, who afforded a shelter to the fugitive Daedalus against the Cretan monarch, being placed by some writers at Inycum, and by others at Camicns. (Paus. vii. 4. § 6; Charax, ap. Steph. B. v. Ko^umfa.) It is mentioned in historical tunes by Herodotus as the place of confinement to which Scythes, the ruler of Ziuicle, was sent by Hippocrates, who had taken him prisoner. (Herod, vi. 23, 24.) Aelian, who copies the narrative of Herodotus, represents Scythes as a native of Inycum; but this is probably a mistake. (Ael. V.H.mi. 17.) Plato speaks of Inycum as still in existence in his time, but quite a small place (xtvpfov ndvv OfiiRp6v); notwithstanding which he makes the sophist Hippias boast that he had derived from it a sum of 20 minae. (Plat. IJipp, M. p. 282, e.) It is evident that it always continued to be an inconsiderable place, and was probably a ineie dependency of Selinus. Hence wo never again meet with its name, though Stephanus tells us that this was still preserved on account of the excellence of its wine. (Steph. B. t. v. "iwkov; Hesych. s. v.~) Vibius Sequester is the only author that affords any clue to its position, by telling ns that the liver Hypsas (the modern Belicx) flowed by it (Vib. Sequest. p. 12, according to Cluver's emen dntion); but further than this its site cannot bo determined. [E. H. B.]
IOL, afterwards CAESARE'A Kmaiptia Ptol. ii 4. § 5; fi Katcrdpaa, Strab., &c), originally an obscure Phoenician settlement on the N. coast of Africa, became afterwards famous as the capital of Bocchus and of Juba II. [mauretania.] The latter king enlarged and adomed the city, and gave it the name of Caesarea, in honour of his patron Augustus. Under the Romans it gave its name to the province of Mauretania Caesarieusis, of which it was the capital. It was made a colony by the emperor Claudius. Under Valens it was burnt by the Moors; but it was again restored; and in the 6th century it was a populous and flourishing city. It occupied a favourable position midway between Carthage and the St raits, and was conveniently situated with refe.ence to Spain, the Balearic islands, and Sardinia; and it had a natural harbour, protected by a small island. To the E. of the city stood the royal mausoleum. (Strab. xvii. p. 831; Dion Cass. lx". 9; Mela, i. 6. § 1; Plin. v. 2. s. 1; Eutrop. vii. 5; Itin. Ant. pp. 5, 15, 25, 31; Oros. vii. 33; Aintnian. xxix. 5; 1'rocop. B. Yund. ii. 5.)
Caesarea is now identified, beyond all doubt, with the magnificent ruins at ZersheU on the coast of Algier, in a little more than 2° E. lone;. The Arabic name is simply an abbreviation of Caetarea lol; a fact clear to the intuitive sagacity of Shaw, and which, in connection with the statements of the ancients, led that incomparable traveller to the truth. Unfortunately, however, nearly all subsequent writers preferred to follow the thick-headed Mannert, who was misled by an error in the Antonine Itinerary, whereby all the places along this coast, for a considerable distance, are thrown too far to the W.; until the researches which followed the French conquest of the country revealed inscriptions which set the question at rest for ever. There exist few stronger examples of that golden rule of criticism :— " Ponderanda sunt testimonia, non numeranda." (Shaw, Travek, vol. i. pt. 1. c 3; Barth, Wandermgen, p. 56; Pellissier, in the Exploration Scientifique de fAlgerie, vol. vi. p. 349.) [P. S.]
