los Corientes, with some small offer of fight, and came off with loss; although it was such a new thing for the Spaniards to receive so little hurt upon dealing with the English, as Avellaneda made great brags of it, for no greater matter than the waiting upon the English afar off, from Cape de los Corientes to Cape Antonio; which, nevertheless, in the language of a soldier, and of a Spaniard, he called a chase. not draw them forth again. To conclude: there | Spaniards did but salute them, about the Cape de succeeded an absolute victory for the English, with the slaughter of above two thousand of the enemy; the taking of nine ensigns, whereof six Spanish; the taking of the Spanish general, d'Ocampo, prisoner; and this with the loss of so few of the English as is scarce credible; being, as hath been rather confidently than credibly reported, but of one man, the cornet of Sir Richard Greame; though not a few hurt. There followed immediately after the defeat a present yielding up of the town by composition; and not only so, but an avoiding, by express articles of treaty accorded, of all other Spanish forces throughout all Ireland, from the places and nests where they had settled themselves in greater strength, as in regard of the natural situation of the places, than that was of Kinsale; which were Castlehaven, Baltimore, and Beerehaven. Indeed they went away with sound of trumpet, for they did nothing but publish and trumpet all the reproaches they could devise, against the Irish land and nation; insomuch as d'Aquila said in open treaty, that when the devil upon the mount did show Christ all the kingdoms of the earth, and the glory of them, he did not doubt but the devil left out Ireland, and kept it for himself. I cease here; omitting not a few other proofs of the English valour and fortunes, in these latter times; as at the suburbs of Paris, at the Raveline, at Druse in Normandy, some encounters in Britanny, and at Ostend, and divers others; partly because some of them have not been proper encounters between the Spaniards and the English; and partly because others of them have not been of that greatness, as to have sorted in company with the particulars formerly recited. It is true, that amongst all the late adventures, the voyage of Sir Francis Drake, and Sir John Hawkins into the West Indies, was unfortunate; yet, in such sort as it doth not break or interrupt our prescription, to have had the better of the Spaniards upon all fights of late. For the disaster of that journey was caused chiefly by sickness; as might well appear by the deaths of both the generals, Sir Francis Drake, and Sir John Hawkins, of the same sickness amongst the rest. The land enterprise of Panama was an ill measured and immature counsel for it was grounded upon a false account, that the passages towards Panama were no better fortified than Drake had left them. But yet it sorted not to any fight of importance, but to a retreat, after the English had proved the strength of their first fort, and had notice of the two other forts beyond, by which they were to have marched. It is true, that in the return of the English fleet they were set upon by Avellaneda, admiral of twenty great ships, Spanish, our fleet being but fourteen, full of sick men, deprived of their two generals by sea, and having no pretence but to journey homewards: and yet the But, before I proceed farther, it is good to meet with an objection, which if it be not removed, the conclusion of experience from the time past, to the time present, will not be sound and perfect. For it will be said, that in the former times, whereof we have spoken, Spain was not so mighty as now it is; and England, on the other side, was more aforehand in all matters of power. Therefore, let us compare with indifferency these disparities of times, and we shall plainly perceive, that they make for the advantage of England at this present time. And because we will less wander in generalities, we will fix the comparison to precise times; comparing the state of Spain and England in the year eighty-eight, with this present year that now runneth. In handling of this point, I will not meddle with any personal comparisons of the princes, counsellors, and commanders by sea or land, that were then, and that are now, in both kingdoms, Spain and England; but only rest upon real points, for the true balancing of the state of the forces and affairs of both times. And yet these personal comparisons I omit not, but that I could evidently show, that even in these personal respects the balance sways on our part; but because I would say nothing that may savour of a spirit of flattery or censure of the present government. First, therefore, it is certain, that Spain hath not now one foot of ground in quiet possession more than it had in