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3. The SABELLIANS. This name, which is sometimes used by ancient writers as synonymous with that of the Sabines, sometimes to designate the Samnites in particular (Plin. iii. 12. s. 17; Virgil, Georg. ii. 167; Hor. Sat. i. 9. 29, ii. 1. 36; Heindorf. ad loc.), is commonly adopted by modern historians as a general appellation, including the Sabines and all those races or tribes which, according to the distinct tradition of antiquity, derived their origin from them. These traditions are of a very different character from most of those transmitted to us, and have apparently every claim to be received as historical. And though we have no means of fixing the date of the migrations to which they refer, it seems certain that these cannot be carried back to a very remote age; but that the Sabellian races had not very long been established in the extensive regions of Central Italy, where we find them in the historical period. Their extension still further to the S. belongs distinctly to the historical age, and did not take place till long after the establishment of the Greek colonies in Southern Italy.

wards called Samnium, until they were expelled, or
rather subdued, by the Sabine colonists, who as-
sumed the name of Samnites. (Id. v. p. 250.)
[SAMNIUM.] Whether they were more widely ex-
tended we have no positive evidence; but there seems
a strong presumption that they had already spread
themselves through the neighbouring districts of
Italy. Thus the Hirpini, who are represented as a
Samnite or Sabellian colony, in all probability found
an Oscan population established in that country, as
did the Samnites proper in the more northern pro-
vince. There are also strong arguments for re-
garding the Volscians as of Oscan race, as well as
their neighbours and inseparable allies the Aequians.
(Niebuhr, vol. i. pp. 70-73; Donaldson, Varro-
nianus, pp. 4, 5.) It was probably also an Oscan
tribe that was settled in the highlands of the Apen-
nines about Reate, and which from thence descended
into the plains of Latium, and constituted one im-
portant element of the Latin nation. [LATIUM.]
It is certain that, if that people was, as already
mentioned, in part of Pelasgic origin, it contained
also a very strong admixture of a non-Pelasgic
race; and the analogy of language leads us to derive
this latter element from the Oscan. (Donaldson, l.c.)
Indeed the extant monuments of the Oscan lan-
guage are sufficient to prove that it bore a very close
relation to the oldest form of the Latin; and Niebuhr
justly remarks, that, had a single book in the Oscan
language been preserved, we should have had little
difficulty in deciphering it. (Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 68.)
It is difficult to determine the precise relation
which this primitive Oscan race bore to the Sabines
or Sabellians. The latter are represented as con-
querors, making themselves masters of the countries
previously occupied by the Oscans; but, both in
Samnium and Campania, we know that the language
spoken in historical times, and even long after the
Roman conquest, was still called Oscan; and we
even find the Samnites carrying the same language
with them, as they gradually extended their con-
quests, into the furthest recesses of Bruttium. (Fest.
s. v. Bilingues Brutates, p. 35.) There seems little
doubt that the Samnite conquerors were a com-
paratively small body of warriors, who readily adopted
the language of the people whom they subdued, like
the Normans in France, and the Lombards in
Northern Italy. (Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 67.) But, at
the same time, there are strong reasons for sup-
posing that the language of the Sabines themselves,
and therefore that of the conquering Sabellian race,
was not radically distinct from that of the Oscans,
but that they were in fact cognate dialects, and that
the two nations were members of the same family
or race. The questions concerning the Oscan lan-
guage, so far as it is known to us from existing monu-tral
ments, are more fully adverted to under the article
Osci*; but it must be borne in mind that all such
monuments are of a comparatively late period, and
represent only the Sabello-Oscan, or the language
spoken by the combined people, long after the two
races had been blended into one; and that we are
almost wholly without the means of distinguishing
what portion was derived from the one source or the
other.

* See also Mommsen, Oskische Studien, 8vo. Berlin, 1845, and Nachträge, Berl. 1846, and his Unter Italischen Dialekte, Leipzig, 1850, pp. 99— 316; Klenze, Philologische Abhandlungen, 8vo. Berlin, 1839.

