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'measuring' or calculating pains and pleasures. In the Republic,' when the test of pain and pleasure is abandoned, no other elements are shown to us which the Measuring Art is to be employed to measure.'* The same fallacy has been already noted in Plato's conception of Mathematics, when we found him insisting upon the study of the movements and harmonies which are seen by the mind only.' Because he saw that the value of mathematical science increases as it supersedes observation and measurement, he was led to place its perfection in an absolute independence of facts, overlooking the circumstance that there was some elementary basis of fact, some measurement of distance or time, on which they must ultimately rest.' Thus he imagines

earlier forms by the stress laid upon the Idea of good; that Idea is to the 'intelligible' what the sun is to the visible world not only the highest being, but also the cause of existence and knowledge. Dialectic is a 'way up and down; up to the Idea of good, using hypotheses as steps and points of departure; and down when in the light of that Idea all knowledge has become absolute and self-proving. This seems to mean, translated into modern language, that philosophy starts with induction, not from facts in the scientific sense, but from the conceptions given in particular sciences, in language, and in common opinion. By questioning and reflexion the inquirer or "dialectician' seeks to determine the relation between these 'hypothetical' notionsa process which results in successive defi-that the method of science can anticipate nitions and classifications-and thus ulti- science' to use a favourite expression of mately to rise to the highest knowledge, the Mr. Jowett's, the Platonic Good is a vacant conception at once the most abstract and ideal;' Plato 'sees the light, but not the the most self-evident, from which all the objects which are revealed by the light.' rest may then be derived. "This ideal logic,' as Mr. Jowett observes, is not the method which was pursued by Plato in the search after justice; there, like Aristotle in the "Nicomachean Ethics," he is aruging from experience and the common use of language.' That the higher certainty of the 'longer way round' was, and remained, a mere aspiration, is plain, not only in the 'Republic' (p. 533), but in works of a more decidedly dialectical character.

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Inexperience in the observation of facts, and ignorance of the nature and history of language, are the two characteristic weaknesses of ancient speculation. The contemporary of Plato and Socrates could not isolate phenomena, and he was helpless against the influence of any word which had an equivocal or double sense' (vol ii. p. 505). The latter cause, indeed, and especially the habit which sprang from it of identifying language not with thoughts or representations, but with ideas' (vol i. p. 649), is almost sufficient to account for the Platonic theory. Plato, it may be said, confounded the power which words give of separating notions from the individuals that they represent, with a separate existence of the notions themselves; and, seeing that words connote what is uniform and permanent, whereas individuals are infinitely various and fluctuating, he did not see that this uniformity is only comparative, and amounts ultimately to no more than uniformity in the impres sions made upon the portion of mankind speaking a particular language. This lesson has since been taught, first by long experience, and then by a just analysis of language. With the advance of science the language of ordinary life has become more and more insufficient to express the known relations of things; and modern Dialectic has made it one of its chief functions to warn inquirers against the influence of words, and to direct them to look for fixedness and certainty, not in abstractions, but in the opposite pole of experience.'

The supremacy of the Idea of good is a feature of Plato's system, which is directly descended from the Socratic teaching. With Socrates, as we saw, the knowledge which constituted morality was simply the knowledge of the good, or useful, or really desirable. No man desires what he thinks will do him harm; therefore, he who has desired wrongly did so in ignorance. The thing seemed to him desirable, but was not really so. The Platonic form of this doctrine is that the Good is that which gives not only goodness but also Being to other parts of the world of Ideas. We say that a thing is bad because it is not what it professes to be, because the fact does not answer to the idea. Plato would say, inversely, that it is unreal for want of goodness. Language played a great part in this confusion. The same word (βουλητόν οι αἱρετόν) was used to express the object of a particular wish, the usual object of wish, and the right object of wish; and these three meanings shaded imperceptibly into each other. Mr. Mill has observed that the Idea of good in the Republic' is less intelligible than the theory in the Protagoras,' according to which good is the object of an art of 345.

* 'Dissertations and Discussions,' vol. iii. p.

