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carried in the lower house by a considerable majority; but was negatived in the senate by one vote. The congress however has manifested its unshaken antipathy to the Slave Trade, by prohibiting it, in spite of the loudest murmurs of their new citizens of Louisiana, in that extensive province.

A very considerable sensation continues to be felt in America on the subject of the principles asserted by this country respecting the relative rights of belligerent and

neutral nations. We are happy, however, to perceive, that even those who clamour most loudly against the conduct of England, do not attempt to deny that she has much ground of serious complaint; and that there exist many flagrant abuses of the rights of neutrality, which it is no more than equitable on the part of England to suppress. We have little doubt that the reasonableness of our claims will be felt by the sober and dispassionate part of the United States.

GREAT BRITAIN.

GENERAL REFLECTIONS. WE mentioned in our last number the death of Mr. Pitt, and the consequent expectation of a new ministry. The new administration has since been formed. His Majesty who, on a former occasion, is understood to have stedfastly resisted every solicitation to admit Mr. For into office, influenced, doubtless, by the circumstances of the present times, appears to have readily consented to the plan of an administration, suggested to him by Lord Grenville, in which Mr. Fox bears a conspicuous part. We cannot help contemplating this act of our Soverign as peculiarly honourable to his character, since it indicates a disposition which indeed has been also manifested on former occasions, to make his own opinions bend to the force of circumstances, to the temper of parliament, and to the wishes of the people *. Among the new cabinet ministers, not one is to be found who was a member of the immediately antecedent cabinet; and in this respect the profession of forming a go

We here allude in particular to his Majesty's former admission of Mr. Fox into power, and also to his recognition of American independence. When Mr. Adams, the first envoy from the United States of America, obtained his introductory audience, he was received by his Majesty with the most gracious affability.

"Sir," said the king, "I was the last man in the kingdom to consent to the independence of America; but now it is granted, I shall be the last man in the world to sanction a violation of it." Mr. Adams was much affected. This dignified language constituted a striking refutation of many of those calumnies against his Majesty, which had been propagated in America,

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Mr. Sheridan .........Treas. of the Navy.
Duke of Bedford......Ld. Lieut. of Ireland,
Mr. Elliot
Secretary to Do.

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chy of Lancaster. Captain of Band of Gent. Pensioners.

Lord Rt. Spencer..... Surv. of Crown Lands. Mr. Bond...............Judge Advocate.

Mr. Pigott

Mr. Romilly..

Mr. Adam...

Mr. Garrow.......

.Attorney General. .....Solicitor General. Chancellor of the D. of Cornwall. Attorney General to

his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales. Lord Ellenborough has a seat in the Cabinet. We apprehend that the changes in some of the law departments, and also the introduction of the party of Lord St. Vincent into the Admiralty, are the parts of this arrangement which will be the least satisfactory to the public.

The appointment of a military council which is to assist the Duke of York, who continues to be Commander in Chief without having a seat in the cabinet, is consistent with the former professions of some of the present ministry, and will unquestion ably be gratifying to the nation. In a moment like the present, every measure which may contribute to the more effectual defence of the country will obtain the public applause; and all improper delicacy ought to yield to higher considerations. His Majesty has given another proof of the predominance of his regard to the public good over every private aud natural feeling, by acquiescing, after only a short suspense, in this part of the arrangement.

The appointment of Lord Ellenborough, Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench to a seat in the Cabinet, has excited some surprise, and is thought by many jealous

guardians of the constitution, and as we conceive not without reason, to be a conjunction of two employments which are in compatible.

In forming our estimate of the present ministry, we are disposed to allow that they undoubtedly comprize the principal talents of the country and if, in making this admission, we seem to reflect on the preceding administration, not one of whom, as we have already noticed, has any place in the cabinet, we do but the more exalt the stupendous talents of Mr. Pitt, who undoubtedly communicated to those with whom he was associated, a degree of reputation and strength, which rendered that ministry, while Mr. Pitt's health and life remained, by no means incompetent to the ad.ninistration of the affairs of this great country.

