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3. But there are more substantial expressions | of the presence of the déad | with the living. The earth | is filled with the labors, the works, of the dead. Almost all the literature in the world, the discoveries of science, the glories of art, the ever-enduring témples, the dwellingplaces of generátions, the comforts and improvements of life, the languages, the máxims, the opinions of the living, the very frame-work of society, the institutions of nátions, the fabrics of empires-àll | are the works of the dead. By these, they | who are dead | yet speak.

ORVILLE DEWEY.

8. GRATTAN'S REPLY TO MR. CORRY.

[An example of impassioned sarcasm and invective.]

1. Has the gentleman done? Has he completely dóne? He was unparliamentary from the beginning to the end of his speech. There was scarce a word he uttered that was not a violation of the privileges of the House. But I did not call him to order,-whý? because the limited talents of some men render it impossible for them to be severe without being unparliamentary. But before I sit down, I shall show him how to be severe and parliamentary at the same time.

2. The right honorable gentlemen has called me "an unimpeached traitor." I ask why not "trăitor," unqualified by any epithet? I will tell him: it was because he dûrst not. It was the act of a coward, who raises his arm to strike, but has not courage to give the blow. I will not call him villain, because it would be unparliamentary, and he is a privy counselor. I will not call him fool, because he happens to be chancellor of the exchèquer. But I say, he is one who has abused the privilege of Párliament and the freedom of debate, by uttering language which, if spoken out of the House, I should answer only with a blow. I care not how high

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GF CALIFORNIA his situation, how low his character, how contémptible his speech; whether a privy counselor or a parasite, my answer would be a blow.

3. I have returned,-not as the right honorable member has said, to raise another storm,-I have returned to discharge an honorable debt of gratitude to my country, that conferred a great reward for păst services, which, I am proud to say, was not greater than my desert. I have returned to protect that Constitution of which I was the parent and founder, from the assassination of such men as the right honorable gentleman and his unworthy associates. They are corrupt, they are seditious, and they, at this very moment, are in a conspiracy against their country. I have returned to refute a líbel, as fálse as it is malicious, given to the public under the appellation of a report of the committee of the Lords. Here I stand, ready for impeachment or trial. I dâre accusation. I defy the honorable gentleman; I defy the government; I defy their whole phalanx; let them come forth. I tell the ministers, I will neither give quarter nor take it. I am here to lay the shattered remains of my constitution on the floor of this House, in defense of the liberties of my country.

9.

SUPPOSED SPEECH OF JOHN ADAMS IN SUPPORT OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE.

The

1. Sink or swìm, live or die, survive or pèrish, I give my hand and my heart to this vote. It is true, indeed, that in the beginning we aimed not at Indepèndence. But there's a Divinity which shapes our ènds. injustice of England has driven us to arms; and, blinded to her own interest for our good, she has obstinately persisted, till Independence is now within our grasp. We have but to reach fórth to it, and it is oùrs.

2. Why, then, should we defer the Declaration? Is any man so weak as now to hope for a reconciliation with England? Do we mean to submit to the measures of Parliament, Boston port-bill and áll? I know we do not mean to submit. We never shall submit.

3. Sir, the Declaration will inspire the people with increased courage. Instead of a long and bloody war for restoration of privileges, for redress of grievances, for chartered immúnities, held under a British kíng, set before them the glorious object of entire Indepèndence, and it will breathe into them anew the breath of life.

4. Read this Declaration at the head of the army: every sword will be drawn from its scábbard, and the solemn vow úttered, to maintain it, or to perish on the field of honor. Publish it from the pulpit; religion will approve it, and the love of religious liberty will cling róund it, resolved to stand with it, or fall with it.

5. Send it to the public hàlls; proclaim it there. Let them hear it who heard the first roar of the enemy's cànnon; let them see it who saw their brothers and their sons fall on the field of Bunker Hill, and in the streets of Lexington and Concord, and the very walls will cry out in its support.

6. Sir, before God, I believe the hour is còme. My judgment approves this méasure, and my whole heart is in it. All that I have, and all that I ám, and all that I hope, in this life, I am now ready here to stake upon it; and I leave off as I began, that live or die, survive or pèrish, I am for the Declaration. It is my living séntiment, and, by the blessing of Gód, it shall be my dying sentiment: Independence now; and Independence forèver.

DANIEL WEBSTER.

10. THE CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION.

[In this speech the movement is slow; the utterance deliberate, the pauses long; and the inflections strongly marked.]

1. For mysélf, I propose, Sír, to abide by the prínciples and the púrposes | which I have avòwed. I shall stand by the Union, and by all who stand by it. I shall do justice to the whole country, according to the best of my ability, in all I say, and act for the good of the whole country | in all I dò. I mean to stand upon the Constitution. I need no other platform. I shall know but one country.

2. The ends I aim at | shall be my country's, my Gód's, and Truth's. I was bórn | an Américan; I will. live an Américan; I shall die an Amèrican; and I intend to perform the duties incumbent upon me | in that character to the end of my career. I mean to do this, with the absolute disregard of personal cònsequences.

3. What are personal cònsequences? What is the individual mán, with all the good or evil that may betíde him, in comparison with the good or evil | which may befall a great country in a crisis like this, and in the midst of great transactions | which concern that country's fate? Let the consequences | be what they will. I am careless. No man can suffer too múch, and no man can fall too soon, if he suffer or if he fall | in defense of the liberties | and Constitútion | of his country.

WEBSTER.

11. THE CONSTITUTION.

1. Never did there devolve on any generation of men higher trusts than now devolve upon us, for the preservation of this Constitution, and the harmony and peace of all who are destined to live under it. Let us make our generation one of the strongest and brightest links in that golden chain which is destined, I fondly

believe, to grapple the people of all the States to this Constitution for ages to come.

2. We have a great, popular, constitutional government, guarded by law and by judicature, and defended by the affections of the people. No monarchical throne presses these States together. They live and stand upon a government popular in its form, representative in its character, founded upon principles of equality, and so constructed, we hope, as to last forever.

3. In all its history it has been beneficent. It has trodden down no man's liberty, it has crushed no State. Its daily respiration is liberty and patriotism. Its youthful veins are full of enterprise, courage, and honorable love of glory and renown. Large before, the country has now, by recent events, become vastly larger. This republic now extends, with a vast breadth, across the whole continent. The two great seas of the world wash the one and the other shore. We realize on a mighty scale the beautiful description of the ornamental edging of the bucklers of Achilles :

"Now the broad shield complete, the artist crowned
With his last hand, and poured the ocean round.

In living silver seemed the waves to roll,

And beat the buckler's verge and bound the whole."

DANIEL WEBSTER.

12. DUTIES OF AMERICAN CITIZENS.

1. We have indulged in gratifying recollections of the past, in the prosperity and pleasures of the present, and in high hopes for the future. But let us remember that we have duties and obligations to perform, corresponding to the blessings which we enjoy.

2. Let us remember the trust, the sacred trust, attaching to the rich inheritance which we have received from our fathers. Let us feel our personal responsibility, to

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