The increase of knowledge, however, has not only tended to limit the influence of language upon thought, but it has given a new conception of experience. The value of experience in scientific enquiry depends on the amount of facts already collected, and on the progress that has been made in digesting them in the form of generalisations. Every new fact of observation, every impression on the senses, calls up a series of accepted and ascertained theories; and it is from this stock of theory that it derives, not indeed its truth as a fact, but its power of modifying or confirming opinion, its clearness to the understanding, and even its power of retaining a hold on the memory. Plato did not start at a point in the progress of science at which the observation of particulars is applicable, except in the most imperfect way, to discovery. He is like a man using his eyes for the first time, who fancies, because everything seems equally near, that sight cannot tell him the forms and distances of objects. Hence he could not systematically test opinions or notions by facts, but by comparing them with other opinions and notions, either consciously held or implied in language. His error was not in devoting himself to the analysis of abstractions; for, as Mr. Jowett says, summing up the whole matter in a line: Before men could observe the world they must be able to conceive the world.' His error lay in giving to abstractions, as such, an absolute value; in supposing that the clearness which general notions give to experience was a clearness which they had in themselves apart from experience. Yet the Platonic mode of thought, which concerns itself with the abstractions under which phenomena are conceived, has its place alongside of the study of these phenomena in detail. The clearness and just co-ordination of ideas which makes the philosophic habit of mind is not the same thing as the agreement of ideas with facts which constitute scientific accuracy; and positive science does not supersede metaphysics, except as it works out in their application the conceptions which metaphysics have supplied.

The value of Plato's scheme of Dialectic, as Mr. Jowett is careful to point out, lay in the high ideal which it held up as an aim to the science of the future. 'The correlation of the sciences, the consciousness of the unity of knowledge, the sense of the importance of classification, the unwillingness to stop short of certainty or to confound probability with truth, are important principles of the higher education' (vol. ii. p. 157). On the other hand the weakness of the theory was soon felt in the difficulty of ex

plaining consistently the very various degrees of value which Plato would not but recognise in the impressions and beliefs included by him under the term 'opinion' or the seeming.' He is far from treating everything which falls short of his concep tion of knowledge as equally worthless; but he is much at a loss for a satisfactory account of the true or valuable element contained in particular instincts, conjectures, habits, and feelings. The modes in which he approaches the different sides of this problem form, perhaps, the most generally interesting part of his philosophy; for (as may be readily supposed) it is in connec tion with these attempts, rather than with more abstruse enquiries, that positive and fruitful results are chiefly to be found. Three or four points of view may be distinguished, from which the solution is more or less consciously attempted: (1.) Mythology; (2.) Supernatural influence or madness; (3.) Morality based upon habits only; and (4.) Systems of positive law.

1. Plato's view of the office of mythology is expressed in the 'Republic,' where he recognises it as the earliest instrument of edu cation, to be used in order to accommodate truth to the tender mind; but partly also on account of our own uncertainty. In the tales of mythology, of which we were just now speaking, because we do not know the truth about ancient tradition, we make falsehood as much like truth as we can.' So in the Phædrus,' the famous allegory (as we should term it) is called by Socrates himself a tolerably creditable and possibly true though partly erring myth.' The value and instructiveness of a myth depends, therefore, on its being 'probable.' Probability, so used, does not mean so much that the chances are in favour of its being true, as that it reflects certain truth, or embodies it in the concrete, and consequently will prepare the way for the reception of the same principles in a more abstract shape.

An acute German critic* has endeavoured to show that Plato only resorts to the mythical form when he is met by the necessity of explaining the origin or growth (yéveo) of a thing. The theory of Ideas, he argues, is a theory of the existent as necessary and immutable; the process of becoming has logically no place in it: Plato intended his myths to do for philosophy what the popular mythology did for religion-to express a fundamental series of relations in a narrative form, as something which is, and also which has come to be what it is. Thus (to take

