The writer, hackneyed in the devices of falsehood, attempts to brand me as a mercenary" writer, employed by the West India Committee to act as they direct. In the face of my country, I brand the accusation as an odious, a wilful, and a deliberate falsehood; and I challenge, and I dare, the Times, or the man whose charge he ventures to circulate, to point out any one thing, or any one time, in which, in defending our injured Colonies, or on any other public subject, that Committee, or any one else, has ever presumed to advise, or dared to dictate to me, in the course I have pursued.

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To speak of, or even to allude to, mercenary" writers, however, comes with a bad grace indeed from columns which are made for the market, and sold by the inch,-with a bad grace indeed from the lips and the pen of an individual, who, from interested motives, and in pursuit of gain, has fleeced the Treasury of Great Britain of many millions, extracted from the sweat of the brows,-in Anti-Colonial figure, from "the blood, the bones, and the sinews,”—of the suffering people of Great Britain; and who furthermore collects, and puts into his fathomless bag, to be expended among "mercenary" writers, to get them to support his scandalous system of imposition and delusion, the collections made in various parts of the United Kingdom for the purpose of civilizing a distant quarter of the world;-descending, among other items, even to the proceeds of those "fire screens,” on which young, marriageable ladies, at Clapham and elsewhere, are induced to paint naked, full-grown male negroes, and to dispose of such screens, in order to transmit the money to the insatiable receptacle alluded to, to purchase with it, as their canting deceivers lead them to believe is purchased, the freedom of slaves in our Colonies, but every farthing of which is spent, or rather mis-spent, in supporting and bribing, in London and elsewhere, lying "mercenary" writers and publications.

The Glasgow Courier is particularly accused by this unprincipled writer. For that paper, I make answer, I am responsible. When, many years ago, on public grounds, and as valuable ap. pendages of the crown, I took up in that journal the defence of the Colonies, VOL. XXV.

I stood (the John Bull excepted) alone opposed to the clamours, to the fury, and, to a great extent, to the feelings of the British people, highly excited and artfully fanned, by my present calumniator and his adherents. Because I dared to contradict their base falsehoods-because I ventured to oppose and to expose their rash schemes, hatched in ignorance, and pregnant with injustice and with ruin

because I did this, every effort and every exertion was made to bring ruin upon myself and my family by these advocates for free discussion,-these tender-hearted Christians; every advertisement, and every subscriber, that by the aid of calumny, by libels in other journals paid for, as the present has been paid for, they could withdraw from the paper in question, to the utmost they attempted. Their animosity and persecution, however, had bounds; both were limited in their influence; but the mean, dastardly, and vindictive African system then pursued, was not, and has not, been forgotten; and I am greatly mistaken, if the Glasgow Courier, in the discharge of its public duty, and while confining its exertions wholly to public matters, has not raised a storm about the ears of some of its persecutors which they never dreamed of, and which, notwithstanding the FINANCE COMMITTEE has been thrown overboard at the moment it was about to commence the investigation of Anti-Colonial errors, extravagancies, and delinquencies, they may have yet more reason to wish had never been raised against them. In stepping forward, therefore, my Lord Duke, at the period I did, to advocate the cause of the Colonies-a period when I neither had, nor ever calculated I should at any time possess, to the value of one shilling in Colonial property, and with a full knowledge of the viperous character of my opponents,-my views could not be "mercenary." The Times did not so act; and no man knows better than the sneaking writer whose words I animadvert upon," how many more journals" were kept silent by the influence" of the Aldermanbury Street legislators, and the Aldermanbury Street" Rent." My accuser recollects when the New Times was conducted by an Anti-Colonial expectant; and he knows how much of that "Rent" was given to that journal for 30

inserting the Anti-Colonial letters signed" ANGLUS," at the time when the replies to them, coming, I believe, even from official authority, were excluded, because not intended to be paid

for.