That his death should issue in the total exclusion of his colleagues from office, and that the succeeding ministry should nevertheless claim to be a combination of almost all that is great in parliament, and in the country, is a new proof of his transcendancy.

Some meetings have been called for the purpose of congratulating the king on the choice of his new ministry, and on the consequent prospects of the country. Under these auspices, it is now supposed by some, either that the war cannot fail to be vigorously carried on, or that a peace will be procured which shall be at once safe and honourable *.

We entertain upon this subject somewhat less sanguine expectations. The difficulties in which we are involved arise, as we think, more out of the times in which we live, than out of the fault of this or that administration, although there may be ground for the praise or the censure of some of the various acts of government. Though accustomed to regard with no small degree of jealousy the principles of some of the individuals who form the new ministry, we are desirous, nevertheless, of exercising towards them, and of claiming on their behalf, the same candid construction of their measures, which we demanded for the last. And we would warn our countrymen, in the outset, against indulging any expectation of being relieved from great burdens as well as great exertions. Even the best peace which we can reasonably hope to attain must be insecure and questionable,

* See the debates and resolutions of the Common Council of the City of London.

and is likely to be maintained only by an expence little inferior to that of our war establishment. It has been the general practice of those who have constituted the opposition party in parliament, to exaggerate the distresses of the country, to refer them too exclusively to the fault of government, and to excite expectation of a greater improvement in our affairs, in the case of their succeeding to power, than events have warranted.

When the ministry of Lord North was overthrown, an immediate peace was deemed likely to follow. But the new ministry knocked at the door of almost every cabinet on the Continent, without effecting their purpose. And it was reserved for the succeeding administration, of the Earl of Shelburne and Mr. Pitt, to make peace; a peace which Lord North and Mr. Fox united in condemning as inadequate.

Much disappointment also took place in respect to the reform of parliament, and of the various departiments of the state. Some laws indeed were passed for the limitation of the influence of the crown, which we believe to have been beneficial: but they fell remarkably short both of the claims of our reformers, and of the first intentions and professions of the very movers. That one ministry differs less from another than is commonly supposed, in respect at least to the general principles of government, was also soon afterwards indicated in the clearest manner by the union of the two most adverse parties in the country, that of Lord North and Mr. Fox, who, after appearing to the nation to be the very antipodes to each other, met in the same cabinet.

A new coalition has now been formed, and it consists, somewhat in like manner, of men heretofore the most adverse to each other. We are persuaded that the public opinion of our political parties is much lowered by these combinations.

We are willing at the same time to hope for some advantages from the present union of influence and of talents.

:

Let us

not however be entirely blind either to the evils which may result from the heterogeneous nature of some at least of the materials out of which this ministry is con posed and above all let us not imagine that it is in their power to change the present state of things upon the Continent; to induce Bonaparte to forego his ambitious projects againt the greatness and independence of Britain; or to provide otherwise than by new burthens and new

exertions for the safety of the empire. Bonaparte will not be charmed into submismission by the name of a Fox or terrified into it by that of a Grenville or a Windham. He knows his own strength, and we fear that he may be disposed to make a farther trial of it, without sacrifices and concessions on our part, which, while they procured for us the delusive semblance of a peace, would only serve to render our destruction more speedy and inevitable.

Our new government, as we trust, will act a wise and manly part: they will call forth the resources and the energies of the people: they will greatly extend our measures of defence, as we may presume Mr. Pitt would also have done and they will continue vigorously to employ that immense maritime power, with which providence has blessed us, not only in turning the tide of war from our own shores, but in reducing the immense resources of our formidable enemy.

The nation also we trust will have reason to perceive that no meatis are left untried for extricating us out of our difficulties; and they will consent, from a clear conviction of its necessity to bear that heavy pressure which must be brought upon them. The disaffected, whether in this country, or in Ireland, will be convinced that they have no party in the parliament of the united kingdom favourable to their views: and the tone of those who have heretofore been thought by many, to have too much countenanced the spirit of discontent and faction, will no doubt be such as becomes the ministers of the state.