The Sabines, properly so called, had their original abodes, according to Cato (ap. Dionys. ii. 49), in the lofty ranges of the central Apennines and the upland valleys about Amiternum. It was from thence that, descending towards the western sea, they first began to press upon the Aborigines, an Oscan race, whom they expelled from the valleys about Reate, and thus gradually extended themselves into the country which they inhabited under the Romans, and which still preserves its ancient name of La Sabina. But, while the nation itself had thus shifted its quarters nearer to the Tyrrhenian Sea, it had sent out at different periods colonies or bodies of emigrants, which had established themselves to the E. and S. of their original abodes. Of these, the most powerful and celebrated were the Samnites (Zavvîraι), a people who are universally represented by ancient historians as descended from the Sabines (Strah. v. p. 250; Fest. v. Samnites; Varr. L. L. vii. § 29); and this tradition, in itself sufficiently trustworthy, derives the strongest confirmation from the fact already noticed, that the Romans applied the name of Sabelli (obviously only another form of Sabini) to both nations indiscriminately. It is even probable that the Samnites called themselves Sabini, or Savini, for the Oscan name "Safinim" is found on coins struck during the Social War, which in all probability belong to the Samnites, and certainly not to the Sabines proper. Equally distinct and uniform are the testimonies to the Sabine origin of the Piceni or Picentes (Plin. iii. 13. s. 18; Strab. v. p. 240), who are found in historical times in possession of the fertile district of Picenum, extending from the cen

chain of the Apennines to the Adriatic. The Peligni also, as we learn from the evidence of their native poet (Ovid, Fast. iii. 95), claimed to be of Sabine descent; and the same may fairly be assumed with regard to the Vestini, a tribe whom we find in historical times occupying the very valleys which are represented as the original abodes of the Sabines. We know nothing historically of the origin of this people, any more than of their neighbours the Marrucini; but we find them both associated so frequently with the Peligni and the Marsi, that it is probable the four constituted a common league or confederation, and this in itself raises a presumption that they were kindred races. Cato already remarked, and without doubt correctly, that the name of the Marrucini was directly derived from that of

the Marsi (Cato, ap. Priscian. ix. 9); and there can be no doubt that the same relation subsisted between the two nations: but we are wholly in the dark as to the origin of the Marsi themselves. Several circumstances, however, combine to render it probable that they were closely connected with the Sabines, but whether as a distinct offset from that people, or that the two proceeded from one common stock, we have no means of determining. [MARSI.] The Frentani, on the other hand, are generally represented as a Samnite race; indeed, both they and the Hirpini were so closely connected with the Samnites, that they are often considered as forming only a part of that people, though at other times they figure as independent and separate nations. But the traditions with regard to the establishment of the Hirpini and the origin of their name [HIRPINI], seem to indicate that they were the result of a separate migration, subsequent to that of the body of the Samnites. South of the Hirpini, again, the Lucanians are universally described as a Samnite colony, or rather a branch of the Samnites, who extended their conquering arms over the greater part of the country called by the Greeks Oenotria, and thus came into direct collision with the Greek colonies on the southern coasts of Italy. [MAGNA GRAECIA.] At the height of their power the canians even made themselves masters of the Bruttian peninsula; and the subsequent revolt of the Bruttii did not clear that country of these Sabellian invaders, the Bruttian people being apparently a mixed population, made up of the Lucanian conquerors and their Oenotrian serfs. [BRUTTII] While the Samnites and their Lucanian progeny were thus extending their power on the S. to the Sicilian strait, they did not omit to make themselves masters of the fertile plains of Campania, which, together with the flourishing cities of Capua and Cumae, fell into their hands between 440 and 420 B. C. [CAMPANIA.]

cient authors as being at once Sabine and Oscan; and Varro (himself a native of Reate) bears distinct testimony to a connection between the two. (Varr. L. L. vii. § 28, ed. Müller.) On the other hand, there are evidences that the Sabine language had considerable affinity with the Umbrian (Donaldson, Varron. p. 8); and this was probably the reason why Zenodotus of Troezen (ap. Dionys. ii. 49) derived the Sabines from an Umbrian stock. But, in fact, the Umbrian and Oscan languages were themselves by no means so distinct as to exclude the supposition that the Sabine dialect may have been intermediate between the two, and have partaken largely of the characters of both.