The writer in the Times states that which MR KENNETH M'AULAY stated, namely, that " Mr M'Queen is supposed to have received about L.15,000, in all from the West Indies." It is FALSE, my Lord Duke, and the writer, when he wrote this, knew it to

be so.

"The Assembly of Jamaica, in the fervour of their gratitude, voted me," says my accuser, "the sum of 3000 guineas.' It was L.3000; and the terms of that grant will shew that it was granted for long, arduous, unso. licited, unsought, and disinterested service.* I am proud of that grant, my Lord Duke,-proud that the most valuable Colony which belongs to the British Crown, inhabited by men of great knowledge and talents, should have estimated my humble services in their cause so highly. The chagrin on the part of the Times and his Correspondent may readily be supposed to have been keen, when they reflected that the sum in question might probably have been obtained by them, had they only had the judgment to have pursue the straight-forward path of truth, of justice, and of honour.

The compiler of the article animadverted upon, states that I have "since become the joint proprietor of a large number of slaves, and am now therefore myself a great West-India Plant

er."

Be it so, my Lord Duke; and why, let me ask this worshipper of Mammon, should any honest man be ashamed of being "a West India Planter!" West India Planters have, in the course of a year, rendered their country greater services than the host of Sierra Leone British-Treasury-money-hunting sophists have done, or will do, though they should live as long as Methusaleh. But I am not a West India Planter, " great" or small, in the strict sense of the term, and in the meaning in which this liberal modern Jesuit intends it to be understood; and he knew, when he made the statement, that the fact was not so. It is true that, like many other merchants in this country, I have lately

become a joint proprietor of West India mortgages and property,-legally, honestly, and fairly become possessed of them; and having become so, I have to remind this writer, that I will defend this property, with pen and with hand, against the attacks of every canting knave or unprincipled legislator who may attempt to take it away: and further, that the laws of my country, by which, and under which, I hold it, will justify me in taking the life of any robber, who may, under any disguise or pretence whatsoever, attempt by force to bereave me of it.

Why " BLACKWOOD" should be condemned is easily understood. His honest, manly, and truly British pages, are read in every quarter of the world, and being every where known and felt as the scourge and terror of traitors, knaves, hypocrites, and fools, are consequently hated and abused by all such worthies.

It is no wonder, my Lord Duke, that Mr Franklin should have come in for a share of abuse and reproach on this occasion, because he has torn asunder the curtain, made up of lies and delusion, which "Anglus," the Anti-Slavery Reporter, and their friend "Inginac," attempted to place before the eyes of the people of Great Britain, regarding the actual state of Hayti. Every syllable of all that these wor thies say regarding that island, has been proved to be fabrication and misrepresentation; and Mr Barclay's excellent account of the state of the slave population in Jamaica, stands notoriously unanswered and unanswerable.

Why the Morning Journal shoul ! have come under the censure of this "FREE TRADE" and "FREE LABOUR" champion-the Times—is readily ascertained. The increasing circulation of the former journal, equal to any of its contemporaries, must have been galling to the Times; while it found the newsmen, every morning, discontinuing the paper by hundreds, in order to transmit to their correspondents in town, and in every part of the United Kingdom, the Morning Journal in its room.

In reference to the charge brought against the Glasgow Courier, of illiberality, and of opposition to your Grace as a statesman, it is replied for that journal, that the Glasgow Courier,

from principle, always defended your Grace while your Grace defended your country,-opposed your enemies,-admired your military achievements, gloried in your success,-and hailed your advancement to be Prime Minister of this country with unfeigned satisfaction. The Glasgow Courier has long, uniformly, and steadily supported all the policy of our country, in opposition to all her foes, foreign and domestic, whether appearing in the character of jacobins, atheists, hypocrites, or "march-of-intellect" philosophers, all that policy of our country, under which your Grace reaped your whole harvest of honour, all your laurels, ALL your glory: And the Glasgow Courier has, from principle and from conviction, condemned all those numerous and rash innovations in our national policy, which have covered our Colonies with confusion, insecurity, and ruin,—our shipping in terest, the nerve of our right arm, with decay and poverty,-our agriculturists with alarm, loss, and sorrow, and our merchants and manufacturers of every description, and in every corner of the empire, with bank ruptcy, misery, and starvation unprecedented. The Glasgow Courier has also steadily opposed the breakingdown of the constitution and government of this country, always hitherto considered as the work and the essence of civil and religious liberty, in order to please either Papists or Liberals. On these points it still remains true to its principles. It has seen no just reason to change them; and although your Grace may now consider so great a change" expedient," still the Glas