eighty-eight. As for the Valtoline and the Palatinate, it is a maxim in state, that all countries of new acquest, till they be settled, are rather matters of burden, than of strength. On the other side, England hath Scotland united, and Ireland reduced to obedience, and planted; which are mighty augmentations. Secondly, in eighty-eight, the kingdom of France, able alone to counterpoise Spain itself, much more in conjunction, was torn with the party of the league, which gave law to their king, and depended wholly upon Spain. Now France is united under a valiant young king, generally obeyed if he will, himself King of Navarre as well as of France; and that is no ways taken prisoner, though he be tied in a double chain of alliance with Spain. Thirdly, in eighty-eight, there sat in the see of Rome a fierce thundering friar, that would set all at six and seven; or at six and five, if you allude to his name: and though he would after have turned his teeth upon Spain, yet, he was taken order with before it came to that. Now, there is ascended to the papacy, a personage, that came in by a chaste election, no ways obliged to the party of the Spaniards: a man bred in ambassages and affairs of state, that hath much of the prince, and nothing of the friar; and one, that though he loves the chair of the papacy well, yet he loveth the carpet above the chair; that is, Italy, and the liberties thereof well likewise. Fourthly, in eighty-eight, the King of Denmark was a stranger to England, and rather inclined to Spain; now the king is incorporated to the blood of England, and engaged in the quarrel of the Palatinate. Then, also, Venice, Savoy, and the princes and cities of Germany, had but a dull fear of the greatness of Spain, upon a general apprehension only of the spreading and ambitious designs of that nation: now that fear is sharpened and pointed by the Spaniards' late enterprises upon the Valtoline, and the Palatinate, which come nearer them. Fifthly, and lastly, the Dutch, which is the Spaniards' perpetual duellist, hath now, at this present, five ships to one, and the like proportion in treasure and wealth, to that they had in eightyeight. Neither is it possible, whatsoever is given out, that the coffers of Spain should now be fuller than they were in eighty-eight; for, at that time, Spain had no other wars save those of the Low Countries, which were grown into an ordinary; now they have had coupled therewith the extraordinary of the Valtoline, and the Palatinate. And so I conclude my answer to the objection raised touching the difference of times; not entering into more secret passages of state, but keeping that character of style whereof Seneca speaketh, "plus significat quam loquitur." Here I would pass over from matter of experience, were it not that I held it necessary to discover a wonderful erroneous observation that walketh about, and is commonly received, contrary to all the true account of time and experience. It is, that the Spaniard, where he once getteth in, will seldom or never be got out again. But, nothing is less true than this. Not long since they got footing at Brest, and some other parts in French Britain, and after quitted them. They had Calais, Ardes, and Amiens, and rendered them, or were beaten out. They had since Marseilles, and fairly left it. They had the other day the Valtoline, and now have put it in deposit. What they will do with Ormus, which the Persian hath taken from them, we shall see. So that, to speak truly of latter times, they have rather poached and offered at a number of enterprises, than maintained any constantly; quite contrary to that idle tradition. In more ancient times, leaving their purchases in Afric, which they after abandoned, when their great Emperor Charles had clasped Germany almost in his fist, he was forced, in the end, to go from Isburg, and, as if it had been in a mask, by torchlight, and to quit every foot in Germany round that he had gotten; which, I doubt not, will be the hereditary issue of this late purchase of the Palatinate. And so I conclude the ground that I have to think that Spain will be no overmatch to Great Britain, if his majesty should enter into a war, out of experience, and records of time. For grounds of reason, they are many; I will extract the principal, and open them briefly, and, as it were, in the bud. For situation, I pass it over; though it be no small point: England, Scotland, Ireland, and our good confederates, the United Provinces, lie all in a plump together, not accessible but by sea, or, at least, by passing of great rivers, which are natural fortifications. As for the dominions of Spain, they are so scattered, as it yieldeth great choice of the scenes of the war, and promiseth slow succours unto such part as shall be attempted. There be three inain parts of