4. UMBRIANS.-The general tradition of antiquity appears to have fixed upon the Umbrians as the most ancient of all the races inhabiting the Italian peninsula. (Plin. iii. 14. s. 19; Flor. i. 17; Dionys. i. 19.) We are expressly told that at the earliest period of which any memory was preserved, they occupied not only the district where we find them in historical times, but the greater part of Etruria also; while, across the Apennines, they held the fertile plains (subsequently wrested from them by the Etruscans and the Gauls) from the neighbourhood of Ravenna to that of Ancona, and appaLu-rently a large part of Picenum also. Thus, at this time, the Umbrians extended from the Adriatic to the Tyrrhenian sea, and from the mouths of the Padus nearly to those of the Tiber. Of their origin or national affinities we learn but little from ancient authors; a notion appears to have arisen among the Romans at a late period, though not alluded to by any writer of authority, that they were a Celtic or Gaulish race (Solin. 2. § 11; Serv. ad Aen. xii. 753; Isidor. Orig. ix. 2), and this view has been adopted by many modern authors. (Walckenaer, Géogr. des Gaules, vol. i. p. 10; Thierry, Hist. des Gaulois, vol. i.) But, in this instance, we have a much safer guide in the still extant remains of the Umbrian

Eugubinae [IGUVIUM]; and the researches of modern philologers, which have been of late years especially directed to that interesting monument, have sufficiently proved that it has no such close affinity with the Celtic as to lead us to derive the Umbrians from a Gaulish stock. On the other hand, these inquiries have fully established the existence of a general resemblance between the Umbrian, Oscan, and oldest Latin languages; a resemblance not confined to particular words, but extending to the grammatical forms, and the whole structure of the language. Hence we are fairly warranted in concluding that the Umbrians, Oscans, and Latins (one important element of the nation at least), as well as the Sabines and their descendants, were only branches of one race, belonging, not merely to the same great family of the Indo-Teutonic nations, but to the same subdivision of that family. The Umbrian may very probably have been, as believed by the Romans, the most ancient branch of these kindred tribes; and its language would thus bear much the same relation to Latin and the later Oscan dialects that Moeso Gothic does to the several Teutonic tongues. (Donaldson, Varron. pp. 78, 104, 105; Schwegler, Römische Geschichte, vol. i. p. 176.)

The dominion of the Sabellian race was thus esta-language, preserved to us in the celebrated Tabulae blished from the neighbourhood of Ancona to the southern extremity of Bruttium: but it must not be supposed that throughout this wide extent the population was become essentially, or even mainly, Sabellian. That people appears rather to have been a race of conquering warriors; but the rapidity with which they became blended with the Oscan populations that they found previously established in some parts at least of the countries they subdued, seems to point to the conclusion that there was no very wide difference between the two. Even in Samnium itself (which probably formed their stronghold, and where they were doubtless more numerous in proportion) we know that they adopted the Oscan language; and that, while the Romans speak of the people and their territory as Sabellian, they designate their speech as Oscan. (Liv. viii. 1, x. 19, 20.) In like manner, we know that the Lucanian invaders carried with them the same language into the wilds of Bruttium; where the double origin of the people was shown at a late period by their continuing to speak both Greek and Oscan. (Fest. p. 35.) The relations between these Sabellian conquerors and the Oscan inhabitants of Central Italy render it, on the whole probable, that the two nations were only branches from one common stock (Niebuhr, vol. i. 5. ETRUSCANS.-While there is good reason to p. 104), related to one another very much like the suppose a general and even close affinity between the Normans, Danes, and Saxons. Of the language of nations of Central Italy which have just been rethe Sabines themselves we have unfortunately scarcely viewed, there are equally strong grounds for reany remains: but there are some words quoted by an-garding the Etruscans as a people of wholly dif

were a distinct race from the Gauls (Strab. ii. p. 128), and there seems no doubt that they were established

