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From the Saras the army marched 5 parasangs to the Pyramus, which was crossed where it was 600 Greek feet wide; and the march from the Pyramus to Issus was 15 parasangs. Accordingly, the whole distance marched from Tarsos to lssus was 30 parasangs. The direct distance from Tarsus to the head of the gulf is about 56 geographical miles; and these two points are very nearly in the same latitude. The modern road from Tarsus, through Adana on the Saras, and Mopsnestia on the Pyramus, to the head of the gulf, has a general direction from W. to E. The length of Cyrus's march, from Tarsus to the Saras, exceeds the direct distance on the map very much, if we reckon the parasang at 3 geographical miles; for 10 parasangs are 30 geographical miles, and the direct distance to Adana is not more than 16 miles. Mr. Ainsworth informs us that the Saras is not fordable at Adana; and Cyras probably crossed at some other place. The march from- the Saras to the Pyramus was 5 parasangs, or 15 geographical miles; and this appears to be very nearly the direct distance from Adana to Mopsnestia (Misis). Bnt Cyrus may have crossed some distance below Mopsuestia, without lengthening his march from the Saras to the Pyrajmus; and he may have done this even if he had to go lower down the Saras than Adana to find a ford. If he Hid not go higher up the Pyramus to seek a ford, for the reasons which Mr. Ainsworth mentions, he must have crossed lower down than Mopsnestia. The distance from the point where the supposed old bed begins to turn to the south, to the NE. end of the gulf of Issus, is 40 geographical miles; and thus the distance of 15 parasangs from the passage of the Pyramus to Issus, is more easily reconciled with the real distance than the measurement from Tarsus to the Saras.

The places not absolutely determined on or near the gulf of Issus, are: Myriandrus, Nicopolis, Epiphaneia [epiphaheia], Arae Alexandri, and Issus, though we know that Issus, must have been at the head of the gulf and on it. The following extract from Colonel Chesney contains the latest information mi these sites:—"About 7 miles south-eastward from the borders of Syria are the remains of a con aiderable city, probably those of Issus or Nicopolis, with the rains of a temple, a part of the Acropolis, an extensive aqueduct, generally with a double row of arches, running ESE. and WNW. These, in addition to the walls of the city itself, are entirely built of lava, and Btill exist in considerable perfection. Nearly 14 miles southward from thence, the Delf Chit quits the foot of the Amanus in two branches, which, after traversing the Issic plain, unite at the foot of the mountain just previously to entering the sea. The principal of these branches makes a deep curve towards the NE., so that a body of troops occupying one side might see behind and outflank those posted on the opposite side, in which, as well as in other respects, the stream appears to answer to the Pinarus of Alexander's historians. A little southward of this river are the castle, khan. bazar, baths, and other ruins of Bayas, once Baiae, with the three villages of Knretur in the neighbourhood, situated in the midst of groves of orange and palm trees. Again, 5 miles southward, is the pass, above noticed, of Sukiil-tutan, and at nearly the same distance onward, the fine bay and anchorage of Iskendentn, with an open but convenient landing-place on a bold beach; but, in consequence of the accumulation *>f the sand by which the months of the streams

descending from this part of the Amanus arc choked, a pestilential swamp extends from the very edge of the sea almost to the foot of the mountain. In the marsh towards the latter are some trifling rains, which may possibly be the site of ancient Myriandrus; and within a mile of the shore are the remains of a castle and bridge constructed by Godfrey of Bouillon." (Expedition for the Survey of the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris, vol. i. p. 408.)

There is no direct proof here that these remains are those of Issus. The aquednct probably belongs to the Roman period. It seems most likely that the remains are those of Nicopolis, and that Issus on the coast has disappeared. Colonel Chesney'a description of the bend of one of the branches of the Deli Tschai corresponds to Arrian's (ii. 2. § 10), who says, " Darius placed at the foot of the mountain, which was on the Persian left and opposite to Alexander's right, about 20,000 men; and some of them were on the rear of Alexander's army. For the mountain where they were posted in one place opened to some depth, and so a part became of the form of a bay on the sea. Darius then, by advancing further to the bend, brought the men who were posted at the foot of the mountain, in the real of the right wing of Alexander."

