made an entire surrender of the Venetian states and of the Tyrol, together with all her possessions west of the Inn. The Venetian States are to be added to Bonaparte's kingdom of Italy, and the remainder is to furnish the means of swelling the dominions of Bavaria, Wirtemberg, and Baden, the rulers of the two former countries being also rewarded with the kingly dignity. The Emperor of Russia is not a party either to the armistice or to the treaty which followed it. Detached, however, from Austria, his continuance in Germany would have been unavailing to any purpose of effectual resistance, particularly as the fatal battle of Austerlitz had determined the wavering policy of the Prussian court to pacific counsels. He has therefore retired with his armies into his own dominions, where, it is said, he is making the utmost exertions to enlarge and perfect his force. When these events came to be fully known in this country, fears began to be justly entertained for the safety of the British, Russian, and Swedish troops which had occupied Hanover. A convention, however, mediated by Prussia, is said to have removed all ground of alarm on this head. It is believed that the troops will be allowed to retire without molestation, and that for the present, Prussia will keep possession of Hanover. It is even report ed, that, as in his new partition of German territory, Bonaparte finds Prussian Franconia to be wanted, in order to give compactness to the kingdoms which his fiat has created, it is his intention to compensate for its cession, by transferring to Prussia a large part at least of the Hanoverian Electorate. Whatever truth there may be in this report, it is pretty certain, that with a few exceptions, Bonaparte is now in a condition to give the law to continental Europe. Naples has already furnished a very forcible illustration of this fact An English and Russian force had landed in that kingdom. The Queen it is said, welcomed its arrival. Immediately, from the palace of Schoenbrunn, Bonaparte issues his mandate to General St. Cyr "to punish the treason of the Queen of Naples, and to precipitate from the throne this culpable woman." "So atrocious an act of perfidy," he adds, "can never be pardoned. The Queen of Naples has ceased to reign." Naples, doubtless, is destined to enlarge the boundaries of the kingdom of Italy, and to facilitate Bonaparte's favourite project of excluding English commerce from every continental port, a project which, unless a new line of maritime policy, suited to this new emergency, sha'l be adopted by the British Government, the astonishing events of two short months have certainly placed him in a better situation than ever for executing. If we except Portugal, the whole of the sea coast from the western boundary of the Turkish Empire to the Baltic is under his coutroul. Under other citcumstances than the present, we should have been forward to notice the declaration of war which has proceeded from the King of Sweden. It is a firm and temperate production, grounded upon the unprincipled encroachments of France on the rights of other nations; and it satisfactorily developes the honourable motives which led his Swedish, and probably also his Russian Majesty, to embark in the present war. It is unnecessary to state, that the bulletins issued by Bonaparte, have continued to assume the same revolutionizing aspect, and to be distinguished by the same disregard of truth and decency, and the same artful application to the jacobinical tens dencies of the lower classes, which marked the carlier career of republican France. The reflections which the present state of politics suggest to us are reserved to a subsequent head. EAST INDIES. The arrival of the Marquis Cornwallis in India, has excited a hope that the renewal of the war with the native powers may be prevented. The Marquis Wellesley has reached England. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. The American Congress has met, and the speech of the President at the opening of the Session has attracted much attention. It contains heavy complaints of the conduct which the belligerent maritime states have pursued with respect to the American commerce. The French are represented as greatly annoying trade by their privateers; and although the English are admitted to have laboured to protect it from that annoyance, yet very great dissatisfaction is expressed with the principle on which the British Government has attempted to put a stop to the enormous abuses which have prevailed, in the illegal transfer to neutral merchants, or the fraudulent conveyance under neutral flags, of the colonial produce, or other property, of the nations that are in hostility to Great Britain. That great inconvenience, and even loss, may be shewn to have arisen from the detention of American ships, supposed to be liable to con demnation, is highly probable, and it is incumbent on the British Government to adopt regulations which may, as far as possible, remedy the evil. But the abandonment of the principle itself, for which the Americans can have scarcely any plea but what our own unseasonable lenity and mistaken policy have supplied, would be the present sacrifice of some of the chief advantages arising from our naval superiority, and the eventual ruin of our maritime power. In order to convince any reflecting man of this, it seems only necessary to state to him, that so completely have the French and their allies contrived to avail themselves of the disguise of neutral flags in the conduct of their commerce,that although not a mercantile sail of any description, a few coasting vessels excepted, now enters or clears from their ports in any part of the globe but under neutral colours, yet, with the exception of articles which are contraband, neither their import nor their export trade has suffered any material diminution by the war, and their colonial produce is conveyed in greater security and at less expence to their own ports, than the produce of our colonies is to this country. For a demonstrative exposition of these important facts, and of their ruinous effects, we