military puissance, men, money, and confederates. For men, there are to be considered valour and number. Of valour I speak not; take it from the witnesses that have been produced before: yet, the old observation is not untrue, that the Spaniard's valour lieth in the eye of the looker on; but the English valour lieth about the soldier's heart. A valour of glory, and a valour of natural courage, are two things. But let that pass, and let us speak of number: Spain is a nation thin sown of people; partly by reason of the sterility of the soil, and partly because their natives are exhausted by so many employments in such vast territories as they possess. So that it hath been accounted a kind of miracle, to see ten or twelve thousand native Spaniards in an army. And it is certain, as we have touched it, a little before, in passage, that the secret of the power of Spain consisteth in a veteran army, compounded of miscellany forces of all nations, which for many years they have had on foot upon one occasion or other: and if there should happen the misfortune of a battle, it would be a long work to draw on supplies. They tell a tale of a Spanish ambassador that was brought to see the treasury of St. Mark at Venice, and still he looked down to the ground; and being asked, why he so looked down, said, "he was looking to see whether their treasure had any root, so that, if it were spent, it would grow again; as his master's had." But, howsoever it be of their treasure, certainly their forces have scarce any root; or, at least, such a root as buddeth forth poorly and slowly. It is true they have the Walloons, who are tall soldiers, yet, that is but a spot of ground. But, on the other side, there is not in the world again such a spring and seminary of brave military people, as in England, Scotland, Ireland, and the United Provinces: so as if wars should mow them down never so fast, yet, they may be suddenly supplied, and come up again. foreign forces, than they had in the years 1552 and 1553. At which time they contracted a league with Henry the Second, the French king, upon the same articles, against Charles the Fifth, who had impatronized himself of a great part of Germany, through the discord of the German princes, which himself had sown and fomented: which league at that time did the deed, and drave out all the Spaniards out of that part of Germany; and reintegrated that nation in their ancient liberty and honour. For the West Indies, though Spain hath had yet not much actual disturbance there, except it have been from England; yet, nevertheless, I see all princes lay a kind of claim unto them; accounting the title of Spain but as a monopoly of those large countries, wherein they have in great part but an imaginary possession. For Afric upon the west, the Moors of Valentia expulsed, and their allies, do yet hang as a cloud or storm over Spain. Gabor on the east is like an For money, no doubt it is the principal part of the greatness of Spain; for by that they maintain their veteran army: and Spain is the only state of Europe that is a money grower. But in this part, of all others, is most to be considered, the ticklish and brittle state of the greatness of Spain. Their greatness consisteth in their treasure, their treasure in their Indies, and their Indies, if it be well weighed, are indeed but an accession to such as are masters by sea. So as this axle-tree, whereupon their greatness turneth, is soon cut in two by any that shall be stronger than they by sea. Herein, therefore, I refer myself to the opinions of all men, enemies, or whomsoever, whether that the maritime forces of Great Britain, and the United Provinces, be not able to beat the Spaniard at sea? For, if that be so, the links of that chain whereby they hold their greatness are dis-anniversary wind, that riseth every year upon the solved. Now, if it be said, that, admit the case of Spain to be such as we have made it, yet, we ought to descend into our own case, which we shall find, perhaps, not to be in state, for treasure, to enter into a war with Spain. To which, I answer, I know no such thing; the mint beateth well; and the pulses of the people's hearts beat well. But there is another point that taketh away quite this objection: for whereas wars are generally causes of poverty or consumption; on the contrary part, the special nature of this war with Spain, if it be made by sea, is like to be a lucrative and restorative war. So that, if we go roundly on at the first, the war in continuance will find itself. And therefore you must make a great difference between Hercules' labours by land, and Jason's voyage by sea for the golden fleece. For confederates; I will not take upon me the knowledge, how the princes, states, and councils of Europe, at this day, stand affected towards Spain; for