IOLAI or IOLAENSES ('IdAaoi, Paus.; "IoAcfeioi, Diod.; 'IoAwit, Strab. v. p. 225), a people of Sardinia, who appear to have been one of the indigenous or native tribes of the island. According to Strabo, they were the same people who were called in his day Diagesbians or Diagebiians (AtaynSptis or AiayijffStiS'), a name otherwise unknown: and he adds that they were a Tyrrhenian people, a statement in itself not improbable. The commonly received tradition, however, represented them as a Greek race, composed of emigrants from Attica and Thespiae, who had settled in the island under the command of Iolaus, the nephew of Hercules. (Paus. x. 17. § 5; Diod. iv. 30, v. 15.) It is evident that this legend was derived from the resemblance of the naino (in the form which it assumed according to the Greek pronunciation) to that of Iolaus: what the native form of the name was, we know not; and it is not mentioned by any Latin author, though both Pau anias and Diodorus affirm that it was still retained by the part of the island which had been inhabited by the Iolai. Hence, modern writers have assumed that the name is in reality the same with that of the Ilienses, which would seem probable enough; but Pausanias, the only writer who mentions them both, expressly distinguishes the two. That author speaks of Olbia, in the NE. part of tho island, as one of their chief towns. Diodorus represents them, on the contrary, as occupying the plains and most fertile portions of the island, while the district adjoining Olbia is one of the most rugged and mountainous in Sardinia. [E. H. B.]
IOLCUS ('IwAitiif, Ep. 'iuu\k6s, Dor. 'IoWi: Eth. 'IwA/ciot, fem. 'laXxis, 'IvAxlas), an ancient city of Magnesia in Thessaly, situated at the head of the Pagasaean gulf and at the foot of Mt. Pelion (Pind Nem. iv. 88), and celebrated in the heroic ages as the residence of Jason, and the place where the Argonauts assembled. [See Diet, of Biogr. nrlt. Jason and Argonautak.] It is mentioned by Homer, who gives it the epithets of iVKTipiivn and tiipvxopos (II. ii. 712, Od xi. 256). It is said to have been founded by Cretheus (Apollod. i. 9. § 11), and to have been colonised by Minyans from Orchomenos. (Strab. ix. p. 414.) Iolcus is rarely mentioned in historical times. It was given by the Thessalians to Hippias, upon his expulsion from Athens. (Herod, v. 94.) The town afterwards suf"ered from the dissensions of its inhabitants, but it was finally ruined by the foundation of Dciuctrias in
B. c. 290, when the inhabitants of Iolcos and of other adjoining towns were removed to this place. (Strab. ix. p. 436.) It seems to have been no longer in existence in the time of Strabo, since he speaks of the place where Iolcos stood (6 riji Iwakov rowot, ix. p. 438).
The position of Iolcos is indicated by Strabo, who says that it was on the road from Boebe to Demetrias, and at the distance of 7 stadia from the latter (ix. p. 438). In another passage he says that Iolcos is situated above the sea at the distance of 7 stadia from Demetrias (ix. p. 436). Pindar also, as we have already seen, places Iolcos at the foot of Mt. Pelion, consequently a little inland. From these descriptions there is little doubt that Leake is right in placing lulcos on the steep height between the southernmost houses of Volo and Vlakho-makhald, upon which stands a church called Epislcqpi. There are at present no ancient remains at this place; but some large squared blocks of stone are said to have formerly existed at the foot of the height, and to have been carried away for the construction of buildings elsewhere. Moreover, it is the only spot in the neighbourhood which has any appearance of being an ancient site. It might indeed appear, from Livy (xliv. 12, 13), that Iolcus was situated upon the coast; but in this passage, as well as in Strabo (ix. p. 436), the name of Iolcos seems to have been given to this part of the coast as well as to the city itself. (Leake, Northern Greece, vol. iv. p. 379; Mezieres, Memoire mr le Pelion et TOssa, p. 11.)
