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[ore the explosion took place. Within little more than three months Mary and Bothwell were married; but public opinion would not tolerate a union which disgraced the nation before the world. The Protestant lords compelled Mary to surrender at Carberry Hill, Bothwell being forced at the same time to quit the country. Consigned to Loch Leven Castle, Mary was constrained to demit her crown, and the Earl of Moray was appointed regent in the name of her infant son, who was crowned as James VI. (1567). The following year she escaped from her prison, but was defeated at Langside, and driven to seek refuge in England. Then followed the successive regencies of the Earls of Moray, Lennox, and Morton. Throughout these regencies, till 1573, the nation was distracted by the wars of the king's and queen's parties, in the course of which two regents, Moray and Lennox, were assassinated. The queen's party was supported by the house of Hamilton and the majority of the great nobles, and was subsidized by France; that of the king had the sympathy of the larger towns and the intermittent assistance of England. The struggle was finally decided by the capture of Edinburgh Castle, the last stronghold of the Marians. by the regent Mortont reinforced by English auxiliaries. This finally assured the triumph of Protestantism in Scotland. Morton demitted the regency in 1578, and in the attempt to reassert his ascendency was overpowered and publicly executed in 1581.
Witri the actual reign of James VI. begins another stage in the ecclesiastical and political development of the country. Although there was still a considerable Roman Catholic minority, the Protestant settlement migfit now be considered safe. Thenceforward, till the revolution of 168889, the absorbing interest of the country was the controversy between the kirk and the crown. James vi., with his fixed idea of the divine right of kings, aimed at a form or government which should make nim the absolute master of the goods, bodies, and souls of his subjects. With such an ideal of government Calvinistic Presbyterianism, which was the creed and church polity which commended itself to the majority of Scotsmen, was fundamentally irreconcilable. On the other hand, the episcopal system, as Tames conceived it, was admirably adapted to further his political ends. Through the bishops, who would be mere state officials, dismissible at his pleasure, he could ensure the pliability of the general clergy,
who in their turn would give a fitting direction to the mind of the laity. At first, under the leadership of Andrew Melville and a considerable section of the nobles, the kirk was more than able to hold its own. Even before the union of the crowns, when James became king of England (1603), he had broken the strength of Presbyterianism, and made considerable progress in setting up Episcopacy. This he achieved by dissociating the nobles from the kirk by the liberal grant of church lands to all of them who were willing to give him their support. On his removal to England he had the resources of another kingdom at his back, and he gradually but surely converted Scotland into a mere dependency of the crown. It was through the Scottish Privy Council, nominated by himself, that he administered the affairs of the country. Parliaments were seldom summoned, and when they did meet they were carefully packed by subservient representatives, who gave an appearance of constitutional procedure to his dictates. By the date of his death (1625), James had destroyed Presbyterianism and established a species of Episcopacy which gave him as complete control over the church as over the state. He also kept the Borders, as well as the Highlands and islands, in an admirable state of law and order.
Charles I., his son and successor (1625-49), continued his father's policy; but pushing it to extremes he provoked a national revolt, and brought about his own ruin. The first important proceeding of Charles was the Act of Revocation (1626-9), which recalled the grants of church lands made by his father, and thus alienated the majority of the propertied classes among his Scottish subjects. By another step he roused the spirit of Presbyterianism, which appeared to have been crushed. In 1637 Charles sent down a new liturg_y, with the imperative order that it should at once be adopted in all the churches. The great majority of the ministers, with the ardent support of their congregations, vehemently protested against the innovation. There was a double objection to the new service-book: it savored of popery, and it was supposed to be mainly the work of Archbishop Laud, whose name is inseparably attached to the book. Charles would not give way, and there followed in rapid succession the events that leu to the final tragedy at Whitehall. The nobility, discontented with the Act of Revocation, and indignant at the powers and privileges that had been assigned to bishops in the management of public
affairs, identified themselves with the national religious feeling. By the National League and Covenant (1638), the nation bound itself to the restoration of Presbyterianism and the extirpation of prelacy. Rather than give way Charles appealed to the sword | but the result of the first bishons' war (1639) was that he found himself compelled to grant every demand of the Covenanters. The second bishops' war followed (1640), and Charles again found himself the beaten pp.'ty. In 1642 his long controversy with his English House of Commons broke into civil war. The English Commons had sympathized^ with the Scots :n their national struggle, and by the Solemn League and Covenant (1643) both bound themselves to joint action against the king. In entering into this compact the Scots understood that in the event of Charles being overpowered the Presbyterian polity was to be imposed on both countries —a result which their allies did not desire, and which it was eventually bevond their power to realize. With the aid of the Scots the armies of the English Parliament broke the power of Charles beyond recovery. In May, 1646, he placed himself in the hands of tne Scots, who vainly