Lib. I.; Gestarum Rerum, Lib. II." Here it will be obvious that the drift of Muratori's remark is, not that the books given to churches were offered on the altar, or that they were offered pro remedio anima, but that, when given even by popes, it was thought worth while to record the donation in history, (that is, in their lives,) and the instance which he quotes happens to contain the words-pro remedio anima sua, to which he undoubtedly attached no importance, as well as knowing, and expecting every body to understand, that this was, in all such cases, implied, if not expressed. Even this remark, however, surprises me as coming from a writer who must have known that the gifts of some of the popes to various churches and monasteries were scrupulously registered, and have been unmercifully detailed by their biographers; and, indeed, some of the books which occur in such lists might well be considered donatives of great value, even by those who could not read. For instance, when Leo III., in the beginning of the ninth century, gave a copy of the Gospels so ornamented with gold and precious stones that it weighed seventeen pounds, four ounces or, when Benedict III. gave one to the church of St. Calistus, adorned with gold and silver of nearly the same weight. Surely when such books, or even books of less value, were given, it was as natural to record the donation as that of a silver chalice, or a silk vestment. We may also believe that when books-especially such books-were formally presented to churches, they were offered on the altar, though I have met with very few instances of it ; and, indeed, with scarcely any charter or deed of gift conveying such things as books at all. The reason is plain-for churches and monasteries not merely (as Robertson observes very truly, if not taken strictly,) had the only libraries, but they were the great and almost the only manufactories of books. Still they might be, and sometimes were, presented; and, on such occasions, were likely to be offered on the altar, though neither because they were books, nor because they were peculiarly rare or costly. * "Hic fecit B. Petro apostolo fautori suo, Evangelia aurea cum gemmis prasinis at que hyacinthinis et albis miræ magnitudinis in circuitu ornata, pensantia libras decem et septem et uncias quatuor." See a list of his donations to various churches, occupying nearly twelve of the large close-printed, double-columned pages of Labbe's Councils, tom. vii. c. 1090. +"Ad laudem et gloriam ipsius Ecclesiæ fecit Evangelium argento auroque perfusum unum pensans libras quindecim . . . et in ecclesia beatæ Balbinæ Martyris obtulit evangelium ex argento purissimo . . . . . et in titulo beati Cyriaci Martyris obtulit evangelium unum ex argento purissimo ad laudem et gloriam ipsius ecclesiæ."-Ibid., tom. viii., p. 230. Mabillon thought it worth while to mention that he found in the library, at Cluny, a copy of St. Ambrose on Luke, at the end of which was written, "Liber oblatus ad Altare S. Petri Cluniensis Cœnobii ex voto Domni atque Reverentissimi Maioli Abbatis." And he remarks upon it, "Sic libros offerebant veteres ad altare, et ad sepulcra sanctorum, quemadmodum de Mammone S. Augendi præposito superius vidimus." In this he refers to a book which he had mentioned as being in the Boherian Library at Dijon; and of which he had said, "Hic codex voto bonæ memoriæ Mammonis, ad sepulchrum Sancti Augendi oblatus est regnante Carolo Calvo, uti et Epistolæ Paschales, quæ ibidem habentur pluresque alii codices, quos in varias Bibliothecas dispersos deprehendimus."-Itinerar. Burgund., pp. 9, 22. That of which such a man as Mabillon thus spoke, could scarcely have been at any period a general and notorious custom in the church. The false view which Robertson gives, and which I wish to expose and remove, arises from appropriating to a particular case what was, in principle, and as far as could be in practice, general and universal. Robertson would have spoken more correctly, though not to his purpose, if, instead of saying, "When any person made a present of a book," he had said, "When any person made a present of anything to a church," he offered it on the altar, &c. That he offered it pro remedio animæ suæ, or for the spiritual benefit of some other person, was always understood, though not always expressed;* and that he should offer it on the altar was perfectly natural when we consider to whom the donation was made. We, indeed, commonly say that a