refer our readers to the pamphlet entitled "War in Disguise, or the Frauds of Neutral Flags." GREAT BRITAIN. PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS. On the 21st inst. the Parliament was opened by a speech from the Lord Chancellor in the name of his Majesty, who was prevented by a complaint in his eyes from attending in person. The speech was so constructed as not to render any discussion of the great points which are likely soon to agitate the councils of the nation necessary, until ministers shall have time to lay before Parliament those documents from which alone a fair estimate of their conduct can be formed. The victory of Trafalgar, the lamented death of the heroic commander who atcbieved that victory, the disastrous issue of the continental war, the assurances on the part of the Emperor of Russia of unshaken adherence to that generous and enlightened policy by which he has hitherto been actuated, and the necessity of improving our means both of defence and annoyance, in addition to the usual notice to the House of Commons, on the subject of supplies, form the main topics of the speech, The debateable point, namely the measures pursued by Government for aiding our continental allies, was only slightly glanced at. To the usual address moved in both houses, an amendment would have been proposed, with the view of bringing into discussion the general conduct of administration, had not the severe illness of Mr. PITT, which, unhappity for this country and for the world, has since had a fatal termination, rendered it a measure of delicacy and propriety to postpone the discussion. This calamitous event has almost necessa rily suspended the deliberations of Parlia ment on those great questions in which this great and ever to be lamented statesman, whom it has pleased Providence, at this critical juncture to take from us, had borne the chief part, at least until an administration shall have been arranged capable of sustaining the ponderous cares of Government. In the mean time we shall take the liberty of making a few reflections which appear to us to be called for by the circumstances of the times. GENERAL REFLECTIONS. Bonaparte, after dissolving with his sword, and with a rapidity hitherto unexampled, one of the most powerful confederacies which the world perhaps, has ever beheld, is now raised to a heighth of power and preeminence, from which, without much fear of rivalry or resistance, he may look down on the greatest part of Europe prostrate at his feet. Its kings hold their crowns, and its people their liberties only by his permission. After a campaign distinguished by uniform success, and which has served to increase rather than to diminish his means of annoyance, with an army flushed by victory and inured to the work of death, he is now about to return to his former station on the coast, burning with tenfold rage against this country, which he considers as the main barrier between him and univer sal dominion. That in anticipating the effects of Bonaparte's inveterate enmity, and contcmplating the prospect of a sanguinary contest for every thing which is dear to us as men, as Britons, and as Christians; aud particularly at a moment when the loss of that distinguished statesman, whose pa triotic services had justly earned for him the heartfelt confidence of his country, has diffused over all ranks an unexampled gloom, bearing a nobler testimony to his merits than words can convey;-that such a prospect at such a moment should produce some degree of depression in the strongest minds is not to be wondered at. Still, however, we can sce nothing in the relative situation of this country with respect to France, which justifies the language of despondency. It is by no means our wish to diminish the idea of danger. On the contrary, it has been our object to produce an adequate impression of its magnitude, under the persuasion that such an impression was requisite in order to add vigour to our exertions, cheerfulness to our sacrifices, and fervor to our prayers. But may we not ask those who are disposed to view the present juncture of affairs with dejection, if not with despair, What there is in our situation which is so much more discouraging than existed a year ago, when the confidence of the nation was high, and when we were in the habit of hurling the contemptuous menace against our foe? Nay, are we not now in some respects in a better state than ever, for every purpose both of defence and annoyance, than we were at that time? We had then no allies, and scarcely a hope of obtaining any. Now Russia and Sweden have ranged themselves on our side, not with a view to their own aggrandizement, but in order to erect a mound against the overflowing domination of Bopaparte. Now we have not to contend even on our own element with a line of batthe numerically equal, if not superior to our own. The battles of Trafalgar and Ferrol under the blessing of God have since been fought, and have produced a relative increase of our force, and a diminution of that of the enemy, which may be estimated at thirty-five sail of the line: and, what is perhaps still more important, they have raised high the spirit of our navy, and have proportionably depressed that of the enemy's. Our superiority by sea is now as undisputed as that of the French by land. Let us not then be insensible to the goodness of the Almighty, We were reviewing in our last the grounds of thankfulness and of humble hope which he had given us. These still continue, and call for our joyful acknowledgments. If we indulge apprehensions respecting the termination of the present awful contest, moment. let us not at least deduce them from a false Reports have been circulated of the probability that negotiations for peace may speedily be opened with France. It is with reluctance that we say any thing which is calculated to discourage the wish for peace; and yet when we consider the result of the experiment which has been already made of maintaining peace with the present ruler of France; the superior facilities which peace would give him of ultimately accomplishing his