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that the elective franchise is a matter of chartered right-an assumption not only not founded on, but at variance with all, law. Sir Charles Wetherell has asserted, that Lord John Russell's Bill has, in this respect, no parallel in history, but in the quo warranto proceedings of James II. James deprived corporations of their municipal rights for the purpose of oppressing the people; the Bill takes from the corporations their exclusive elective privileges for the purpose of relieving the people from oppression; the one perpetrated a particular crime with a view to establish a wholesale system of iniquity, the other proposes to suppress a particular abuse, with a view to effect a general good; the one acted against law, and in spite of it; the other acts by law and subservient to it; and yet we are told the cases are precisely analogous! It is not unworthy of notice, that out of the sixty condemned boroughs, only twenty-five are corpo. rate. Sir Charles has gone farther: he has we will not say soberly-charged the members of those corporations that have petitioned the House of Commons in favour of the bill, with perjury! because, having sworn to support their lawful privileges, they are ready to surrender them to an act of parliament. Such a confusion of ideas calls for pity rather than censure.

The disfranchisement of the voters of the sixty boroughs has been grievously lamented. Why should they suffer, doing no wrong? Sir Robert Peel was very pathetic on this: if he had put the same question with respect to the patrons of those voters, there would have been some show of reason in it. What voters are deprived of their rights? Nominally, the disfranchised boroughs contain 4,300 electors; but really, with the exception of Okehampton, Hedon, and Queenborough, which are open to money, the whole sixty contain just as many voters as they have owners, that is, fifty-nine individuals. Twenty of them have not been polled in the memory of man; those that have been polled, during the last thirty years, have been so in order to settle the disputed rights of their masters, by the trial of contested votes. We might as well talk of the right of the Duke of Newcastle's valet to brush his master's inexpressibles, as of the rights of the seventy nominal electors of Boroughbridge.

We need not reply to the arguments against the uniformity of suffrage, nor the destruction of mercantile and monied influence, for these have been fully met by the opponents of the measure, several of whom have contended that the new system will be as full of anomalies as the old; and that, instead of putting down bribery, it will augment it. We may admit that Lord John may blow hot and cold, but must demur to the doctrine that he can do both at the same time.

Many members have argued against the proposed change, because it is impossible to say it will be the last. In the course of the next ten or twelve thousand years, if the world last so long, we think it not only possible but probable, that the House of Commons will be altered a hundred times. To resist evil in limine, is a very good rule, but these lovers of fixity would have us resist change as change, without consideration of its consequences. It is not wonderful to find men behind their generation, who are thus intent on standing still, while all the rest of the world are moving.

In the early part of the discussion on the Bill, it was sturdily maintained that the people would not have it; that it would be as little acceptable out of doors as it was presumed to be in the House. The hundreds of petitions since presented, all praying for the Bill, and nothing but the Bill, have given the best answer to this.

There have been various objections of a more miscellaneous character made by more than one member, but they are of minor importance. Mr. Tyrrell, who represents the calves of Essex, and professes to utter the voice of his constituents, has impressed on the House, at great length, that reform should not be granted, because reform of Parliament is not a reduction of taxation. Mr. Tyrrell is evidently a man of discrimination, and can tell "a hawk from a hand-saw, when the wind is southerly." Should old Father Thames receive a Swing letter one of these dropping mornings, threatening to burn him in his bed, Captain Richbell will know at once where to lay his hand on the offender; the member for Essex is evidently quite capable of planning such an act of incendiarism. On the whole, we conclude the Bill must stand, for the plain reason that there is nothing to knock it down. The bullets hitherto discharged against it are too light to shake it, even had the assailants not aimed pretty fairly at both sides, and thus served, so far as such weak ministers could, to support what they foolishly thought to overturn.

Since the above hasty remarks were written, on the greatest and most important measure ever submitted to the consideration of Englishmen, the Bill has been read a second time by a majority of 1, the numbers being, including tellers, for the second reading 304, against 303. Sir Richard Vyvyan moved the amendment. Sir Richard would fain be thought another Jack the Giant Killer-he would be-

"the little Cornishman,

Who slew the monster Cormelan."