JOMANES (Plin. vi. 17. s. 21), the most important of the affluents of the Ganges, into which it flows near the city of Allahabad (Pratishthana). There can be no doubt that Arrian means the same river when he speaks of Iobares (Ind. c 8); and Ptolemy expresses nearly the same sound, when he names the Diamuna (vii. 1. § 29). It is now called the Jamuna or Jumna. The Jumna rises in the highest part of the Himalaya, at no great distance from the sources of the Sutledge and Ganges, respectively, in the neighbourhood of lamundvatdri (Jumnotri), which is probably the most sacred spot of Hindu worship. It enters the Indian plain country at Fyzahad, and on its wuy to join the Ganges it passes the important cities of Lhhli (Indraprastha) and Agra (Crishmapura), and receives several large tributaries. These affluents, in order from W. to E., are the Sambus (Arrian, Ind. c. 4), (probably the Carmanvati or Gambol), the Betwa (or Vetravati), and the Cainas (Arrian, Lc; Plin. vi. 19. s. 21: now Guyana or Cena). The last has been already mentioned as one of die tributaries of the Ganges. [V.]
ION ("\oiv~), a river of Tymphaea in Thessaly, rising in the Cambunian mountains, and flowing into the Peneius: now river of Krdtzova. (Strab. vii. p. 327, Leake, NorOicrn Greece, vol. iv p. 546.)
IO'NIA C\utvia), also called Ionis, the country of Asia Minor inhabited by Ionian Greeks, and comprising the western coast from Phocaea in the north to Miletus in the south. (Herod, i. 142; Strab. xiv. init.; Plin. v. 31.) Its length from north to south, in a straight line, amounted to 800 stadia, while tho length of its much indented coast amounted to 3430; and the distance from Ephesus to Smyrna, in a straight line, was only 320 stadia, while along the coast it reached the large number of 2200. (Strab. xiv. pp. 632, 665.) Towards the inland, or the east, Ionia extended only a few miles, the towns of Magnesia, Larissa, Tralles, Alabanda, and others, not belonging to it. Ptolemy (v. 2) assigns much narrower limits to Ionia than his predecessors, for, according to him, it extended only from the Hermns in Lydia to the Maeander in Caria; so thatPhocaea and Miletus would not belong to Ionia. According to a generally received tradition, the Ionian colonies on the west coast of Asia were founded after the death of Codrus, the last king of Attica, about n. c. 1044, or, according to others, as early as B. c. 1060, about 60 years after the conquest of Peloponnesus by the Dorians. The sons of Codrus, Neleus and Androclus, it is said, being dissatisfied with the abolition of royalty and the appointment of their eldest brother Medon to the archonship, emigrated, with large numbers of Attic Ionians and bands from other parts of Greece, into Asia Minor. (Strab. xiv. p. 633, foil; Pans. vii. 2.) Here, in one of the most beautiful and fertile parts of the earth, they founded a number of towns,—partly expelling and partly subduing the ancient inhabitants, who consisted mainly of Maeonians, Carians, and Pelasgians. (Herod. L 142; Paus. vii. 2; Pherecyd. Fragm. 26; Dionys. Per. 822, &c.) As a great many of the original inhabitants remained in the country as subjects of the conquerors, and as the latter had gone to Asia as warriors, without women, the new colonies were not pure Greek; but still the subdued nations were not so completely different as to render an amalgamation into one nation impossible, or even very difficult. This amalgamation with different tribes also accounts for the fact that four different dialects were spoken by the Ionians. (Herod. I. c.)