There still seems some doubt about the site of Myriandrus, which Mr. Ainsworth (Travels in the Track of the Ten Thousand, tfc. p. 60) places about half way between Scanderoon and Rhosus (Arsus); and he has the authority of Strabo, in his enumeration of the places on this coast, and that of Ptolemy who places Myriandrus 15' south of Alexandria ad Issum. As to Arsus, he observes, —" there are many rains, and especially a long aqueduct leading from the foot of the mountains." [G. L.]

ISTAEVONES. [germania and Uillevi

ONES.]

ISTER. [danubius.]

I'STHMIA, a small district iu Thessaly. [zeLaBium.]

ISTHMUS. [corinthus, p. 682, seq.]

ISTCNE. [corcyra.]

ISTCNIUM [celtiberia.]

I'STRIA ('lo-rp(a) or HI'STRIA, was the name given by the Greeks and Romans to the country which still bears the same appellation, and forms a peninsula of somewhat triangular form near the head of the Adriatic sea, running out from the coast of Liburnia, between Tergeste (Trieste) and the Sinus Flanaticus, or Gulf of Quarnero. It is about 50 G. miles in length, and 35 in breadth, while the isthmus or strip of land between the two gulfs of Trieste and Quarnero, by which it is united to the mainland, is about 27 G. miles across. The name is derived both by Greek and Latin authors from the fabulous notion entertained at a very early period that one branch or arm of the Danube (the Ister of the Greeks) flowed into the Adriatic sea near its head. (Strab. i. p. 57; Plin. iii. 18. s. 22.) The deep inlets and narrow channels with which the coasts of the Adriatic are intersected for a considerable distance below the peninsula of Istria may have contributed to favour this notion so long as those coasts were imperfectly known; and hence we cannot wonder at Scylax speaking of a river named Istrus (which he identifies with the Danube) as flowing through the land of the Istrians (ScyL p. 6. § 20); but it seems incredible that an author like Mela, writing in the days of Augustus, should not only socak of a river Ister as flowing into this part of the Adriatic bat should assert that its waters entered' that sea with a turbulence and force similar to those af the Padua. (Mel. H. 3. § 13, 4. § 4.) In point of fact, there ia no river of any magnitude flowing into the upper part of the Adriatic on its eastern shore which could afford even the slightest countenance to such a notion; the rivers in the peninsula of Istria itself are very trifling streams, and the dry, calcareous ridges which hem in the E. shore of the Adriatic, all the way from Trieste to the southern extremity of Dalmatia, do not admit either of the formation or the outlet of any considerable body of water. It is scarcely possible to account for the origin of such a fable; but if the inhabitants of Istria were really called Istiu ("Io-rpoi), as their satire name, which is at least highly probable, this circumstance may have first led the Greeks to assume their connection with the great river Ister, and the existence of a considerable amount of traffic up the valley of the Savus, and from thence by land across the Julian Alps, or Mount Ocra, to the head of the Adriatic (Strab. vii. p. 314), would tend to perpetuate such a notion.