Nor were they by any means confined to the part of Italy which ultimately retained their name. At a very early period we learn that they occupied the whole coast of the Mediterranean, from the foot of the Pyrenees to the frontiers of Etruria, and the Greek writers uniformly speak of the people who occupied the neighbourhood of Massilia, or the modern Provence, as Ligurians, and not Gauls. (Strab. iv. p. 203.) At the same period, it is probable that they were more widely spread also in the basin of the Po than we find them when they appear in Roman history. At that time the Taurini, at the foot of the Cottian Alps, were the most northern of the Ligurian tribes; while S. of the Padus they extended probably as far as the Trebia. Along the shores of the Mediterranean they possessed in the time of Polybius the whole country as far as Pisae and the mouths of the Arnus, while they held the fastnesses of the Apennines as far to the E. as the frontiers of the Arretine territory. (Pol. ii. 16.) It was not till a later period that the Macra became the established boundary between the Roman province of Liguria and that of Etruria.

ferent race and origin from those by which they were surrounded. This strongly marked distinctness from the other Italian races appears to have been recog-in Northern Italy long before the Gallic invasion. nised both by Roman and Greek writers. Dionysius even affirms that the Etruscans did not resemble, either in language or manners, any other people whatsoever (Dionys. i. 30); and, however we may question the generality of this assertion, the fact in regard to their language seems to be borne out by the still existing remains of it. The various theories that have been proposed concerning their origin, and the views of modern philologers in regard to their language, are more fully discussed under the article ETRURIA. It may suffice here to state that two points may be considered as fairly established:1. That a considerable part of the population of Etruria, and especially of the more southern portions of that country, was (as already mentioned) of Pelasgic extraction, and continued to speak a dialect closely akin to the Greek. 2. That, besides this, there existed in Etruria a people (probably a conquering race) of wholly different origin, who were the proper Etruscans or Tuscans, but who called themselves Rasena; and that this race was wholly distinct from the other nations of Central Italy. As to the ethnical affinities of this pure Etruscan race, we are almost as much in the dark as was Dionysius; but recent philological inquiries appear to have established the fact that it may be referred to the same great family of the Indo-Teutonic nations, though widely separated from all the other branches of that family which we find settled in Italy. There are not wanting, indeed, evidences of many points of contact and similarity, with the Umbrians on the one hand and the Pelasgians on the other; but it is probable that these are no more than would naturally result from their close juxtaposition, and that mixture of the different races which had certainly taken place to a large extent before the period from which all our extant monu-bably a Celtic race [CARNI]. ments are derived. It may, indeed, reasonably be assumed, that the Umbrians, who appear to have been at one time in possession of the greater part, if not the whole, of Etruria, would never be altogether expelled, and that there must always have remained, especially in the N. and E., a subject population of Umbrian race, as there was in the more southern districts of Pelasgian.

The statement of Livy, which represents the Rhaetians as of the same race with the Etruscans (v. 33), even if its accuracy be admitted, throws but little light on the national affinities of the latter; for we know, in fact, nothing of the Rhaetians, either as to their language or origin.

It only remains to advert briefly to the several branches of the population of Northern Italy. Of these, by far the most numerous and important were the Gauls, who gave to the whole basin of the Po the name of Gallia Cisalpina. They were universally admitted to be of the same race with the Gauls who inhabited the countries beyond the Alps, and their migration and settlement in Italy were referred by the Roman historians to a comparatively recent period. The history of these is fully given under GALLIA CISALPINA. Adjoining the Gauls on the SW., both slopes of the Apennines, as well as of the Maritime Alps and a part of the plain of the Po, were occupied by the LIGURIANS, a people as to whose national affinities we are almost wholly in the dark. [LIGURIA.] It is certain, however, from the positive testimony of ancient writers, that they

Bordering on the Gauls on the E., and separated from them by the river Athesis (Adige), were the VENETI, a people of whom we are distinctly told that their language was different from that of the Gauls (Pol. ii. 17), but of whom, as of the Ligurians, we know rather what they were not, than what they were. The most probable hypothesis is, that they were an Illyrian race (Zeuss, Die Deutschen, p. 251), and there is good reason for referring their neighbours the ISTRIANS to the same stock. On the other hand, the CARNI, a mountain tribe in the extreme NE. of Italy, who immediately bordered both on the Venetians and Istrians, were more pro

Another name which we meet with in this part of Italy is that of the EUGANEI, a people who had dwindled into insignificance in historical times, but whom Livy describes as once great and powerful, and occupying the whole tracts from the Alps to the sea. (Liv. i. 1.) Of their national affinities we know nothing. It is possible that where Livy speaks of other Alpine races besides the Rhaetians, as being of common origin with the Etruscans (v. 33), that he had the Euganeans in view; but this is mere conjecture. He certainly seems to have regarded them as distinct both from the Venetians and Gauls, and as a more ancient people in Italy than either of those races.