The towns founded by the Ionians — which, though independent of one another, yet formed a kind of confederacy for common purposes—amounted to twelve (SasSffanroAis), a number which must not be regarded as accidental. These towns, of which accounts are given in separate articles, were: PhoCaea, Ekythkak, Clazohenae, Teos, Lbbbdob, Colophon, EniEsus, Priene, Mirus, Miijetus, and Samos and Chios in the neighbouring islands. (Strab. xiv. p. 633; Aelian, V.H. viii. 5.) Subsequently, about B. a 700, Smyrna, which until then had belonged to Aeolis, became by treachery a member of the Ionian confederacy, which henceforth consisted of thirteen cities. (Herod, i. 149; Paus. vii. 5; Strab. L c.) These Ionian colonies soon rose to a high degree of prosperity, and in many respects outstripped the mother-country; for poets, philosophers, historians, and artiste flourished in the Ionian cities long before the mother-country attained to any eminence in these intellectual pursuits. All the cities of Ionia formed independent republics, with democratical constitutions; but their common affairs were discussed at regular meetings held at Panionium (Jlavmviov), the common centre of all the Ionian cities, on the northern slope of Mount Mycale, near Priene, and about three stadia from the coast. (Herod. L 141, 148; Strab.xiv. p. 639; Mela, i. 17; Plin. v. 29.) These meetings at Panionium appear to have given rise to a permanent town, with a Prytaneum, in which the meetings were held. (Steph. B. *. v.) The political bond which held the Ionian cities together appears to have been rather loose, and the principal objects of the meetings, at least in later times, were religious worship and the celebration of games. The cities continued to enjoy their increasing prosperity and their independence
until the establishment of the Lydian monarchy. The attacks upon the Ionian colonies began even in the reign of Gyges, so that one city after another was conquered, until, in the reign of Croesus, all of them became subject to the Lydians. When Lydia became the prey of the Persian conqueror Cyrus, in B. c. 557, Ionia also was obliged to acknowledge the supremacy of Persia; but the new rulers scarcely interfered with the internal affairs of the cities and their confederacy; all they had to do was to p:iy tribute, to send their contingents to the Persian armies, and to submit to satraps and tyrants, the latter of whom were Greek usurpers who set themselves up in their native cities, and were backed by the Persian monarchs. But the Ionians, accustomed to liberty, were unable to bear even this gentle yoke for any length of time, and in B. o. 500 a general insurrection broke out against Persia, in which tho Athenians and Eretrians also took part. The revolt had been planned and organised by Histiaeus, tyrant of Miletus, and Aristagoras, his son-in-law. The Ionians burned and destroyed Sardes, the resi ■ dence of the Persian satraps, but were then routed and defeated in a bloody battle near Ephesus. In B. c. 496 all the Ionians were again reduced, and compelled to assist the Persians with men and ships in the war against Greece. In the battle of Mycale, B. c. 479, the Ionians deserted from the ranks of the Persians and joined their kinsmen, and thus took the first step to recover their independence, which ten years later was fully secured by the battle on the Eurymedon. They then entered into a relation with the Athenians, who were to protect them against any further aggression from the Persians; but in consequence of this they became more or less dependent upon their protectors. In the unfortunate peace of Antalcidas, the Ionians, with the other Asiatic Greeks, were again made over to Persia, B. c 387; and when the Persian monarchy was destroyed by Alexander, they became a part of the Macedonian empire, and finally fell into the hands of the Romans. The highest prosperity of Ionia belongs to the period of the Lydian supremacy; under the rule of Macedonia it somewhat recovered from its previous sufferings. Under the Romans the Ionian cities still retained their importance as coinmerci.il places, and as seats of art and literature; but they lost their political life, and sank down to the condition of mere provincial towns. The last traces of their prosperity were destroyed under the barbarous rule of the Turks in the middle ages. During the period of their greatest prosperity and independence, the Ionian cities sent out numerous colonies to the shores of the Black sea and to the western coasts and islands of the Mediterranean. (Comp. Thirlwall, Hitl. of Greece, vol. ii. chap. 12, pp. 94, 115, 120, &c; Grote, But. of Greece, vol. ii. pp. 229— 253.) [L. S.]
IONIUM MARE ('IoViov *4\ajor, Ptol.), was the name given by geographers to the sea which bathed the western shores of Greece, and separated them from those of Sicily and Southern Italy. The appellation would seem to' date from a very early period, when the Ionians still inhabited the shores of the Corinthian gulf, and the part of the Peloponness subsequently known as Achaia; but we have no evidence of its employment in early times. The legends invented by later writers, which derived it from a hero of the name of Ionius or Ion, or from the wanderings of Io(Aesch. Prom. 840; Tzetz.au! Lycophr. Alex. 630; Steph. B. *. v.; Eustatb. ad Diony*.