The Istrians are generally considered as a tribe of ISyrian race (Appian, IUyr. 8; Strab. vii. p. 314; Zeuss, Die DeuJtchen, p. 253), and the fact that they were immediately surrounded by other Illyrian tribes is in itself a strong argument in favour of this view. Scymnus Chios alone calls them a Thracian tribe, bat on what authority we know not. (Scymn. Ch. 398.) They first appear in history as taking part with the other Illyrians in their piratical expeditions, and Livy ascribes to them this character as early as B.C. 301 (Liv. x. 2); but the first occasion on which they are distinctly mentioned as joining in these enterprises is just before the Second Punic War. They were, however, severely punished; the Roman consuls M. Minucius Rufus and P. Cornelius were sent against them, and they were reduced to complete submission. (Entrap, iii. 7; Oros. iv. 13; Zonar. viii. 20; Appian, IUyr. 8.) The next mention of them occurs in B. c. 183, when the consul M. Claudius Marcellus, after a successful campaign against the Gauls, asked and obtained permission to lead his legions into Istria. (Liv. xxxix. 55.) It does not, however, appear that this invasion produced any considerable result; but their piratical expeditions, together with the opposition offered by them to the foundation of the Roman colony of Aquileia, soon became the pretext of a fresh attack. (Id. xl. 18, 26, xli. 1.) In B.C. 178 the consul A Manlius invaded Istria with two legions; and though he. at first sustained a disaster, and narrowly escaped the capture of his camp, he recovered his position before the arrival of bis colleague, M. Junius, who had been sent to his support. The two consuls now attacked and defeated the Istrians; and their successor, C. Claudius, following up this advantage, took in succession the towns of Nesactium, Mutila, and Faveria, and reduced the whole people to submission. For this success he was rewarded with a triumph, B. c. 177. (Liv. xli. 1—5, 8—13; Flor. *■ 10.) The subjection of the Istrians on this occasion seems to have been real and complete; for, though a few years after we find them joining the Carni and Iapydes in complaining of the exactions of C. Cassias (Liv. xliii. 5), we hear of no subsequent revolts, and the district appears to have continued tranquil under the Roman yoke, until it was incorP'^ratcd by Augustus, together with Venclia and the toid of the Carni, as a portion of Italy. (Strab. v.

p. 213; Plin. iii. 19. s. 23.) It continued thenceforth to be always included under that name, though geographically connected much more closely with Dalmatia and Illyricnm. Hence we find, in the Notitia Dignitatum, the "Consularis Venetiae et Histriae" placed under the jurisdiction of the Vicarius Italiae. (A'ofc Digit, ii. pp. 5, 65.)

The natural limits of Istria are clearly marked by those of the peninsula of which it consists, or by a line drawn across from the Gulf of Trieitt to that of Quarnero, near Fume; bnt the political boundary Wan fixed by Augustus, when he included Istria in Italy, at the river Arsia or Arsn, which falls into the Gulf of Quarnero about 15 miles from the southern extremity of the peninsula. This river has its sources in the group of mountains of which the Monte Maggiore forms the highest point, and which constitutes the heart or nucleus of the peninsula, from which there radiate ranges of great calcareous hills, gradually declining as they approach the western coast, so that the shore of Istria along the Adriatic, though hilly and rocky, is not of any considerable elevation, or picturesque in character. But the calcareous rucks of which it is composed are indented by deep inlets, forming excellent harbours; of these, the beautiful land-locked basin of Pola ia particularly remarkable, and was noted in ancient as well as modern times. The northern point of Istria was fixed by Augustus at the river Formio, a small stream falling into the Gulf of Trieste between that city and Capo dIstria. Pliny expressly excludes Tergeste from Istria; but Ptolemy extends the limits of that province so as to include both the river Formio and Tergeste (Ptol. iii. 1. § 27); and Strabo also appears to consider the Timavos as constituting the boundary of Istria (Strab. v. p. 215), though he elsewhere calls Tergeste "a village of the Carni" (vii. p. 314). Pliny, however, repeatedly alludes to the Formio as having constituted the boundary of Italy before that name was officially extended so as to include Istria also, and there can be no doubt of the correctness of bis statement. Istria is not a country of any great natural fertility ; but its calcareous rocky soil was well adapted for the growth of olives, and its oil was reckoned by Pliny inferior only to that of Venafrum. (Fliii. xv. 2. s. 3.) In the Liter ages of the Roman empire, when the seat of government was fixed at Ravenna, Istria became of increased importance, from its facility of communication by sea with that capital, and furnished considerable quantities of corn, as well as wine and oil. (Cassiod. Varr. xii. 23, 24.) This was probably the most flourishing period of its history. It was subsequently ravaged in succession by the Lombards, Avars, and Sclavi (P. Diac. iv. 25, 42), but appears to have continued permanently subject to the Lombard kingdom of Italy, until its destruction in A. D. 774.