tried to persuade him to accept the Covenants. Threatened with an invasion of Scotland by the English Parliament, they delivered him into its hands, though with no suspicion of the doom that w-?s in store for him. By the arrangement known as the Engagement, which pledged Charles to suppress Independency and to establish Presbyterianism in England for three years, a party in Scotland, headed by the Duke of Hamilton, undertook to invade England in the royal interest. A Scottish aimy led bv Hamilton actually crossed the Border, but was cut to pieces by Cromwell (August, 1648), who in his turn invaded Scotland, and came to terms with the Presbyterians, whose chief leader was the great Marquis of Argyll. Six days after the execution of Charles I. (Jan.,1649) the Scots proclaimed his son king, and subsequently invited him to Scotland. This was regarded as an act of defiance by the E'-^iish Parliament, and Cromwell was sent north to cut short their proceedings. His overwhelming victory at Dunbar (SeptcmlxT 1650), was a severe blow to the Scots; yet in the first day of the following year they crowned Charles at Scone, and prepared to support him against the invader. In September Charles led .1 Scottish army across the Border, but it was annihilated at Worcester by Cromwell on the Scotland
anniversary of the battle of Dunbar. Then was effected what no English king had ever been able to accomplish—the complete subjection of Scotland for the space of nine years. Till the close of 1653 the country was ruled by the English Commonwealth, and from that date till 1660 by Cromwell and his son. In many respects the country was better governed than it had been by any of its native princes. Free trade with England stimulated commerce, justice was efficiently and impartially administered, and the abolition of general assemblies put a temporary check on ecclesiastical anarchy. Most notable of the results of Cromwell's rule, however, was the union of the Scottish and English Parliaments. Scotland being represented by thirty members in the common Parliament that sat at Westminster.
From the beginning of Charles II.'s reign (1660-85) it was his deliberate policy to restore the civil and ecclesiastical polity which had been established by James vi. He himself never visited Scotland after his restoration, and he administered its affairs through four successive royal coirmissioners—the Earls of Middleton, Rothes, Lauderdale, and James, Duke of York, afterwards James VII. (II.). When parliaments were summoned, they were carefully packed with members who would raise no difficulties. As under James VT., it was the Privy Council, nominated by the king, that governed the country. It was in the restoration of Episcopacy that Charles had the gravest di'mculties to encounter. The mass of the people were Presbyterian in their sympathies, an3 it was only by systematic repression that 'these sympathies were held in check. By successive letters of indulgence some were gained over, while the spirit of others was broken by fines, imprisonment, and exile. In the southwestern counties, however, nothing could reconcile the people to Episcopacy, and twice they rose in revolt, but were hopelessly crushed at Rullion Green (1666) and at Bothwell Brig (1679). The most sensational event of the reign was the assassination of Archbishop Sharp (1679), who had \xen Charles's principal agent in setting up Episcopacy, and had made nimself obnoxious by his persistent efforts to suppress nonconformity.
James VII. (n.) (1685-1701) was a declared Roman Catholic. His first year (1685) was marked by special severities against religious recusants, and his second year saw the beginning of an attempt to convert his country to his own
religion. A request that the Parliament would abolish the penal laws against Roman Catholics was coldly received, and, as in England, he had recourse to 'the dispensing power,' by which he claimed the right to set aside such laws as he disapproved. By way of reconciling the country to his policy, he granted indulgence to Protestant and Roman Catholic nonconformists alike; but his ultimate object was never misunderstood. Openly he manned the Privy Council with those of his own religion, the lord chancellor (Perth) and the two secretaries of state (Melfort and Murray) being only three among many who sought his favor by becoming proselytes. In March, 1689, a Scottish convention met at Edinburgh; it formally declared that James had 'forefaulted' the crown, and offered it to William and Mary as joint sovereigns. Throughout the whole of William's reign (1689-1702) his government of Scotland was beset with the gravest difficulties. Of the nonility he could depend on the fidelity of two or three at the most; the Episcopal clergy and all who favored them were his more or less openly declared enemies; and the majority of the Highland chieftains were ready at any moment to draw the sword for the exiled king. In the first session of the only Scottish Parliament that sat under William, Episcopacy was abolished, and in the second Prcsbyterianism was put in its place. By the abolition of the committee known as the Lords of the Articles, Parliament ceased to be the mere 'baron court' which it had come to be under the last three Stewarts. During the first months of William's reign his government in Scotland was threatened by the rising of the Highland clans under Viscount Dundee; but the death of that leader in the hour of victory at Killiecrankie (1689) proved fatal to the cause of the Stewarts. The massacre of Glencoc (1692) gave, however, another opportunity to the Jacobite party, which they assiduously used to discredit the revolution settlement both at home and abroad. Besides this, the ruin of the Darien colony, which was mainly attributed to William and the commercial jealousy of England, caused an alienation between the two countries which threatened a severance of the connection that had now existed for a century. At the opening of the reign of Anne (1702-14) the Scottish Estates by an Act of Security declared that they would not have a sovereign of England to reign over them except on the condition of equal trading privileges.