man gave books or lands "to the monastery of St. Bertin," or "the monks of St. Martin," or " the canons of Lille," and he might say the same in his deed of gift for brevity's sake; for, as we have heard often enough, and I pretend not to deny, parchment was expensive in those days. Many charters run in that form-as Hildebert, Bishop of Avignon, in 1006, " donamus monachis qui in Cœnobio S. Andreæ et S. Martini . . . . . . modo famulantur Deo," &c. ; but, in fact, the donation was not made to the church or the monastery-the canons or monks had no property in it, and nothing to do with it, except as servants and stewards to provide for its safe keeping-the gift was to God, and the patron saint; and, therefore, it was laid on the altar erected in honour of both. Nothing could be more natural or reasonable as it respects Him who, though he dwelleth not in temples made with hands, was once pleased to dwell between the cherubim, and who, of all that he has framed for man, or given him skill to fashion, reserves only the altar for himself, and sets it over against his mercy-seat as the symbol of that glory which he will not give to another. Beside this, the superstition of the age supposed the glorified saint to know what was going on in the world; and to feel a deep interest, and possess a considerable power, in the church militant on earth. I believe that they who thought so were altogether mistaken; and I lament, and abhor, and am amazed at the superstitions, blasphemies, and idolatries which have grown out of that opinion; but as to the notion itself, I do not know that it was wicked; and I almost envy those whose credulous simplicity so realized the communion of saints, and anticipated the period when "the whole family in heaven and earth" shall be gathered together in one. Be this as it may, however, they conceived of *This is not, however, to be understood as having conclusive reference to purgatory. Pommeraye has very well observed-" Le motif plus ordinaire qu'apportoient dans leurs chartres les bien-faiteurs, étoit afin que l'aumosne qu'ils faisoient servist au soulagement de leurs ames et de celles de leurs parens et amis : c'étoit aussi quelquefois pour estre associez aux prières et aux bonnes œuvres des monastères, dont les seigneurs et les personnes de piété recherchoient très soigneusement la participation."-Hist. de l'Abbaye de S. Catharine du mont de Rouen, p. 84. + Dach. Spic., iii., 384. the saint as a being still conversant among mortals,-hearing their prayers, assisting them in their need, acknowledging their gifts by intercession and protection, and not unfrequently making his presence known, and even visible, among them—and his altar was naturally the place where all business relating to his property in this world, or his patronage in another, was transacted. The form of such deeds of gift naturally varied at different times and in different places; and even according to the taste of individual scribes and notaries. I have already said that the gift was sometimes described as made to the monks,--sometimes, but I think comparatively seldom, to the monastery,-more frequently to God, and the patron saint, and the abbot,-as frequently the abbot was omitted, and still more frequently perhaps the saint only was mentioned, and he was sometimes actually addressed as a party to the conveyance.* It was very natural that what was thus given to the saint should be offered on his altar, for how else was the donor to present it? It was, I say, general, not meaning that every trivial donation was there offered, but that, when property of any consideration was given, this was the common course of proceeding. * It may illustrate what I have here said, and perhaps amuse some readers, if I throw together a few specimens of the different forms taken at random from the various charters, the dates of which are indicated by the numbers in parenthesis-"Dono ad monasterium sancti Bonifacii” (759)-Schannat, Trad. Fuld., p. 8. "Trado ad sanctum Bonifatium et ad monasterium quod dicitur Fulda," (759)-Ibid. Tradidit Deo et sanctissimo martiri ejus Bonifacio, necnon et venerando Abbati Eggeberto ceterisque fratribus sanctæ Fuldensis Ecclesiæ," (1058)—Ibid. p. 255. In these cases the trusteeship was fully understood; but sometimes it was expressed, as by Poncius, Count of Gervandan and Forez, in a charter to the church of Brionde, (1010.) After saying"Reddo Creatori omnium Domino Regi Regum, et Domino dominantium, necnon et cedo gloriosissimo Martyri Juliano," &c., he describes the property, and adds-" Omnipotenti Deo reddo, Sanctoque Juliano, ut, a die præsenti et deinceps, omnes res suprascriptas sub tuitione ac potestate sanctissimi martyris Juliani, et Canonicorum ibidem Christo militantium, sint omni tempore, &c.