that trencheth into the secret occurrents of the present time, wherewith, in all this treatise, I have forborne to meddle. But to speak of that which lieth open and in view; I see much matter of quarrel and jealousy, but little of amity and trust towards Spain, almost in all other estates. I see France is in competition with them for three noble portions of their monarchy, Navarre, Naples, and Milan; and now freshly in difference with them about the Valtoline. I see once in thirty or forty years cometh a pope, that casteth his eye upon the kingdom of Naples, to recover it to the church; as it was in the minds of Julius the Second, Paul the Fourth, and Sixtus the Fifth. As for that great body of Germany, I see they have greater reason to confederate themselves with the Kings of France, and Great Britain, or Denmark, for the liberty of the German nation, and for the expulsion of Spanish and party of Austria. And Persia hath entered into THE FIRST COPY OF MY DISCOURSE TOUCHING THE SAFETY OF THE QUEEN'S PERSON.* THESE be the principal remedies, I could think of, for extirpating the principal cause of those conspiracies, by the breaking the nest of those fugitive traitors, and the filling them full of terror, despair, jealousy, and revolt. And it is true, I thought of some other remedies, which, because * From the original in the Lambeth Library. in mine own conceit I did not so well allow, I therefore do forbear to express. And so likewise I have thought, and thought again, of the means to stop and divert as well the attempts of violence as poison, in the performance and execution. But not knowing how my travel may be accepted, being the unwarranted wishes of a private man, I leave; humbly praying her majesty's pardon, if in the zeal of my simplicity I have roved at things above my aim. THE FRAGMENTS OF A DISCOURSE, TOUCHING tain, do carefully and sufficiently provide and take order that her majesty receive good intelligence; so yet, under correction, methinks it is not done with that glory and note to the world, which was in Mr. Secretary Walsingham's* time: and in this case, as was said, "opinio veritate major." The second remedy I deliver with less assurance, as that which is more removed from the compass of mine understanding: and that is, to treat and negotiate with the King of Spain, or Archduke Ernest,† who resides in the place where these conspiracies are most forged, upon the point of the law of nations, upon which kind of points princes' enemies may with honour negotiate, viz., that, contrary to the same law of nations, and the sacred dignity of kings, and the honour of arms, certain of her majesty's subjects, if it be not thought meet to impeach any of his ministers, refuged in his dominions, have conspired and practised assassination against her majesty's person. Who died April 6, 1590. After his death the business of secretary of state appears to be chiefly done by Mr. Robert Cecil, who was knighted by Queen Elizabeth at Theobald's, about the beginning of June, 1591, and in August following sworn of the privy council; but not actually appointed secretary of state till July 5, 1596. BIRCH. THE first remedy, in my poor opinion, is that against which, as I conceive, least exception can be taken, as a thing without controversy, honourable and politic; and that is reputation of good intelligence. I say not only good intelligence, but the reputation and fame thereof. For I see, that where booths are set for watching thievish places, there is no more robbing: and though no doubt the watchmen many times are asleep, or away; yet that is more than the thief knoweth; so as the empty booth is strength and safeguard enough. So, likewise, if there be sown an opinion abroad, that her majesty hath much secret intelligence, and that all is full of spies and false breth-government he entered in June, 1594; but held it only a short ren; the fugitives will grow into such a mutual jealousy and suspicion one of another, as they will not have the confidence to conspire together, not knowing whom to trust; and thinking all practice bootless, as that which is assured to be discovered. And to this purpose, to speak reverently, as becometh me, as I do not doubt but those honourable counsellors, to whom it doth apper * From the original in the Lambeth Library. Ernest, Archduke of Austria, son of the Emperor Maximilian II., and governor of the Low Countries, upon which time, dying February 11/21 following. It was probably in pursuance of the advice of Mr. Francis Bacon in this paper, that Queen Elizabeth sent to the Archduke in 1594, to complain of the designs which had been formed against her life by the Count de Fuentes, and Don Diego de Ibarra, and other Spanish ministers concerned in governing the Low Countries after the death of Alexander, Duke