gow Courier is sufficiently candid and unshackled to avow, in conjunction with nine tenths of the population of Great Britain-those who think they can distinguish the truths of the Bible and the Commandments of the Most High from "the traditions and commandments of men," SUPERSTITION AND IDOLATRY,-the Glasgow Courier, I repeat, considers, with millions of others, such a change to be inexpe dient, uncalled for, and dangerous: and, considering it to be so, the humble individual who has now the honour to address you, will, in the Glasgow Courier, never be deterred by the cant of illiberality, or the fear of authority, from uttering that opinion.

Moreover, and "in the meantime," to use the words of the writer in the Times," it is a satisfaction to see that all that part of the public Press," and all those individuals and periodical public writers, who are "most vehemently embarked in favour of" Po❤ pery, the essence of which the black records, and the dark roll of 1200 years, prove to be, in principle and in practice, slavery, mental and corporeal ;-it is "a satisfaction," my Lord Duke, to see the whole of this array, individually and collectively," the most vehemently opposed" to our Colonies; and your Grace will quickly and from sad experience learn, if indeed experience has not already taught you, to "appreciate both them and their employers," and how little support they can afford you in the good government of the British empire.I am, &c.

JAMES M'QUEEN.
Glasgow, 18th April, 1829.

It is not our intention to trouble the reader with a detail of the evidence contained in the reports which we have placed at the head of this article, in order to ascertain the extent to which political venality has been found to prevail among the burgesses of East Retford; neither shall we undertake to discuss what measure of practical corruption ought to be considered a sufficient ground for the disfranchisement of a delinquent borough. We shall confine our observations to the manner in which we conceive the elective franchise should be disposed of, so as to produce the greatest benefit to the community at large, if it should appear to the legislature that a case has been presented which requires its special interference. If the case of East Retford were merely an insulated question, we should not have considered it worth discussing; but the decision of this question appears to us to involve a general principle of considerable constitutional importance,—it will add one to a series of precedents, which we doubt not will be frequently acted on hereafter; for we cannot blind ourselves to the probability that other instances will occur in which the legislature may be called upon to interfere and punish political delinquency equally flagrant and reprehensible.

As to the mode of remedying the abuses which have crept into the representation of East Retford, two opinions seem to prevail. One is, that the elective franchise should be withdrawn from the borough of East Retford and transferred to Birmingham, Manchester, or some other manufacturing town, containing a numerous population. We will not deny that among those who advocate this opinion some honourable and respectable men may be found; but we believe that the majority of its advocates consist of those who entertain the wildest and most visionary schemes of radical reform. The disappointments and defeats which they have already experienced have inspired them, if not with more political wisdom, at least with

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more discretion: convinced that they cannot succeed in their object at once, they now endeavour to effect it by piecemeal; they attempt to carry by stratagem and finesse what they have failed, and what they know they would again fail to carry, if directly and openly proposed. They would, if they could, gladly bring their principles into full and immediate operation. This they have been taught to regard as impracticable; they, there fore, content themselves with efforts to arrive at their object indirectly and by degrees. Unable to obtain all they desire, they remain satisfied for the present with a portion only of the wholesale reform which they contemplate: they are content with setting the machine in motion, well knowing that as it moves forward it will receive a constantly increasing accession of force and celerity, until at length every obstacle to its progress will be fairly overcome. Hence arises their eagerness to seize upon every opportunity which presents itself of carrying a part of their plan into effect. Under the plausible pretence of being solicitous for maintaining the elective franchise in all its constitutional purity, they spare no pains in persuading the legislature to vest it in the scot and lot inhabitants of large towns. They have sagacity enough to perceive, that if the elective franchise hitherto enjoyed by East Retford be transferred to the