V. HISTORY.

The history of ancient Italy is for the most part inseparably connected with that of Rome, and cannot be considered apart from it. It is impossible here to attempt to give even an outline of that history; but it may be useful to the student to present at one view a brief sketch of the progress of the Roman arms, and the period at which the several nations of Italy successively fell under their yoke, as well as the measures by which they were gradually consolidated into one homogeneous whole, in the form that Italy assumed under the rule of Augustus. The few facts known to us concerning the history of the several nations, before their conquest by the Romans, will be found in their respective articles; that of the Greek colonies in Southern Italy, and

their relations with the surrounding tribes, are given under the head of MAGNA GRAECIA.

At this time, therefore, only seventy years before the First Punic War, the Roman dominion still com

name (for the Aequi and Hernici were still independent), together with the southern part of Etruria, the territory of the Volscians, and a part of Campania. During the next fifty years, which was the period of the great extension of the Roman arms and influence, the contest between Rome and Samnium was the main point of interest; but almost all the surrounding nations of Italy were gradually drawn in to take part in the struggle. Thus, in the Second Samnite War (B. c. 326-304), the names of the Lucanians and Apulians — nations with which (as Livy observes, viii. 25) the Roman people had, up to that period, had nothing to do-appear as taking an active part in the contest. In another part of Italy, the Marsi, Vestini, and Peligni, all of them, as we have seen, probably kindred races with the Samnites, took up arms at one time or another in support of that people, and were thus for the first time brought into collision with Rome. It was not till B. C. 311 that the Etruscans on their side joined in the contest: but the Etruscan War at once assumed a character and dimensions scarcely less formidable than that with the Samnites. It was now that the Romans for the first time carried their arms beyond the Ciminian Hills; and the northern cities of Etruria, Perusia, Cortona, and Arretium, now first appear as taking part in the war. [ETRURIA.] Before the close of the contest, the Umbrians also took up arms for the first time against the Romans. The peace which put an end to the Second Samnite War (B. c. 304) added nothing to the territorial extent of the Roman power; but nearly contemporary with it, was the revolt of the Hernicans, which ended in the complete subjugation of that people (B.C. 306); and a few years later the Aequians, who followed their example, shared the same fate, B. C. 302. About the same time (B. c. 304) a treaty was concluded with the Marsi, Marrucini, Peligni, and Frentani, by which those nations appear to have passed into the condition of dependent allies of Rome, in which we always subsequently find them. A similar treaty was granted to the Vestini in B. C. 301.