The chief hope however which can rea sonably be entertained in favour of our country must always arise from the virtues rather than the talents of our rulers; though the latter are the too common object of idolatry. A fair and honourable conduct towards our allies; a faithful and close attention in every department of government to the laborious duties of their. respective offices; a selection of men according to their merit, and not according either to court favour or their influence in a party, a point of supreme importance in the command of our fleets and armies; and a paramount regard to the religious and moral interests of the nation in the concerns both of the executive government and of the legislature:-these appear to us to be the highest recommendations of a mi nistry; and they imply much more of uprightness and integrity than of intellectual endowinent.

But it is not to the virtues of the administration only that we must look for the preservation of the empire. General corruption will always be the source both of parliamentary and ministerial corruption. Are the people selfish, void of public spirit, complaining, factious, and unreasonable? The ministers in such case can hardly fail to partake in the common infection, and are tempted to employ corrupt means of governing so corrupt a people. The parliament also is then placed under the necessity of taking various

asures which infringe on liberty for the sake of preserving its own authority, and the general principles of the constitution. Are the people on the other hand loyal, sober, industrious, patriotic, at peace among themselves, and united in sentiment against the common enemy? How easy is it for almost any ministry to direct the efforts of such a nation! How nearly certain must be the success of such a people against the armies of a profligate invader, and how confidently, moreover, may they expect that the blessing of heaven will crown their efforts. So true is it according to the language of the prophet, that righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is the ruin of many people.

There is one point of view, yet unnoticed, in which we are disposed to contemplate with hope the accession of the new ministry to power: we allude to the abolition of the Slave Trade. The majority of the leading men in the present admiBistration have pledged themselves to the prosecution of the measure. On this question Mr. For has thus expressed himself. Any gentleman, who after a full knowledge of the subject, can avow himself an abetter of the shameful traffic in buman flesh, it can only be either from some hardness of heart, or some such difficulty of understanding as I really know not how to account for."-" The cause of abolition," he remarked on another occasion, "being a cause of justice, it is one in which I cannot admit of any compromise; for there can be no compromise between justice and injustice.”—"Upon the whole, I shall give my opinion of this traffic in a very few words. I believe it to be impolitic. I know it to be inhuman. I am certain it is unjust."-" Even if the objects of it were brute animals, no humane man could expose them to be treated with such wanton cruelty. If the merchandize were totally inanimate, no honest man could support a trade founded upon such principles of inCHRIST. OBSERV. No. 50.

justice. Upon these grounds there is every necessity for putting an immediate ' end to it."-" Let us therefore this night act the part which will do us honour : let us vote for bringing in a bill for the abolition. If we fail, I have only to express my gratitude to the honourable gentleman (Mr. Wilberforce) for the part he has taken. He does not need my exhortation to persist. But this I will declare, that whether we vote in a small minority, or in a large one, WE NEVER WILL GIVE UP THE POINT. Whether in this house or out of this house; in whatsoever situation I may ever be; as long as I have a voice to speak; THIS QUES TION SHALL NEVER HAVE AN END. If it were possible that the honourable gentleman could entertain the idea of abandoning it, I would not."-"We who think that these things are not merely impolitic, but inhuman, and unjust; that they are not of the nature of trade, but that they are crimes which stain the honour of the country: WE, SIR, WILL NEVER RELAX OUR EFFORTS." On every subsequent discussion of this momentous question, the language of Mr. For has been equally decided; nor does there appear the least ground to question his sincerity. Lord Grenville, whenever he has had an opportunity of expressing his sentiments, has manifested an hostility no less marked and determined to this detestable commerce. "No advantage," he has declared, "which individuals or the public can derive from the continuance of the slave trade shall ever induce me to give it my approbation, or to consider it in any other light than a system, not only of injustice and inhumanity, but of fraud, robbery, and murder." Other members of the Cabinet, as Lord Spencer, Lord H. Petty, and Mr. Grey, have declared themselves on the same side in this question. And although there may be parts of the new ministerial arrangements which appear somewhat inauspicious : although moreover we have learned, especially in this question, to moderate our expectations from man, and to look for a solution of its difficulties to a higher interference than even that of a British legislature; we nevertheless indulge a hope that some effectual remedy will at length be applied to this enormous evil: an evil, our wilful continuance of which seems to exclude a rational and well founded reliance on the divine blessing and favour. If it be true, as has already been said, that it is righteousness which exalteth a nation, then what T

reasonable expectation can Christians entertain that the Almighty will bless our efforts, while the Slaye Trade, that greatest practical evil which ever has afflicted the human race, that compound of all that is base, fraudful, and inhuman, is retained and cherished by us.

PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.

Little business of moment has come before Parliament during the present month, in consequence of the changes of Government, and the delay necessarily caused by the re-election of the new ministers.

Thanks have been voted to our naval commanders, who distinguished themselves by the late victories, and to the officers and A monumen who served under them. ment in St. Paul's was voted to the memory of Lord Nelson, and it was stated at the same time to be his Majesty's intention to settle £.2000 per annum on the widow of Lord Nelson, and to appropriate the sum of £.200,000 to the purchase of an estate to be attached to the title of Earl Nelson.

We mentioned in our last, that a resolution was carried in the House of Commons for an address to his Majesty, praying that the remains of Mr. Pitt might be interred at the public change, and that a monument might be erected to his memory

in Westminster Abbey, "having an inscription expressive of the national regret at the loss of that excellent statesman."

An address to his Majesty was afterwards moved in the House, to issue the sum of £40,000 for the purpose of paying Mr. Pitt's debts, which passed unanimonsly.

The treaties and other explanatory papers, which have been laid before Parliament by his Majesty, have thrown much light on the causes which have led to the late disasters on the Continent; and have tended to fix on the Austrian Cabinet the, charges of gross improvidence and mismanagement, and of a violation, in the conduct of the war, of her engagements to this country and to Russia, particularly in the unfortunate advance of General Mack's army into Suabia. To these causes, on which our limits forbid us at present to enlarge, may be immediately referred the suddenness at least of the ruin which has overwhelmed that power.

The following estimates have been voted viz. £.1,193,105 for 134,437 men for general service for three months; £.505,037 for the troops employed abroad; and

£.617,584 for the militia of the United Kingdom.

A resolution has passed for raising the sum of five millions by Exchequer bills.

The Committee appointed to try the merits of the Middlesex election have reported that "G. B. Mainwaring, Esq. was duly elected and ought to have been returned."

A bill has passed both houses and received the Royal assent, for enabling Lord Grenville to retain the office of Auditor of the Exchequer while he holds the office of First Lord of the Treasury, appointing a deputy to discharge the duties of the former office, who should be responsible for their due discharge, and who should not be removeable by Lord Grenville. This act has caused some dissatisfaction in the public mind.

A French squadron, bound as is supposed to the West Indies, fell in with part of the outward bound West India fleet in lat. 36. long. 23. and is supposed to have captured six or seven ships.

No farther account has yet been received of the various French squadrons which are out of port.

The public funeral of the Right Hon. W. Pitt took place on the 22d inst. The ceremony was conducted in a very solemn and affecting manner. But the nation pays him a nobler homage than that of any pageant or procession, however splendid. His grave is watered with the tears of his countrymen, who feel that, agreeably to the words used in pronouncing the style of the deceased, Non sibi sed patriæ vixit.

DOMESTIC INTELLIGENCE.

Sir John Newport is appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer for Ireland.

The following persons have been raised to the peerage of the United Kingdom, viz. Thomas Anson, Esq. created Viscount Anson: the Marquis of Sligo created Baron Monteagle: the Earl of Eglinton created Baron Ardrossan: the Earl of Lauderdale created Baron Lauderdale: the Earl of Granard created Baron Granard: John Crewe, Esq. created Baron Crewe: William Lygou, Esq. created Baron Beauchamp; and the Hon. Thomas Erskine created Baron Erskine.

Viscounts Gosford, Oxmanton, Somer," ton, and Charleville, have respectively been created Earls of Ireland, by the titles of Gosford, Ross, Normanton, and Charleville, and P. J. Thellusson, Fsq. has been created a peer of Ireland, by the title of Baron Rendlesham.

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