The towns in Istria mentioned by ancient writers are not numerous. Much the most important was Pola, near the extreme southern promont' ,y of the peninsula, which became a Roman c° 1 under Augustus. Proceeding along the cor Tergeste to Pola, were AieiPA (C y*°)i subsequently called Justinopolis, ant ^yC. 'nun (Paremo); while on the E. coast, near th./inouth of the river Arsia, was situated Nksactium, already noticed by Livy among the towns of the independent Istrians. The two other towns, Mmila and Faveria, mentioned by him in the same parage (xli. 11). are otherwise unknown, and cannot be identified. Plo* lemy also mentions three towns, which he places in the interior of the country, and names Pucinum, Piquentum (TliKovevrov), and Alvum or Alvon (-'AAoCoi'). Of these, Piquentum may be probably identified with Pinguente, a considerable place in the heart of the mountain district of the interior; and Alvon with Alb,mil (culled Alvona in the Tabula), which is, however, E. of the Arsa, and therefore not strictly within the Roman province of Istria. In like manner the Pncinum of Ptolemy is evidently the same place with the "castellum, nobile vino, Pucinum" of Pliny (vii. 18. s. 22), which the latter places in the territory of the Carni, between the Tirnavus and Tergeste, and was perhaps the same with the modern Dmno. Ningum, a place mentioned in the Antonine Itinerary (p. 271) between Tergeste and Parentium, cannot be determined with any certainty. The Tabula also gives two names in the N\V. part of the peninsula, Qnaeri and Silvo (Silvum), both of which are wholly unknown. The same authority marks throe small islands off the coast of Istria, to which it gives the names of Sepomana(?), Orsaria, and Pullaria: the last is mentioned also by Pliny (iii. 26. s. 30), and is probably the rocky island, or rather group of islets, off the harbour of Pola, now known as Li Briorii. The other two cannot be identified, any more than the Cissa of Pliny (i. o.): the Absyrtides of the same author are the larger islands in the Gol/o di Quarnero, which belong rather to Liburnia than to Istria.

[absyrtides.]

The extreme southern promontory of Istria, now called Punta di Promontore, seems to have been known in ancient times as the Promontorium Polaticum (4<tp»T^piov Itoaotikijc, Steph. B s. v. ndAa). Immediately adjoining it is a deep bay or harbour, now known as the Gol/o di Medoiino, which must be the Portus Planaticus (probably a corruption of Flanaticus) of the Tabula.

The Geographer of Ravenna, writing in the seventh century, but from earlier authorities, mentions the names of many towns in Istria unnoticed by earlier geographers, but which may probably have grown up under the Roman empire. Among these are Humago, still called Umago, Neapolis (Citta Nuova), Ruvignio (Rovigno), and Piranon (Pirano), all of them situated on the W. coast, with good ports, and which would naturally become places of some trade during the flourishing period of Istria above alluded to. (Anon, Ravenn. iv. 30, 31.) [E. H. B.]

ISTRIANORUM PORTUS. [isiacorum

I'ORTL'S.]

ISTRIA'NUS ("IffTpiiu'dr, PtoL iii. 6. § 3), a river of the Tauric Chersonese, which has been identified with the Kbit Tep. (Forbiger, vol. iii. pp. 1117,1121.) [E. B. J.]