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the most prominent example), the myth in the 'Phædrus' reconciles the eternity of the mind and of knowledge with the rise and progress of knowledge in the individual. The theory, however, although it is highly suggestive, and opens up a new and interesting side from which to compare the ancient opposition of the real and the phenomenal with the modern idea of development, can hardly be applied to all the myths in the Platonic dialogues. A more adequate account is suggested in Mr. Jowett's remarks on the second book of the Republic' (vol. ii. pp. 37 ff.). 'Art' (under which the composition of myths is included) may be another aspect of reason;' and 'this conception of art is not limited to strains of music or the forms of plastic art, but pervades all nature.' Mythology, in short, is made (like the mathematical sciences) a universal type; it represents the effort of the philosophic imagination to find modes of conceiving the unknown. In this wide sense there are myths taking the form, not only of history, geography, and cosmogony, but even of arithmetic and etymology. Thus the number in the Republic' expresses an undiscovered numerical relation, which is believed by Plato to govern the periodical decay inevitable in all human society. And the derivations in the 'Cratylus express an equally undiscovered relation between the sounds of words and the things which they represent. In neither case is the truth of the myth maintained; only its probability or 'likeness' to truth; as we should say, its fitness to suggest truth.

2. The description of the pursuit of truth under the figure of a divine madness is found along with the mythical imagery of the Phædrus,' but it exemplifies a distinct mode of representing the true instincts which yet fall short of knowledge. Of madness Plato there says there are four kinds: that of prophets, of the mysteries, of poetry, and of love; and of these the last is also the best. The enthusiasm of the lover is a lower form, a shadow,' of that of the philosopher; the object of the passion is desired because of the true relations which (like the productions of true art) it embodies in a concrete form. Thus there is a progress from sense to reason; the erotic madness passes, if rightly directed, into that enthusiastic anticipation of knowledge (called the love of wisdom,' ptλooopía) which animates the search for absolute truth. At the end of the Meno,' the right opinion by which statesmen have guided cities is said to be in politics what divination is in religion' (p. 99). The same theory, applied to poetry, is drawn out in the 'lon,' and in a

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passage of the Republic,' which prescribes the manner of treating the multiform' or imitative poet. We will fall down and worship him as a sweet and holy and wonderful being, but we must also inform him that there is no place for such as he is in our state-the law will not allow them. And so when we have anointed him with myrrh, and set a garland of wool upon his head, we shall send him away to another city.' (p. 398). The tone of this passage, and of the Ion,' is that of a gentle contempt for the irrational element. In other places, however, the same thing is treated with the ut most respect. Thus, in the Laws,' it is said that Athenians, when good, are so in spite of their constitution, by a divinelygiven nature. Hence it is not necessary to suppose that the theory in the 'Meno,' unPlatonic as it seems, is proposed in irony; of which, Mr. Jowett remarks, there is no trace. 'A person may have some skill or latent experience, which he is able to use himself, and is yet unable to teach others, because he has no principles and is not able to collect and arrange his ideas. He has practice, but not theory; art, but not science. This a true fact of psychology, which is recognised by Plato in this passage' (vol. i. p. 253.). We may add that it is a fact which the Socratic doctrine and that of Plato's earlier writings had ignored; so that the Meno' may be thought to mark Plato's first attempts to place the relation of virtue and knowledge in a truer light. Plato, we may suppose, felt the difficulties of the Socratic identification, and had not yet gained the higher point of view-that of Dialectic upon which his own identification ultimately rests.

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3. In the Republic,' the progress from sense to knowledge is represented by means of a psychology from which mythical and allegorical elements are finally excluded. The efficacy of the various means of moral education in preparing the way for the higher or scientific morality is now ascribed, as in the Ethics of Aristotle, to the influence of habit. Rhythm and harmony find their way into the secret places of the soul, on which they mightily fasten, bearing grace in their movements and making the soul graceful of him who is rightly educated, or ungraceful if ill-educated;' and he who is thus trained will justly blame and hate the bad now in the days of his youth, even before he is able to know the reason of the thing; and when reason comes he will recognise and salute her as a friend with whom his education has made him long familiar.' (p. 402 Steph.). In the scheme of the seventh book this training is referred to as the music