-Dach. Spicil. iii. 385.-And an early form from the same Chartulary (945) runs, “totum et ad integrum reddo Creatori omnium Domino, et sub dominatione et potestate libenti animo com. mitto beati Juliani, Canonicorumque sursum."-Ibid.,373. More frequently, however, as I have said, it was to God and the patron saint, as in the donation of Amalric, to the schools of St. Martin's, at Tours (cir. 843)-"Offero Creatori Deo, necnon Sancto Martino Domino meo gloriosissimo quem toto affectu diligo," &c-Mart. i. 33; or, as Gulfrad, the deacon to the same church (cir. 930)—" Offero, dono, trado atque confirmo Omnipotenti Deo necnon Sancto Martino Confessori suo egregio," &c.-Ibid., 68. Or, the saint only, as-"In Dei nomine. Ego Theothart trado in elemosinam meam ad sanctum Bonifatium Mancipia IIII., id est uxorem Altrati cum tubus filiis et cum omni substantia sua" (824)-Schannat., p. 150. Of this, innume. rable instances might be given; but sometimes the matter was put in a still more business-like form by addressing the saint as a party to the conveyance, as-"Domno sancto et apostolico Patri Bonifatio Episcopo ego Adalberdus; constat me nulli cogentis imperio, sed proprio voluntatis arbitrio vobis vendidisse et ita vendidi vineam unam," &c. (754)-Schannat., p. 1. The emperor, in the year 962, began a diploma thus-"Ego Otto Dei gratia Imperator Augustus, una cum Ottone glorioso rege filio nostro, spondemus atque promittimus per hoc pactum confirmationis nostræ tibi beato Petro principi Apostolorum et clavigero regni cœlorum, et per te vicario tuo Domno Joanni summo Pontifici," &c.-Conc. ix. (643.) Again, in 1014,-"Ego Henricus Dei gratia Imperator Augustus spondeo atque promitto per hoc pactum confirmationis nostræ, tibi beato Petro," &c.-Ibid. (813). Leo IX., about 1050, began a diploma by which he granted a tenth of the oblations made at the altar of St. Peter, to the saint himself-(or, as we should say, set apart that proportion for the repairs of the church,) with the following words, "Beate Petre Apostole, ego Leo Episcopus servus tuus et omnium servorum Dei, de tuis donis aliquam tibi offero particulam," &c.—Ibid. (985). In fact, numberless examples of various forms of speech might be given; and, without them-at least, without some familiarity with the modes of expression which were perpetually used-it is impossible to form an idea of the real spirit and character of the times. With this view, I venture to add to this long note one or two phrases from the charters of the Abbey of St. Peter, at Condom-" Ego Amalbinus . . . facio chartam de una pecia de vinea . . . ad opus sancti Petri."-Dach. Sp., ii. 591. "In alio loco possidet sanctus Pe. trus aliam vineam"-"in villa quæ dicitur Inzlota habet beatus Petrus casalem unum."-Ibid., p. 596. "Quædam nobilissima fœmina .... suprascriptam ecclesiam violenter beato arripuit Petro."-Ibid., 585. "Molendinum quod construxit familia beati Petri."-Ibid., 596. If that property consisted of moveable chattels, such as money, plate, &c., it was actually placed on the altar; or, if this could not be conveniently or decently done, they came as near to it as they could. For instance, the rule of St. Benedict directed that when a novice had passed through the prescribed trials, and was to be received, he should present a written petition, containing the promise which he had already made; and that, at the time of his actual reception, he should lay it on the altar-"De qua promissione sua faciat petitionem ad nomen sanctorum, quorum reliquiæ ibi sunt, et abbatis præsentis. Quam petitionem manu sua scribat: aut certe si non scit literas, alter ab eo rogatus scribat: et ille novitius signum faciat, et manu sua eam super altare ponat." (c. 58.) It was, in fact, offering himself; and, as he did it, he began the 116th verse of the 119th Psalm-" Uphold me (suscipe) according unto thy word, that I may live; and let me not be ashamed of my hope." To this the congregation thrice responded by repeating the verse and adding the Gloria Patri. If a child was to be received, his hand was wrapped in the hanging of the altar, "and thus," says the rule of St. Benedict, "let them offer him." The words are " Si quis forte de nobilibus offert filium suum Deo in monasterio, si ipse puer minore ætate est, parentes ejus faciant petitionem quam supra diximus. Et cum oblatione, ipsam petitionem et manum pueri involvant in palla altaris, et sic eum offerant."