1STROTOLIS, ISTRIO'POLIS, HISTRIOTOLIS ('Icrrpo'TroA.iS, 'ltrrpia Tr6\ti, or simply'IoTpcs: Istere), a town of Lower Moesia, at the southern extremity of lake Ilahnyris, on the coast of the Euxine. It was a colony of Miletus, and, at least in Strabo's time, a small town. (Strab. vii. p. 319; Plin. iv. 18. 24; Mela, ii. 2; Eutrop. vi. 8; Herod, ii. 33; Anian, Perip. Eux. p. 24 ; Geog. Rav. iv. 6; Lyoopk. 74 ; Ptoi.iii. 10.§ 8; Scymn. Fragm. 22; Steph. B. e. v.; A mm. Marc. xxii. 8; Ilicrocl. p. 637.) But the freqrent mention of the place shows that it must have been a commercial town of some imports ance; of its history, however, nothing is known. Some modern writers have identified it with Kiuttaua or Kosttndsje, the ancient ConaUntiena,

which, however, was in all probability situated to the south of Istropolis. [L. S.]

ISTRUS ("Iorpoj), a Cretan town which Artemidorus also called Istrona. (Steph. B. s. v.) The latter form of the name is found in an inscription (ap. Chiskull, Antiq. Asiat p. 110). The site is placed near Minoa: "Among the ruined edifices and columns of this ancient city are two immense marble blocks, half buried in the earth, and measuring 54 by 15 feet." (Cornelius, Creia Sacra, vol. i. p. 11; ap. Mm. Class. Antiq. vol. ii. p. 273; comp. Hock Kreta, vol. i. pp. 17, 421.) [E. B. J.l

[graphic]

COIN OF ISTRUS.

ISTURGI (Andujar la Vieja), a city of Hispania Baetica, in the neighbourhood of Illiturgis. (Inscr. ap. Florez, Esp. S. vol. vii. p. 137.) The Itastuuoi Triumphale of Pliny (iii. 1. s. 3) is probably the same place. (Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. pp. 380, 381.) [P. S.]

ISUBRIGANTUM. [isurium.]

ISU'RIUM, in Britain, first mentioned by Ptolemy (ii. 3. § 16) as a town of the Brigantes. It then occurs in two of the Itineraries, the 1st and 2nd. In each, it lies between Cataractonium and Eboracum (Catterick Bridge and York). Isubrigantum, in the 5th Itinerary, does the same.

In the time of the Saxons Isurium had already taken the name of Eald-burg {Old. Town), out ot which has come the present name Aldborough, near Boroughbridge, with which it is undoubtedly identified.

Roman remains, both within and without the walls, are abundant and considerable at Aldborough; the Stodhart (or Studforth), the Red Hill, and the Borough Hill, being the chief localities. Tesselated pavements, the foundations of large and spacious buildings, ornaments, implements, Samian ware, and coins with the names of nearly all the emperors from Vespasian to Constantine, have given to Isurium an importance equal to that of York, Cirencester, and other towns of Roman importance. [R. G. L.]

1SUS ("Iiros), a spot in Boeotia, near Anthedon, with vestiges of a city, which some commentators identified with the Homeric Nisa. (Strab. ix. p. 405 ; Horn. JL ii. 508.) There was apparently also a town Isus in Megaris; but the passage in Strabo in which the name occurs is corrupt. (Strab. L c.)

ITA'LIA ('itoaio), was the name given in ancient as well as in modern times to the country still called Itnly; and was applied, from the time of Augustus, both by Greek and Latin writers, in almost exactly the same sense as at the present day. It was, however, at first merely a geographical term; the countries comprised under the name, though strongly defined by natural limits, and common natural features, being from the earliest ages peopled by different races, which were never politically united, till they all fell under the Roman yoke, and were gradually blended, by the pervading influence ot Roman institutions and the Latin language, into one Common nationality.

L Name.