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'which was the counterpart of gymnastic, and trained the guardians by the influences of habit, &c.' (p. 522). In the State the same influences produce a lower kind of virtue, yet one of real value. Thus, in the myth of the Phædo,' those who have practised the civil and social virtues which are called temperance and justice, and are acquired by habit and attention without philosophy and mind,' are happy, and (it is added with a tinge of irony) may be expected to pass into some gentle social nature which is like their own, such as that of bees, or ants, or even back again into the form of man, and just and moderate men spring from them' (p. 82). Yet, for want of knowledge, such characters are liable to fail; their virtue wants the fastening of the cause;' they do not know the real superiority of good to evil.

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influence of custom is, not merely for the smooth workings of institutions but for their existence, will recognise in this language much of the same neglect of facts, or absorption of facts in the idea, which we have already noted as the main characteristic of Platonism. Yet the passage, amid the despairing picture which it so vividly presents of the decay of Greek politics, allows us to see that Plato is anxious to find a place in his philosophy for the lessons of experience. Nor can we be surprised that it is in political philosophy that respect for facts seems to show itself for the first time, when we remember what a vast field of observation in this field was afforded by the Greek States.

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In the Republic,' to which we now turn, the absolute and intrinsic value of justice is shown not merely, as in the Gorgias,' by 4. In the Laws' and also in the States- identifying morality with knowledge, but by man,' the spirit of compromise with the ac- answering the particular question, What is tual conditions of the time is carried so far justice?' And the answer has two meanings, that Plato renounces the attempt to apply according as it is applied to the State or the his ideal to human life. In the place of individual. Justice, in the State, is the philosophy he puts law: in the place of liv- principle by which its different parts or ing guardians, governing by the fewest and classes are restricted to their proper work; most abstract principles, he puts magistrates, in the individual, it is the corresponding rebound by a vast system of minute and unal- striction of the various faculties-reason, terable regulations. The point of view from spirit, the desires to their functions in the which this change should be estimated may microcosm of the soul. Mr. Grote objected be expressed in the words of the States-to this mode of solution that justice, in the man.' 'The best thing of all is not that the law should rule, but that a man should rule, supposing him to have wisdom and royal power,' and that because the law cannot comprehend exactly what is noblest or most just, or at once ordain what is best for all' (p. 294 Steph). Yet, until the perfect rulèr is found, the best hope is in governing strictly according to law. When the foundation of politics is in the letter only and in custom, and knowledge is divorced from action, can we wonder, Socrates, at the miseries that there are, and always will be, in States? Any other art, built on such a foundation, would be undermined, there can be no doubt of that. Ought we not rather to wonder at the strength of the political bond? For States have endured all this, time out of mind, and yet some of them still remain, and are not overthrown, though many of them, like ships foundering at sea, are perishing and have perished, and will hereafter perish, through the incapacity of their pilots and crews, who have the worst ignorance of the highest truths-I mean to say that they are wholly unacquainted with politics, of which, above all other sciences, they believe themselves to have acquired the most perfect knowledge' (p. 302 Steph.).

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Modern readers, aware how essential the

sense of Glaucon and Adeimantus, is common honesty of dealing; whereas Socrates extends it to include all virtue. Plato would reply that common honesty, which is the most familiar kind of justice, must be considered not by itself, but under the idea which fits the whole. And that idea must be one that can be realised both in the State and in the individual. In seeking to establish the purely internal nature of justice, he is met by the fact that man is a social being; and he tries to harmonise them as well as he can' (vol. ii. p. 21). The difficulties are partly logical, as, e. g., that there may be justice between individuals who are themselves neither just nor unjust; partly practical, arising from the intimate connexion, yet not amounting to identity, between justice and law. Aristotle cleared up the subject by showing, in the first place, that the vague political use of the term justice was really different from that in which it meant 'honesty;' and secondly, that justice, as the vir tue of an individual, is not a thing in which internal take the place of social relations, but a state of mind towards the acts required under these social relations. Mr. Jowett's account of the Platonic view hardly seems to recognise the way in which Plato's dis tinction complicates, while appearing to