It was the very bitterness of the estrangement that convinced the statesmen of the time that a closer union was necessary in the interest of both countries, and in 1707 this union was accomplished by the coalescence of the English and Scottish Parliaments into one representative body. Unpopular at the time in Scotland, the results of the union gradually convinced the people of both countries that the arrangement was for the well-being of both.
Henceforward the main interest of Scottish history is to be found in the social, commercial, and intellectual developments of the country, though that history is diversified by such picturesque incidents as the Jacobite rising of 1715, the Porteous mob (1736), and the second Jacobite rising of 1745. By the suppression of this last outbreak the Highlands were finally reduced to order, and brought into line with the advancing civilization of the Lowlands. A notable chapter in the national history subsequent to the 'Forty-five' is what is known as the 'Dundas despotism' (17831806), during which the country was in complete political subjection to the Tory party, ruled by Henry Dundas, Viscount Melville. Against this Tory regime there gradually grew up a vigorpus national feeling, which found its expression in the Edinburgh Review, established in 1802, and as the result of the Reform Bill of 1832 the political ascendency passed from the Tories to their rivals the Whigs.
See George Chalmers's Caledonia (1807); E. W. Robertson's Scotland under her Early Kings (1862); Skene's Celtic Scotland (1886-90); Joseph Anderson's Scotland in Early Christian Times (1881); Hailes's (Lord Dalrymple) Annals of Scotland, 10571370 (1776); J. Rhys's Celtic Britain (3d ed. 1904); Cosmo Innes's Scotland in the Middle Ages (1860), Sketches o] Early Scotch History (1861), and Scottish Legal Antiquities (1872); Pinkerton's History of Scotland from the Accession ol the House ot Stuart to that ol Mary (1797); Cochrane Patrick's Medi&val Scotland (1892); Duke of Argyll's Scotland as it was and as it is (1887); Gregory's History of the Western Highlands and Isles of Scotland; Hill Burton's The History of Scotland from Agricola's Invasion (1867-70); A. Lang's A History of Scotland from the Roman Occupation (1900 - 4); Hume Brown's History of Scotland (1899-1902); Tytler's History of Scotland jrom the. Accession of Alexander III. to the Union of tne Crowns (1864); Principal Robertson's History of Scotland, 154?. 1603 (1759); "Malcolm
Laing's History of Scotland from tht union of the Crowns to the Union of the Parliaments (1800); T. Mackinnon's The Union of England and Scotland (1898): Jraham's Social Life in Scotland during the Eighteenth Century (1901T: Craik's A Century of Scottish History (1901): Mathieson's Scotland and the Union (1905); and Terry's The Scottish Parliament, 1603-1707 (1906).
Vernacular Language And Literature. Language. — The vernacular literature of Scotland is literature written in the native Scottish as distinguished from literature written in modern English. In the lath century this native Scotch—a development of the Northern dialect of Early English —differed comparatively little from the original dialect of Northumbria. With the severance of English influences after the triumph of Robert Bruce, and with the complete organization of a Scottish kingdom in close alliance with France, the Northern Early English dialect, while it gradually won universal acceptance in the Scottish Lowlands, was there modified in various ways, both by French intercourse and by the old languages of the different races forming the composite Scottish nation. Latterly, however, the literary language of Scotland became partly intermixed with the Midland dialect of Early English as used by Chaucer; and with the advent of the reformation, and the renewed intercourse with England which led to the union of the crowns, even the spoken language of the Scottish common people, though retaining many of its old phrases and idioms, and manifesting, in different districts, peculiar provincialisms, became more and more affected by the influences of literary Englisn.