The name of Italy was very far from being originally applied in the same extensive signification which it afterwards obtained. It was confined, in the first instance, to the extreme southern point of the Italian peninsula, not including even the whole of the modern Calabria, but only the southern peninsular portion of that country, bounded on the N. by the narrow isthmus which separates the Terinaean and Scylletian gulfs. Such was the distinct statement of Antiochus of Syracuse (ap. Slrab. vi. p. 255); nor have we any reason to reject his testimony upou this point, though it is certain that this usage must have ceased long before the time of that historian, and is not found in any extant ancient author. At a subsequent period, but still in very early times, the appellation was extended to the whole tract along the shores of the Tarentine gulf, as far as Metapontum, and from thence across to the gulf of Posidonia on the western sea; though, according to other statements, the river Laiis was its northern limit on this side. (Strab. v. p. 209, vi. p. 254; Antiochus, ap. Dionys. L 73.) This appears to have been the established usage among the Greeks in the fifth century B. O. Antiochus expressly excluded the Iapygian peninsula from Italy, and Thucvdides clearly adopts the same distinction (vii. 33). The countries on the shores of the Tyrrhenian sea, north of the Posidonian gulf, were then known only by the names of Opica and Tyrrhenia; thus Thucydides calls Cumae a city in Opicia, and Aristotle spoke of Latium as a district of Opica. Even Theopurastus preserves the distinction, and speaks of the pine-trees of Italy, where those of the Bruttian mountains only can be meant, as opposed to those of Latium (Thuc vi. 4'; Arist. ap. Dionys. i. 72; Theophr. H. P. v. 8.)

The name of Italia, as thus applied, seems to have beeu synonymous with that of Oenotria; for Antiochus, in the same passage where he assigned the narrowest limits to the former appellation, confined that of Oenotria within the same boundaries, and spoke of the Oenotri and ltali as the same people (ap. Strab. vi. p. 254; ap. Dionys. i. 12). This is in perfect accordance with the statements which represent the Oenotrians as assuming the name of Italians (ltali) from a chief of the name of Italus (Dionys. i. 12, 35; Virg. A en. i. 533; Arist. Pol. vii. 10), as well as with the mythical genealogy according to which Italus and Oenotrus were brothers. (Serv. ad Aen. t. c). Thucydides, who represents Italus as coming from Arcadia (vi. 2), probably adopted this last tradition, for the Oenotrians were generally represented as of Arcadian origin. Whether the two names were originally applied to the same people, or (as is perhaps more probable) the ltali were merely a particular tribe of the Oenotrians, whose name gradually prevailed till it was extended to the whole people, we have no means of determining. But in this case, as in most others, it is clear that the name of the people was antecedent to that of the country, and that Italia, in its original signification, meant merely the land of the ltali; though at a later period, by its gradual extension, it had altogether lost this national meaning. It is impossible for us to trace with accuracy the successive steps of this extension, nor do we know at what time the Romans first adopted the name of Italia as that of the whole peninsula. It would be still more interesting to know whether they received

this usage from the Greeks, or found it already prevalent among the nations of Italy; but it is difficult to believe that tribes of different races, origin, and language, as the Etruscans, Umbrians, Sabellians, and Oenotrians, would have concurred in calling the Country they inhabited by one general appellation. If the Greek account already given, according to which the name was first given to the Oenotrian part of the peninsula, is worthy of confidence, it must have been a word of Pelasgic origin, and subsequently adopted by the Sabellian and Oscan races, as well as by the Romans themselves.

The etymology of the name is wholly uncertain. The current tradition among the Greeks and Romans, as already noticed, derived it from an Oenotrian or Pelasgic chief, Italus; but this is evidently a mere fiction, like that of so many other eponymous heroes. A more learned, but scarcely more trustworthy, etymology derived the name from Italos or Itulos, which, in Tyrrhenian or old Greek, is said to have signified an ox; so that Italia would have meant "the land of cattle." (Timaeus, ap. Gell. xL 1; Varr. R.R. W. 1. § 9.) The ancient form here cited is evidently connected with the Latin "vitulus and it is probable that the name of the people was originally Vitulos, or Vitalos, in its Pelasgic form; we find the same form retained by the Sabellian nations as late as the first century B. C, when the Samnite denarii (struck during the Social War. B. c. 90—88) have the inscription "Vitelu" for Italia.