of Parma, in December, signify those facts to the King of Spain, in order that he might 1592, and by the English fugitives there; and to desire him to vindicate his own character, by punishing his ministers, and delivering up to her such fugitives as were parties in such designs. Camdeni Annales Eliz. Reginæ, p. 625. Edit. Lugduni Bat. 1625. BIRCH. A TRUE REPORT OF THE DETESTABLE TREASON, INTENDED BY DOCTOR RODERIGO LOPEZ, A PHYSICIAN ATTENDING UPON THE PERSON of the QUEEN'S MAJESTY, WHOM HIE, FOR A SUM OF MONEY, PROMISED TO BE PAID HIM BY THE KING OF SPAIN, DID UNDERTAKE TO HAVE DESTROYED BY POISON; WITH CERTAIN CIRCUMSTANCES, BOTH OF THE PLOTTING AND DETECTING OF THE SAID TREASON. [PENNED DURING THE QUEEN'S LIFE.] THE King of Spain having found, by the enterprise of 88, the difficulty of an invasion of England, and having also since that time embraced the matters of France, being a design of a more easy nature, and better prepared to his hand, hath of necessity for a time laid aside the prosecution of his attempts against this realm, by open forces, as knowing his means unable to wield both actions at once, as well that of England as that of France; and, therefore, casting at the fairest, hath, in a manner, bent his whole strength upon France, making, in the mean time, only a defensive war upon the Low Countries. But finding again, that the supports and aids which her majesty hath continued to the French king, are a principal impediment and retardation to his prevailing there according to his ends, he hath, now of late, by all means, projected to trouble the waters here, and to cut us out some work at home, that by practice, without diverting and employing any great forces, he might, nevertheless, divert our succours from France. According to which purpose, he first proved to move some innovation in Scotland, not so much in hope to alienate the king from the amity of her majesty, as practising to make a party there against the king himself, whereby he should be compelled to use her majesty's forces for his assistance. Then he solicited a subject within this realm, being a person of great nobility, to rise in arms and levy war against her majesty; which practice was by the same nobleman loyally and prudently revealed. And, lastly, rather, as it is to be thought, by the instigation of our traitorous fugitives in foreign parts, and the corrupter sort of his counsellors and ministers, than of his own nature and inclination, either of himself, or his said counsellors and ministers using his name, have descended to a course against all honour, all society and humanity, odious to God and man, detested by the heathens themselves, which is, to take away the life of her majesty, (which God have in his precious custody!) by violence or poison. A matter which might be proved to be not only against all Christianity and religion, but against nature, the law of nations, the honour of arms, the civil law, the rules of morality and policy; finally, to be the most condemned, barbarous, and ferine act that can be imagined; yea, supposing the quarrels and hostility between the princes to be never so declared and so mortal, yet, were it not that it would be a very reproach unto the age, that the matter should be once disputed or called in question, it could never be defended. And, therefore, I leave it to the censure which Titus Livius giveth in the like case upon Perseus, the last King of the Macedons, afterwards overthrown, taken with his children, and led in triumph by the Romans; "Quem non justum bellum gerere regio animo, sed per omnia clandestina grassari scelera, latrociniorum ac veneficiorum, cernebant." But to proceed: certain it is, that even about this present time there have been suborned and sent into this realm divers persons, some English, some Irish, corrupted by money and promises, and resolved and conjured by priests in confession, to have executed that most wretched and horrible fact; of which number certain have been taken, and some have suffered, and some are spared because they have with great sorrow confessed these attempts, and detested their suborners. And if I should conjecture what the reason is, why this cursed enterprise was at this time so hotly, and with such diligence pursued, I take it to be chiefly because the matters of France were ripe, and the King of Spain made himself ready to unmask himself, and to reap that in France, which he had been long in sowing, in regard that, there being like to be a divulsion in the league by the reconciliation of some of the heads to the king, the more passionate sort, being destituted by their associates, were like to cast themselves wholly into the King of Spain's arms, and to dismember some important piece of that crown; though now upon this fresh accident of receiving the king into |