1. Conquest of Italy by the Romans, B. C. 509-prised only Latium, in the more limited sense of the 264.-The earliest wars of the Romans with their immediate neighbours scarcely come here under our consideration. Placed on the very frontier of three powerful nations, the infant city was from the very first engaged in perpetual hostilities with the Latins, the Sabines, and the Etruscans. And, however little dependence can be placed upon the details of these wars, as related to us, there seems no doubt that, even under the kings, Rome had risen to a superiority over most of her neighbours, and had extended her actual dominion over a considerable part of Latium. The earliest period of the Republic, on the other hand (from the expulsion of the Tarquins to the Gaulish invasion, B. C. 509-390), when stripped of the romantic garb in which it has been clothed by Roman writers, presents the spectacle of a difficult and often dubious struggle, with the Etruscans on the one hand, and the Volscians on the other. The capture of Veii, in B. C. 396, and the permanent annexation of its territory to that of Rome, was the first decisive advantage acquired by the rising republic, and may be looked upon as the first step to the domination of Italy. Even the great calamity sustained by the Romans, when their city was taken and in part destroyed by the Gauls, B. C. 390, was so far from permanently checking their progress, that it would rather seem to have been the means of opening out to them a career of conquest. It is probable that that event, or rather the series of predatory invasions by the Gauls of which it formed a part, gave a serious shock to the nations of Central | Italy, and produced among them much disorganisation and consequent weakness. The attention of the Etruscans was naturally drawn off towards the N., and the Romans were able to establish colonies at Sutrium and Nepete; while the power of the Volscians appears to have been greatly enfeebled, and the series of triumphs over them recorded in the Fasti now marks real progress. That of M. Valerius Corvus, after the destruction of Satricum in B. c. 346 (Liv. vii. 27; Fast. Capit.), seems to indicate the total subjugation of the Volscian people, who never again appear in history as an independent power. Shortly after this, in B.C. 343, the Romans for the first time came into collision with the Samnites. That people were then undoubtedly at the height of their power: they and their kindred Sabellian tribes had recently extended their conquests over almost the whole southern portion of the peninsula (see above, p. 86); and it cannot be doubted, that when the Romans and Samnites first found themselves opposed in arms, the contest between them was one for the supremacy of Italy. Meanwhile, a still more formidable danger, though of much briefer duration, threatened the rising power of Rome. The revolt of the Latins, who had hitherto been among the main instruments and supports of that power, threatened to shake it to its foundation; and the victory of the Romans at the foot of Mt. Vesuvius, under T. Manlius and P. Decius (B. C. 340), was perhaps the most important in their whole history. Three campaigns sufficed to terminate this formidable war (B. C. 340-338). The Latins were now reduced from the condition of dependent allies to that of subjects, whether under the name of Roman citizens or on less favourable terins [LATIUM]; and the greater part of Campania was placed in the same condition.

In B. C. 298, the contest between Rome and Samnium was renewed, but in this Third Samnite War the people of that name was only one member of a powerful confederacy, consisting of the Samnites, Etruscans, Umbrians, and Gauls; nevertheless, their united forces were defeated by the Romans, who, after several successful campaigns, compelled both Etruscans and Samnites to sue for peace (B. C. 290). The same year in which this was concluded witnessed also the subjugation of the Sabines, who had been so long the faithful allies of Rome, and now appear, for the first time after a long interval, in arins: they were admitted to the Roman franchise. (Liv. Epit. xi.; Vell. Pat. i. 14.) The short interval which elapsed before hostilities were generally renewed, afforded an opportunity for the subjugation of the Galli Senones, whose territory was wasted with fire and sword by the consul Dolabella, in 283; and the Roman colony of Sena (Sena Gallica) established there, to secure their permanent submission. Already in B. C. 282, the war was renewed both with the Etruscans and the Samnites; but this Fourth Samnite War, as it is often called, was soon merged in one of a more extensive character. The Samnites were at first assisted by the Lucanians

their own immediate frontiers. Strabo observes, that it cost them eighty years of war to secure the coastline of Liguria for the space of 12 stadia in width (iv. p. 203); a statement nearly correct, for the first triumph over the Ligurians was celebrated in B. C. 236, and the last in B. c. 158. Even after this last period it appears to have been a long time before the people were finally reduced to a state of tranquillity, and lapsed into the condition of ordinary Roman subjects.

and Bruttians, the latter of whom now occur for the East, they were still constantly engaged in an inglofirst time in Roman history (Liv. Epit. xii.); but cir-rious, but arduous, struggle with the Ligurians, on cumstances soon arose which led the Romans to declare war against the Tarentines; and these called in the assistance of Pyrrhus, king of Epirus. The war with that monarch (the first in which the Romans were engaged with any non-Italian enemy) was at the same time decisive of the fate of the Italian peninsula. It was, indeed, the last struggle of the nations of Southern Italy against the power of Rome: on the side of Pyrrhus were ranged, besides the Tarentines and their mercenaries, the Samnites, Lucanians, and Bruttians; while the Latins, Campanians, Sabines, Umbrians, Volscians, Marrucini, Peligni, and Frentani, are enumerated among the troops which swelled the ranks of the Romans. (Dionys. xx. Fr. Didot.) Hence, the final defeat of Pyrrhus near Beneventum (B. c. 275) was speedily followed by the complete subjugation of Italy. Tarentum fell into the hands of the Romans in B. C. 272, and, in the same year, the consuls Sp. Carvilius and Papirius Cursor celebrated the last of the many Roman triumphs over the Samnites, as well as the Lucanians and Bruttians. Few particulars have been transmitted to us of the petty wars which followed, and served to complete the conquest of the peninsula. The Picentes, who were throughout the Samnite wars on friendly terms with Rome, now appear for the first time as enemies; but they were defeated and reduced to submission in B. C. 268. The subjection of the Sallentines followed, B. C. 266, and the same year records the conquest of the Sarsinates, probably including the other mountain tribes of the Umbrians. A revolt of the Volsinians, in the following year (B. C. 265), apparently arising out of civil dissensions, gave occasion to the last of these petty wars, and earned for that people the credit of being the last of the Italians that-submitted to the Roman power. (Florus, i. 21.)