It is probable that the rapid extension of the Roman power, and the successive subjugation of the different nations of Central and Southern Italy by its victorious arms, tended also to promote the extension of the one common name to the whole; and there seems little doubt that as early as the time of Pyrrhus, this was already applied in nearly the same sense as afterwards continued to be the usage,—as comprising the whole Italian peninsula to the frontiers of Cisalpine Gaul, but excluding the latter country, as well as Liguria. This continued to be the customary and official meaning of the name of Italy from this time till the close of the Republic; and hence, even after the First Triumvirate, Gallia Cisalpina, as well as Transalpina, was allotted to Caesar as his province, a term which was never applied but to countries out of Italy; but long before the close of this period, the name of Italy would seem to have been often employed in its more extensive, and what may be termed its geographical, meaning, as including the whole land from the foot of the Alps to the Sicilian straits. Polybius certainly uses the term in this sense, for he speaks of the Romans as having subdued all Italy, except the land of the GauU (Gallia Cisalpina), and repeatedly describes Hannibal as crossing tlie Alps into Italy, and designates the plains on the banks of the Pud us as in Italy. (Pol. i. 6, ii. 14, i'u. 39, 54.) The natural limits of Italy are indeed so clearly marked and so obvious, that as soon as the name came to bo once received as the designation of the country in general, it was almost inevitable that it should acquire this extension; hence, though the official distinction between Italy and Cisalpine Gaul was retained by the Romans to the very end of the Republic, it is clear that the more extended use of the name was already familiar in common usage. Tims, already in n.c. 76, Pompeius employs the expression "in cervicibus Italiae," of the passes of the Alps into Cisalpine Gaul (Sail. Hist. \\'\. 11): and Decimu& lii utus.in B. c. 43, distinctly uses the phrase of quitting Italy, when he crosses the Alps. (Cic. ad Fam.xi. 20.) So also both Caesar and Cicero, in his Philippics, repeatedly use the name of Italy in the wider a;. J more general sense, though the necessity of distinguishing the province of Cisalpine Gaul, leads the latter frequently to observe the official distinction. (Caes. B. G. v. 1, vi. 44, vii. 1; Cic Phil. iv. 4, v. 12.) But, indeed, lmd not this use of the name been already common, before it came to be officially adopted, that circumstance alone would scarcely have rendered it so familiar as we find it in the Latin writers of the Augustan age. Virgil, for instance, in celebrating the praises of Italy, never thought of excluding from that appellation the plains of Cisalpine Gaul, or the lakes at the fuot of the Alps. From the time, indeed, when the rights of Roman citizens were extended to all the Cisalpine Gauls, no real distinction any longer subsisted between the different parts of Italy; but Cisalpine Gaul still formed a separate province under D. Brutus in B. C. 43 (Cic. Phil. iii. 4, 5, iv. 4, v. 9, &c), and it is probable, that the union of that province with Italy took place in the following year. Dion Cassius speaks of it, in B.o. 41, as an already established arrangement. (Dion Cass, xlviii. 12; Savigny, Verm. Schr. iii. p. 318.)

From the time of Augustus onwards, the name of Italia continued to be applied in the same sense throughout the period of the Roman empire, though with some slight modifications of its frontiers on the side of the Alps; but during the last ages of the Western empire, a singular change took place, by which the name of Italia came to be specially applied (in official language at least) to the northern part of what we now call Italy, comprising the five provinces of Aemilia, Flaminia, Liguria, Venetia, and Istria, together with the Cottian and Rhaetian Alps, and thus excluding nearly the whole of what had been included under the name in the days of Cicero. This usage probably arose from the division of the whole of Italy for administrative purposes into two great districts, the one of which was placed under an officer called the " Vicarius Urbis Romae," while the other, or northern portion, was subject to the "Vicarius Italiae." {Not. Dig. ii. 18; Gothofr. ad Cod. Theod. xi. 1, leg. 6; Niebuhr, voL i. p.21.) The practice was confirmed for a time by the circumstance that this part of Italy became the seat of the Lombard monarchy, which assumed the title of the kingdom of Italy (* Regnum Italiae "); but the ancient signification still prevailed, and the name of Italy was applied throughont the middle ages, as it still is at the present day, within the boundaries established by Augustus.