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solve, the difficulty of the sufficiency of justice for happiness. 'The two brothers ask Socrates to prove to them that the just is happy when they have taken from him all that in which happiness is ordinarily supposed to consist' (Ibid., p. 20). And Socrates undertakes this proof. His answer in substance amounts to this, that under favourable circumstances, i. e. in the perfect State, justice and happiness will coincide; and that when justice has been once found, happiness may be left to take care of itself (Ibid., p. 22). This, however, is only the happiness of the State. The happiness of the individual depends, according to the sequel of the Republic,' not upon the perfect State, but upon the perfect or just individual. The royally constituted man' is especially happy when he is king in the ideal State, and the tyrannical man especially miserable when he is also a tyrant; but this is, in both cases, an exceptional enhancing of their position. In reality, as Aristotle perceived, the question is not so much, 'What is justice?' as 'What is happiness?' If happiness consists in external goods, then justice (or the rule of society), in the strong man's view, is that he should get as much as he desires; in that of weak men, that they should combine to keep what they can. Or, if happiness consists in the pleasure of the greatest number, then justice depends upon the conduct by which that pleasure may be best secured. But if happiness is an idea-the application to human life of a higher abstraction, the Idea of good, or the realization of human perfection, or under whatever form an ideal philosophy of ethics may conceive it-then it is the task of such a philosophy to harmonise this idea with its conception of the world and of knowledge. If Plato fails, as Mr. Grote says, by representing (in the just man of the 'Gorgias') a superhuman or transcendent virtue; or, again, as Mr. Mill points out, by finding no worthy place for an Aristides, a man whose justice consists in implicit obedience to law and traditional morality; the reason is, that in his ethics, as in other parts of his system, the highest truth is made to reside in the purest attainable abstraction. The notion of happiness, apart from ingredients, is parallel to the notion of an astronomy without the visible heavens, or of harmonics without audible harmony.'

The manner in which Plato treats the question of pleasure varies in the different dialogues, but always exhibits the tendency to make light of that which presents itself as a fact or process rather than as an idea. In the 'Protagoras' Socrates begins, indeed,

by assuming that pleasure is merely another name for good; but he soon shows that the choice of pains and pleasures involves comparison between them, and therefore an 'art of measurement.' Pains and pleasures, it follows, are only, as it were, the material out of which the Good (or 'useful' or 'happiness') may be formed; whereas knowledge is the formative element. This mode of stating the theory of Socrates is hardly to be distinguished from the latest form of Utilitarianism; but with Plato, to whom the form or idea is always the real element, it led directly to the inference that pleasure is something transient and 'unreal,-a view which naturally acquired strength and consistency with the development of the theory of Ideas. In the Theaetetus,' again, Socrates shows that the apprehension of the useful, by bringing in the consideration of consequences, involves comparison, and therefore the universal element. In both cases, the difficulty which we feel in rightly understanding the issue arises from the extreme form in which the opposite doctrines are found. All philosophers, even the most opposed, would now agree in giving a value both to experience and to abstractions, and also in recognising pleasure as an element to be brought under regulation by a principle of some kind. Modern psychology lies wholly within the ancient extremes, Sense is the only knowledge,' 'Sense is delusive;' just as modern ethics lies within the analogous extremes, Pleasure is the good,' Pleasure is worthless.'

The 'confusion of ethics and politics' is not, strictly speaking, the Platonic confusion of the State and the individual as moral agents, but rather a confusion of the relations in which an individual stands to the State with those in which he stands to other groups or to the whole of mankind, to other sentient beings, and to his own character and prospects. The place which the organisation of the State has held in this general fabric of moral duty has varied in different periods of history; but the tendency has been, on the whole, towards diminishing its importance. The duties enforced by law, or by a custom having the stringency of law-though never in Greece, perhaps, co-extensive with morality much less nearly so than they were in Plato's time. The State, moreover, does not now make so exclusive a claim on the regard of its citizens. Other forms of common action and sentiment-the town or district, the Church, the European public, the brotherhood of mankind-divide with it the interest once concentrated on the Hellenic

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