Literature.—Of the early Scottish songs only a few fragments survive, such as the cantus on the death of Alexander m. (1298) recorded by Wyntoun. The romance of Sir Tristrem has, with some show of reason, been claimed for Thomas of Ercildounc; and he may have had some connection with the prophecies in the third 'fytte' of the fragmentary romance of Thomas of Erceldoune (probably itself the work of an Englishman), although the prophecies ascribed to him are plainly forgeries. That one, at least, of the old Scots 'makers,' the 'Clerk of Tranent,' wrote an alliterative romance may be inferred from Dunbar's Lament. And if a certain Huchieson, or 'Huchown of the Awle R/ale," mentioned in terms of hiph praise by Wyntoun, br a Scotsman, and another than 'Clerk of Tranent,' then three Other alliterative romance; were
the work of a Scotsman, although of these only The Pystyll of Swete Susan has been identified beyond dispute. Huchown, it has Deen conjectured, is the 'gude Sir Hew of Eglintoun,' mentioned in Dunbar's Lament, and identified by some with Sir Hew, Lord of Eglinton (d. 1376). This identification has also been rendered more probable by the evidence which Mr. George Neilson has adduced in his Huchown of the A wle Ryale (1902). The earliest work in the Scottish vernacular that has retained a certain popularity down to the present time is the Bruce of John Barbour, in the octosyllabic couplet; but both it and the much later and poetically much inferior Chronicle of Andrew of Wyntoun (fl. c. 1395-1424) are now mainly of interest from their historical theme. Of slightly later date than Wyntoun was King James I., to whom, if he was the author of The Kingis Quair, may probably be attributed the beginnings of the Chaucerian vogue in Scotland, and who, if he wrote Christis Kirk and Peblis to the Play, was also an accomplished master in verse of distinctively northern tradition. To the earlier half of the 15th century belong probably those burlesques of the old romances, The Taill of Rauf Coilzcar. Cokelbies Sow, King Berdok, and The Gyre Carling. But the author of none of these is known; and the outstanding name next in date after James I. is Blind Harry, who, though sharing in the Chaucerian influence of the period, was nevertheless, as he himself confesses, only a 'burel' or unlearned man, and not, as usually was the case with the Scottish makers, an educated ecclesiastic.
The more distinguished of the makers who died before 1506 are commemorated in Dunbar's Lament. Five pieces in the Bannatyne MS., including the humorous Wooing of Jok and Jynny, are. on doubtful authority, ascribed to John Clerk. Sir Richard Holland (fl. 1482) is known by his curious political allegory The Howldt, in the old alliterative romance stave. To Sir Patrick Tohnstone (d. c. 1494) a morbidly mournful piece in the French octave^ The Thrie Deid Pows, is ascribed. Of Mersar, whose 'lively' love verses Dunbar specially eulogi/x's, we have three examples, and they quite corroborate Dunbar's opinion. One of the Roulls mentioned by Dunbar—but whether he of Aberdeen or his 'gentle' namesake of Corstorphine it is impossible to say—is represented by a quaint example of invective. The Cursing of Sir John Rou'lis upon the Stelaris of his Fowlis. Quentin
Schaw (d. c. 1504), a cousin of Dunbars rival Kennedy, is now known only as the author of the shrewdly numerous Advyce to a Courtier. It is very evident, both from surviving specimens of verse, the authorship of which can still be traced, as well as from such anonymous pieces as The Murning Maiden. O Lusty May, and When Flora had our/ret the Firth, that the general standard of excellence among the poets of this period was exceptionally high. Of the makers before Dunbar there is, however, if we except James I., only one of outstanding individuality and meri; —Robert Henryson. The fact that so many of his pieces have been preserved tells, of course, in his favor; but this was probably due to his greater repute among his contemporaries. Like the earlier author of the Kingis Quair, he was an ardent disciple of Chaucer; but even in pieces of a specially Chaucerian cast, and in nis faoles and many of his miscellaneous pieces, his Scottish individuality is very apparent. But Henryson manifests neither the varied mastery of metre nor the poetic robustness of Dunbar, who, although accepting Chaucer as his master, and closely following Chaucer's methods in his more allegorical pieces, was not only specially versed in contemporary French poetry, but utilized all his models for the perfecting of a poetic individuality of his own— an individuality so strong that it entitles him to be regarded as the most striking British poet between Chaucer and Spenser. Of Dunbar's rival, Walter Kennedy (?1460-?1507). only a few pieces survive, including his part in the famous Flyting between the two poets. They indicate that, if Kennedy lacked Dunbar's vigorous originality, he was nevertheless a very skilful and graceful metrist. Another, somewhat later, contemporary of Dunbar was Gavin Douglas, who, however, represents mainly the decline of political allegory, and whose chief title to remembrance is his clever, if too labored, translation of Virgil's jEncid. Still further evidence of the decline of purely poetic characteristics is manifest in the work of Sir David Lindsay, who employed verse mainly for the inculcation of social and ecclesiastical reforms. In addition there were many names of lesser merit. Among them were Stcwarte, who, besides several effusive amatory pieces, has left some rude satires on tailors; Steil, the author of The Ryng of the Roy Robert and two 'aureate' love poems: Fleming, who is represented by a clever skit on evil wives, entitled Be Merry, Brethren; and Sir