;

But his sword of sharpness is a harlequin's lathe, stolen from Sir Charles Wetherell ; his shoes of swiftness are a pair of worn-out gouty slippers filched from Lord Eldon his coat of darkness is borrowed from Mr. Spencer Perceval, more holy than godly. A dissolution will give the ministry 50 members, and take 50 from the people's enemies and theirs; the Bill is in fact carried by 101.

MIDNIGHT AND MOONSHINE.

A FRAGMENT.

O GOD! this is a holy hour!
Thy breath is o'er the land;
I feel it in each little flower

Around me where I stand;
In all the moonshine scattered fair,
Above, below me, every where;
In every dew-bead glistening sheen,
In every leaf and blade of green,
And in this silence grand and deep,
Wherein thy blessed creatures sleep.
The trees send forth their shadows long
In gambols o'er the earth,
Chasing each other's innocence

In quiet and holy mirth.

O'er the glad meadows fast they throng,
Shapes multiform and tall;

And lo! for them the chaste moonbeam,
With broadest light, doth fall.

Mad phantoms all they onward glide,
On swiftest wind they seem to ride,

O'er meadow, mount, and stream;

And now, with soft and silent pace,
They walk as in a dream,

While each bright earth-flower hides its face
Of blushes, in their dim embrace.

Men tell how in this midnight hour
That disembodied souls have power
To wander as it liketh them,
By wizard oak and fairy stream,
Through still and solemn places,
And by old walls and tombs, to dream,
With pale cold mournful faces.

I fear them not; for they must be
Spirits of kindest sympathy,

Who choose such haun's, and joy to feel

The beauties of this calm night steal

Like music o'er them, while they woo'd
The luxury of Solitude.

COLLOQUIAL DICTIONARY,

OR CYCLOPEDIA OF SOCIAL INTERCOURSE AND ORDINARY LIFE.

THE object and general character of this Compilation from the best English and Foreign sources, will be sufficiently explained by specifying that it is intended for the benefit of those who have a taste for such conversation as befits rational and responsible creatures; who, even in their hours of relaxation, feel that they have minds to be entertained, as well as bodies to be fed and rested; and who know that the one is perfectly compatible with every innocent indulgence of the other. It excludes, in short, those only who find no conversation pleasant or interesting, but such as refers to the gratifications they have in common with the brutes. But if we are to name any one description of persons whom we had especially in view, it would be those who, called to the duties of business and active industry at too early a period of life to have received a finished or classical education, had learned to appreciate both the pleasure and the solid advantages to be derived from a taste for reading, and the gradual addition of a respectables tock of general information to their professional and indispensable acquirements. For such persons-and it is the honour and blessing of the country and of the present age, that we must count them by thousands!-for such persons the information which may be found in books has a double value. For their acquaintance with active life, and the necessity of seeing things as they actually are, and not as a benevolent theorist might fancy and represent the world, enable and predispose them to compare what they read with what they have themselves seen and known. The contrast between bookish and practical men, is yearly superannuating. All knowledge, of all kinds and purposes, from the manipulations of the artizan, to the working the machine of an empire, is now communicated in print. A book is a conversation, the number of the hearers of which is determined, not by the size of the room, or the advantages of the site, or the comparative circle of the speaker's acquaintances, but by the value and attractiveness of the conversation itself.

The widest experience which the most favourably schooled individual can acquire, if he had availed himself of no other means of information, would leave him sadly in the rear, and rather tend to engender positiveness, self-sufficiency, and a narrow mind. Nevertheless, personal experience is of inestimable worth, as the test and filter of the information supplied by the press. We may even call it the digestive organ, through which the individual, out of the total mass, separates, takes up, and converts to his own proper life and functions whatever is for him nutricious and congenial. The chief obstacle in the way of the persons whom we are here contemplating, lies in the multitude and dispersion of the works supplying the information which is or may be required, and the removal of this obstacle is one of the main objects of our Cyclopædia.