scot and lot" inhabitants of Birmingham, a considerable advantage cannot fail to accrue to "the cause." The new representatives for Birmingham bring a numerical accession of strength to support them in their future operations. The end of the wedge would be got in; and perseverance and address could not fail in driving it home. By the constant application of the same principle to every other case of this description, which may happen to fall under the cognizance of the legislature, they anticipate (and we believe correctly) that the objects which they have in view would be gradually realised; and that not

only a reform but a revolution would be effected, converting the government of this country from a limited monarchy into a republic.

With the relative merits of these two forms of government, we shall at present decline to meddle; we only wish to place before our readers, in a clear and distinct shape, the point really at issue between the parties who are opposed to each other on the East Retford Disfranchisement Bill. It appears to us a proposition incapable of being disputed, that if the principle of transferring the elective franchise from the decayed boroughs of this country to the inhabitant householders of populous towns, should be brought into frequent operation, it would effect an entire change in the constitution of this country. It therefore follows, that no person can, with any consistency, support the transfer of the elective franchise from East Retford to the inhabitant householders of Birmingham, who does not contemplate, who does not desire,-the annihilation of our present institutions, the suppression of the House of Peers, the abolition of the established church, the destruction of the monarchy, and the establishment of a purely republican government upon its ruins.

- Another party proposes that the precedent established in the case of New Shoreham, Aylesbury, and Cricklade, should be followed in the present instance that the elective franchise should be transferred from the burgesses of East Retford to the freeholders of the two hundreds of Bassetlaw, in which the borough is situate. This party will, as we believe and hope, be found to comprise a majority of the most intelligent and influential classes of the community; we cannot yet bring ourselves to acknowledge that the majority-that even a considerable number-of well-informed and wealthy persons in this country, can be deluded into countenancing any insidious schemes having for their concealed, if not avowed object, the undermining of our present institutions. Candid and fair men, whose judgments are not warped by the crooked and perverse politics of party, must also feel great reluctance in sanctioning any proceeding which would have the practical effect of confounding the innocent with the guilty, and of inflicting upon

the honest voter a punishment, which, in all fairness, should be made to attach only to the corrupt and venal delinquent. A considerable number of the burgesses of East Retford have no doubt been fairly proved to have been guilty of a corrupt abuse of their elective franchise; it therefore has become expedient that these persons should be deprived of a public trust which they have scandalously betrayed, by convert ing it to their own pecuniary emolument. But at the same time, our zeal against political corruption, and our desire to see it put down, should not be allowed to hurry us into the commission of positive injustice. The recent investigation of the matter by Parliament has proved, that notwithstanding the general corruption of the place, a considerable number of the burgesses of East Retford have not participated in the mal-practices which laid the foundation of the proceedings instituted against this borough; and that they reprobate these practices as warmly and indignantly as the most zealous of the reformers who now strive to prevail upon the legislature to strip them of their privileges. All that seems necessary in this case is to recruit this unimpeached body of electors with an addition of voters, whose circumstances may place them beyond the reach of all improper influence. It is conceived that this purpose would be fully answered by extending the right of election to the whole hundred. This district is computed to contain upwards of 2000 freeholders; and if this number of freemen should be considered insufficient to secure the independent exercise of the elective franchise, let the right of voting be thrown open to another of the adjoining hundreds. By this means, a body of electors would be created quite beyond the reach of any influence which it is either practicable or even desirable to exclude at elections. Such an arrangement would answer all the purposes of those who confine their views to the fair object of securing the purity of election, without covertly aiming at measures which tend to undermine and subvert the ancient institutions of this country.

In this, as well as in other instances of a similar character which may hereafter come before the legislature, it appears to us that the qualification conferring the right of voting might