* (c. 59.) Thus the idea of offering at the altar was kept up; and, indeed, though I know of no rule for it, nor that it was a usual practice, yet I apprehend that sometimes the matter was carried still farther. The Abbot Heriman (of whom I have already had occasion to speak in connexion with the Abbot Lupus,) tells us that, in the year 1055, his mother took him and his brothers to the monastery of which he was afterwards abbot-" She went to St. Martin's, and delivered over her sons to God, placing the little one in his cradle upon the altar, amidst the tears of many bystanders." At the same time, she placed on the altar two hundred marks of silver, and gave to the monastery two mills and the rest of her property. Thus the offering on the altar was performed, in most cases, as literally as could be; and even when the property was immoveable, as houses or lands--or impalpable, as rights of toll or tithe, or market - it was sometimes spoken of as if really laid on the altar. Thus, in a charter of about A.D. 1120, Hugh de Belmont says, "Ego ipse Hugo dextera manus mea juramento firmavi [I quote these words as confirming what I have said in a former number, that he who made the sign of the cross was considered manu jurare], et insuper ne successorum aliqua redeat in futurum calumnia, Deo et Sancto Petro, et * Sce an "Antiqua Formula Oblationis Puerorum in Monasteriis," ix. D. & M., p. 158. + Fratribus Besuensis ecclesiæ quicquid est, vel erat, quod meum jus juste aut injuste possederat de hoc mercato, totum super altare posui, et ipsum mercatum dono donavi."* Gertrude also, with her daughter and son-in-law, "obtulerunt Deo et Sancto Petro Besuensis ecclesiæ; super altare in Vetus vineis villa," a moiety of a house, six acres of land, and two serfs named Tetbert and Oltrude.+ In such cases, I need not say, the property was not really placed on the altar; but it is probable, and, indeed, almost certain, that either the deed of gift or some other symbol was actually so placed. Du Cange alone supplies an immense number and variety of examples; from which I will extract a few scraps by way of farther illustrating this matter. ‡ Very commonly, especially in cases of land, a turf or a twig, or a bough of a tree, was laid on the altar, (obtulit super altare B. Petri per cespitem-propriis manibus prædictam oblationem ramo et cespite posuerunt super altare beatissimæ Mariæ.) Sometimes by a knife, (ipsi tres eumdem cultellum super altare Dominicum S. Nicolai portaverunt ;) and very frequently, either that it might be preserved from being stolen or from getting into common use by being, in fact, rendered useless; or, perhaps also, that the act might be remembered, the knife was bent before the witnesses, (posuit super altare per cultellum in hujus rei memoriam plicatum-posito super altare præscripti Confessoris cultello incurvato,) and, in some cases, it seems to have been broken, as Fulk, Count of Anjou, in A.D. 1096, in a charter giving a forest, says, "Super altare Sancti Nicolai ipsam chartam pono, et cum cultello Roberti Monachi quem ante ipsum altare frango, cum eadem charta donum supradicta foresta concedens pono." Very commonly a book, either merely because books § were at hand, or perhaps also because the books belonging to the altar might be supposed to give a greater degree of solemnity to the act, (has omnes elemosynas ... cum cum libro super altare posuerunt-cum libro missali eam super altare ibidem obtuleruntde hoc dono revestivit Quirmarhocus et duo filii ejus, Gradelonem Monachum S. Nicholai in ecclesia S. Petri Narmetensis, et osculati sunt eum de hac donatione per fidem, librum quoque quo revestierunt monachum posuerunt pro signo super altare S. Petri.) It was not, however, necessary that it should be one of the service books; for I find in a charter giving to the church of Beze, already repeatedly mentioned, "quinque homines, tres mares, et duas fœminas," that the donor "propria manu donum roboravit super altare per librum qui vocatur Regula S. Benedicti, coram multis testibus."|| In short, it might be by anything-by *Chron. Besuen. ap Dach Spicil., tom. ii. p. 542. † Ibid., p. 441. Those examples which are in parenthesis may be found under the word Investitura. |