With regard to the contents, although it is neither possible nor desirable expressly to divide the one kind from the other, they may be conveniently described under two heads:

Whatever a person placed in intelligent society would feel himself uncomfortable by not knowing,-so far at least, as would enable him to take an interest in the subject; whatever is requisite to make him feel at ease in the companies to which his choice may lead, and his rank and means entitle him, from a consciousness that entire ignorance on such points may be construed as the mark of low breeding, or a proof at least that the man had taken no pains to bring himself up to a level with his circumstances.

Brief details of remarkable institutions, persons, events, and places, some knowledge of which is necessary or aidant for the perfect comprehension of the domestic and foreign history of the month; biographical notices, at greater length, of distinguished foreigners; the great outlines and general results of the sciences and scientific arts; in short, all the points of information which the foregoing remarks have loosely but sufficiently characterized—so worded and so arranged as to be easily acquired, and readily referred to, may be classed as forming the first head, or kind; while in the second we comprise all subjects of frequent occurrence in society, or calculated to become topics of conversation in mixed parties-theatres, menageries, exhibitions, mendicæ, mimæ, balatrones, hoc genus omne.

POLAND SINCE 1815. POLAND has now been in possession of her new Constitution during fifteen years of peace, and of dependence on Russia. What progress she has made during this time in social and political improvement, is a question that warmly attracts the attention of every observer of passing events. The present kingdom of Polandreduced now to nearly a sixth part of its extent under the Jagellons, possesses an administration of its own. The Emperor of Russia takes precedency, as King of Poland, only at the Diet. Zajonczek, a Pole, who died in 1826, was appointed Viceroy in 1818, with full powers, assisted by a Russian Commissioner. The command of the national forces, amounting to 50,000 men, was entrusted to the Grand Duke Constantine, who, in 1818, was elected by Paga, as Deputy to the Second Chamber, by a majority of 103 voices to 6. According to the Constitution no Pole can sit at the same time in both Chambers; the Grand Duke, therefore, so long as the Diet lasted, relinquished his rank as senator. The sitting was opened by the Emperor on March 27, with a speech in French, in which he recommended the progressive improvement of the Constitution which he had granted, and warned the Diet against the danger of revolutionary intrigues. The Emperor then gave up his civil list to the state, and apportioned part of it for the embellishment of Warsaw, and part for purposes of charity. Alexander was present again in Warsaw for a short time. in October, 1819; and on the 13th September, 1820, he opened the second Diet, with a speech which expressed some apprehensions as to the dangerous influence of false political theories; apprehensions which were partly founded on the events that had occurred in the south of Europe, and partly on the direction which public opinion had taken in Poland. The deliberations themselves chiefly related to a

NO. I.

project of a Criminal Code, drawn up by one of the Ministers; the plan, however, was thrown out by a majority of 120 to 3. The Deputy of the city of Warsaw, M. Krysinski, and other country Deputies, animadverted on the absence, in the proposed Penal Code, of any law regarding oaths and perjury. It was to no purpose, the Minister remarked, that the nation contained but few citizens who were fit subjects for such a law. M. Falcz, the Deputy of Kalisch, and other Members, pointed out the invasion made by the proposed Code upon the Constitution, in depriving the subject of all security against arbitrary imprisonment. The sittings were stormy, and on the 26th, on account of the President refusing to read the protocol of the last sitting, the Chamber broke up.

Another plan, the object of which was to change the original Constitution of the senate, was also thrown out, as contrary to the fundamental laws of the kingdom. Nevertheless, the necessary taxes were voted almost without opposition. The Emperor closed the sitting on the 13th October, with a speech, in which he signified his dissatisfaction that the representatives of the people had made no better use of the freedom of their votes. He then recommended to both Chambers to appoint a committee (which should include the Minister) to de'iberate on the plan of a new Civil and Criminal Code, before the assemblage of the next Diet. The petitions which had been presented for a better regulation of the sys tem of weights and measures-for the exclusion of English merchandize, so long as England maintained her Corn Billfor a new system of credit-for the abolition of the monopolies of salt and tobacco -the separation of the laws of the kingdom from mere Government orders-the amelioration of the condition of the Jews, and on other subjects affecting the public welfare, were graciously received. The