2. Italy under the Romans. It would be a great mistake to suppose that the several nations of Italy, from the periods at which they successively yielded to the Roman arms and acknowledged the supremacy of the Republic, became her subjects, in the strict sense of the word, or were reduced under any uniform system of administration. The relations of every people, and often even of every city, with the supreme head, were regulated by special agreements or decrees, arising out of the circumstances of their conquest or submission. How various and different these relations were, is sufficiently seen by the instances of the Latins, the Campanians, and the Hernicans, as given in detail by Livy (viii. 11 -14, ix. 43). From the loss of the second decade of that author, we are unfortunately deprived of all similar details in regard to the other nations of Italy; and hence our information as to the relations established between them and Rome in the third century B. C., and which continued, with little alteration, till the outbreak of the Social War, B. C. 90, is unfortunately very imperfect. We may, however, clearly distinguish two principal classes into which the Italians were then divided; those who possessed the rights of Roman citizens, and were thus incorporated into the Roman state, and those who still retained their separate national existence as dependent allies, rather than subjects properly so called. The first class comprised all those communities which had received, whether as nations or separate cities, the gift of the Roman franchise; a right sometimes conferred as a boon, but often also imposed as a penalty, with a view to break up more effectually the national spirit and organisation, and bring the people into closer dependence upon the supreme authority. In these cases the citizenship was conferred without the right of suffrage; but in most, and perhaps in all such instances, the latter privilege was ultimately conceded. Thus we find the Sabines, who in B. C. 290 obtained only the "civitas sine suffragio," admitted in B. C. 268 to the full enjoyment of the franchise (Vell. Pat. i. 14): the same was the case also, though at a much longer interval, with Formiae, Fundi, and Arpinum, which did not receive the right of suffrage till B. C. 188 (Liv. viii. 41, x. 1, xxxviii. 36), though they had borne the title of Roman citizens for more than a century. To the same class belonged those of the Roman colonies which were called "coloniae civium Romanorum," and which, though less numerous and powerful than the Latin colonies, were scattered through all parts of Italy, and included some wealthy and important towns. (A list of them is given by Madvig, de Coloniis, pp. 295-303, and by Marquardt, Handb. der Römischen Alterthümer, vol. iii. pt. i. p. 18.)

It was not till long after that the nations of Northern Italy shared the same fate. Cisalpine Gaul and Liguria were still regarded as foreign provinces; and, with the exception of the Senones, whose territory had been already reduced, none of the Gaulish nations had been assailed in their own abodes. In B. C. 232 the distribution of the "Gallicus ager" (the territory of the Senones) became the occasion of a great and formidable war, which, however, ultimately ended in the victory of the Romans, who immediately proceeded to plant the two colonies of Placentia and Cremona in the territory of the Gauls, B. c. 218. The history of this war, as well as of those which followed, is fully related under GALLIA CISALPINA. It may here suffice to mention, that the final conquest of the Boii, in B. c. 191, completed the subjection of Gaul, south of the Padus; and that of the Transpadane Gauls appears to have been accomplished soon after, though there is some uncertainty as to the exact period. The Venetians had generally been the allies of the Romans during these contests with the Gauls, and appear to have passed gradually and quietly from the condition of independent allies to that of dependents, and ultimately of subjects. The Istrians, on the contrary, were reduced by force of arms, and submitted in B. c. 177. The last people of Italy that fell under the yoke of Rome were the Ligurians. This hardy race of mountaineers was not subdued till after a long series of To the second class, the "Socii" or Civitates campaigns; and, while the Roman arms were over- | Foederatae," which, down to the period of the Social

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