The other names applied by ancient writers, especially by the Latin and later Greek poets, to the Italian peninsula, may be very brieHy disposed of. Dionysius tells us that in very remote ages Italy was called by the Greeks Hesperia, or Ausonia, and by the natives Satnrnia. (l)ionys. i. 35.) Of these three names, Hesperia ('Eairtplo), or "the Land of the West," was evidently a mere vague appellation, employed in the infancy of geographical discovery, and which was sometimes limited to Italy, sometimes used in a much wider sense as comprising the whole West of Europe, including Spain. [HisI-ania.] But there is no evidence of its having been employed in the more limited sense, at a very early period. The name is not found at all in Homer or Hesiod; but, according to the Iliac Table, Stcsichorus represented Aeneas as departing from

Troy for Hesperia, where in all probability Itaij is meant; though it is very uncertain whether the poet conducted Aeneas to Lativm. (Schwegler, Rum. Geech. vol. i. p. 298.) But even in the days of Stesichoms the appellation was probably one confined to the poets and logographers. At a later period we can trace it as used by the Alexandrian poets, from whom in all probability it passed to the Romans, and was adopted, as we know, by Ennius, or well as by Virgil and the writers of the Angustaa age. (Agathyllus, ap. Dionyt. i. 49; Apollon. lihod. iii. 311; Ennius, Ann. Fr. p. 12; Virg. Am. i. 530, iii. 185, &c.)

The name of Ausokia, on the contrary, was one derived originally from one of the races which inhabited the Italian peninsula, the Aurnnci of the Romans, who were known to the Greeks as the Ausones. These Ausoninns were a tribe of Opican or Oscan race, and it is probable that the mine of Ausonia was at first applied much as that of Opicia or Opica was by Thucydides and other writers of the fifth century B. C. But, as applied to the whole peninsula of Italy, the name is, so far as we know, purely poetical; nor can it be traced farther back than the Alexandrian writers Lycophron and Apollonius Rhodius, who employed it familiarly (as did the Latin poets in imitation of them) as a poetical equivalent for Itzjy. [acsokes.]

As for the name of Saturnia, though it is fonnd in a pretended Greek oracle cited by Dionysius (iaropAav alav, Dionys. i. 19), it may well be doubted whether it was ever an ancient appellation at all. Its obvious derivation from the name of the Latin god Saturnus proves it to have been of native Italian, and not of Greek, invention, and probably this was the only authority that Dionysius had for saying it was the native name of Italy. But all the traditions of the Roman mythology connect Saturnus so closely with Latiuin, that it seems almost certain the name of Satumia (if it was ever more than a poetical fabrication) originally belonged to Latiuin only, and was thence gradually extended by the Romans to the rest of Italy. Ennius seems to have used the phrase of ** Satnrnia terra " only in reference to Latiuin; while Virgil applies it to the whole of Italy. (Ennius, ap. Varr.L.L. v. 42; Virg. Georg. ii. 173.) It is never used in either sense by Latin prose writers, though several authors state, as Dionysius does, that it was the ancient name of Italy, (Festus, v. Satnrnia, p. 322; Justin, xliii. 1.)

II. Boundaries And Physical Geoobapht.

There are few countries of which the boundaries are more clearly marked out by nature than those of Italy. It is well described by one of its modem poets as the land

"Ch' Apennin parte e 1 mar circonda e I'Alpe;"

and this single line at once enumerates all the principal physical features that impart to the country its peculiar physiognomy. Italy consists of a great peninsula, ppijecting in a SE. direction into the Mediterranean sea, and bounded on the W. by tho portions of that sea commonly known as the Tyrrhenian and Sicilian seas, but comprised by the Romans under the name of Mare Inferum, or the Lower Sea; on the E. by the Adriatic, or the Upper Sea (Mare Superum). as it was commonly termed by the Romans; while to the N. it spreads out into a broad expanse, forming, as it were, the base or root by which it adheres to the continent of Europe, and

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