I

budget had not yet been fixed the Government, therefore, exercised all pos sible economy, and the Emperor lowered the expenses of the court from 2,324,700 Polish florins to 1,510,000. In 1822, Alexander remained only a short time in Warsaw, when he appointed the budget for 1822 and 1823, and diminished the supplies one-eighth. By a decree of December 18, 1823, the Emperor authorised the Grand Duke Constantine to call the meetings of the Diet, and of other public bodies, leaving the place and time entirely to his own determination. At this time a spirit of political opposition began to prevail generally throughout Russian Poland. The constitutional liberty of the press had been already fettered in March, 1819, on account of its partial abuse, by the imposition of the censure on newspapers; and soon after, by an order of July 16, 1819, the censorship was extended to all other publications, until such time as a new law on offences of the press should clearly determine the application of the sixteenth article of the Polish Constitution. Some students, who had been endeavouring to form an association of all the students attending the several universities of Warsaw, Cracow, and Berlin, were thrown into prison in 1819, but as no crime against the state could be brought to their charge, they were set at liberty at the end of 1821. Among the accused, some of whom belonged to the most distinguished families of the kingdom, was Fraecapski, the wellknown translator of Virgil's Georgics. Hereupon an ordinance was issued by the Grand Duke Constantine, December 6, 1821, forbidding all secret societies,among which that of the Freemasons was particularly mentioned; also, all connexion with the prohibited societies of other countries, on pain of loss of office, and other punishments. The Emperor also gave publicity in Poland to the Pope's Bull, of June 24, 1822, against the Secret Society of the Carbonari; and, on this occasion, the Emperor employed the Society of Civilization and Public Instruction to circulate the edicts of the Court of Rome. The regulations of the police, as regarded secret societies, were the more severe, as the Emperor had frequently expressed his opinion, and even made known, by a circular of the minister of the interior (vide Allg. Zeitung, 1822, No. 142,) that the benefits of a national constitution would fall short of their object, if the Poles, by secret intrigues,

should endeavour to accomplish any revolutionary change in their condition. By a decree of April 9, 1822, it was commanded that no Pole should be allowed to study in a foreign university, or even to visit any foreign seminary, without express permission. The Council of the States in the Woiwodship of Kalisch was dissolved in July, 1822, on account of having arbitrarily selected some members whose appointment was declared irregular by the senate. At length, in August of the same year, an express order was issued by Constantine, forbidding the nobility of Podolia and the Ukraine from travelling in foreign countries, without his express permission, and in the prohibited list even the city of Cracow was included. Thus was the public peace maintained by the strong arm of power, while a new code of laws was in active preparation. Before the assembling of the Diet in 1825, the Emperor, by a supplementary article to the Constitution, prohibited all public debate; and the proceedings of the Diet were carried on with closed doors, excepting the first and last days of each session, and the day when the sanction of all new laws by the Emperor, as King of Poland, was promulgated.

While the Diet lasted, that is from May 13 to June 13, many of the penal laws were altered, the new civil code discussed and partly adopted, and a system of credit for the provinces established. A complete revision of the administration of justice was also taken into consideration, and in particular the regulation of the courts of justice. In many respects, the credit of much good intention must be allowed to the Emperor Alexander, under whose government the condition of the Polish peasantry was unquestionably ameliorated. The inhabitants of the principal towns, however, both Christian and Hebrew, in common with the numerous and high-spirited nobles, still cherish recollections of Polish independence, and have long waited only a fitting oppor tunity to emancipate their country from Russian thraldom. Their discontents have been aggravated by the arbitrary character and conduct of the Grand Duke Constantine, whose uncontrolled interference with the due course of law has at length stirred up a spirit of resistance in Poland, which the military power of Russia may, for a time, damp, but never quench. Much novel and interesting information on the state of Poland from 1788 to 1815, may be found in Michael

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