favourite designs against the maritime greatness of this country, in which our very existence is involved; the necessity which our just distrust of his sincerity would impose of supporting a war establishment both by sea and land, while we should sacrifice, without an adequate compensation, the chief advantages which in war we derive from our naval power;— when we consider also the security which this insular country, as well as its transmarine, which are its only possessions, at present enjoy under the protection of our superior fleets, compared with what it would be after Bonaparte had been enabled, by a protracted interval of peace, to give maturity to his ambitious schemes, by applying the immense resources of France to the indefinite enlargement of his navy and the supply of his arsenals, and to the filling his colonial possessions with troops, ready to act at a moment's notice: When we take this view of the subject, we can-not but feel doubt and hesitation. But we feel also that the consideration of this great question, with its multifarious bearings and relations, is far beyond the compass of our political skill: we therefore quit it, glad that its decision is committed to abler hands. NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. At least two French squadrons of considerable force are now at sea. One of them consisting of six sail of the line and a frigate was seen by Sir John Duckworth on the 25th ult off Teneriffe, but it escaped by superiority of sailing, and, it is supposed, is gone to the West Indies, whither Sir John has followed it. The course pursued by the other squadron is not known. The Rochefort squadron after continuing at sea about five months and taking a considerable Dumber of prizes, has got safe into Ferrol with the Calcutta English 50 gun ship. The French frigate La Libre of 40 guns has been taken by His Majesty's frigate La Loire, after an obstinate defence of half an hour. Several of our transports employed in conveying troops to the Weser, have been wrecked on the coast of Holland. A considerable number of men have been lost in consequence, and more have been made' prisouers. The treatment which our shipwrecked soldiers and seamen have experienced has been uniformly kind and humane, and reflects the highest credit on the Dutch. Such a continuance of tempestuous weather has seldom been known as during the course of the present month. The damage however done to our shipping is considerably less than might have been expected. DOMESTIC INTELLIGENCE. We are happy to observe that his Majesty has been pleased to appoint a day of general humiliation and fasting, to be kept throughout England and Ireland on the 26th, and in Scotland on the 27th of February. Neither our limits nor our time will now permit us to enlarge on the dispositions and feelings becoming those who engage in this solemn service, or on the obligations involved in its observance. We must beg to refer our readers to what we have already said on similar occasions. (See vol. ii. p. 500, 572, 638, 764. vol. iii. p. 58, 116, and vol. iv. p. 61, 638.) The lamented death of Mr. Pitt has rendered a new administration necessary, and it is said that the arrangements for its formation are already in great forwardness. The particulars are not yet certain y known. OBITUARY. THE RIGHT HON. WILLIAM PITT. On Thursday, the 24th January, at halfpast four in the morning, at his house at Putney, died, in his forty-eighth year, the Right Hon. WILLIAM PITT, First Lord of the Treasury, and Chancellor of the Exchequer. The life of this distinguished statesman had been despaired of for some days, and his health had materially declined for many weeks antecedent to his dissolution; a journey which he took to Bath for the sake of the waters having failed to produce the expected benefit. It is said that he was informed by his physicians of his approaching end, on Tuesday, the 22d January, and that he appeared to receive the intimation, although it was unexpected, with that firmness which was natural to him. We are happy to be able to copy from the newspapers of the 24th January, the following particulars respecting his last days, which are said to be "from autho Tily." "Upon being informed by the Bishop of Lincoln of his precarious state, Mr. Pitt instantly expressed himself perfectly resigned to the Divine Will, and with the utmost composure asked Sir Walter Farquhar, who was present, how long he might have to live? Mr. Pitt then entered into a conversation of some length with the Bishop of Lincoln upon religious subjects. He repeatedly declared in the strongest terms of humility a sense of his own unworthiness, and a firm reliance upon the mercy of God through the merits of Christ. After this the Bishop of Lincoln prayed by his bedside for a considerable time, and Mr. Pitt appeared greatly composed by these last duties of religion. Mr. Pitt afterwards proceeded to make some arrangements and requests concerning his own private affairs, and declared that he died in peace with all mankind." When we advert to the account which was given of the last hours of the late Duke of Bedford, we feel a sensible satisfaction in reflecting that the same philosophical death has not characterized the late prime minister of this country. Mr. Pitt as well as Mr. Burke, in yielding up their departing spirits, appear to have professed the good old faith of their country. Under what precise circumstances of bodily, or mental, debility, any of the expressions ascribed to Mr. Pitt may have been delivered; and whether some of them may have been spoken merely in the way of assent to questions, put, according to the forms of our church, in her order for the visitation of the sick, by the respectable prelate, once his tutor, who attended him, we are not particularly informed. It is impossible for us at the present moment not to feel a very deep regret that a regular attendance on the duties of public worship did not constitute a part of the character of this illustrious politician. We mention this circumstance because we feel it to be our duty to qualify the accounts which we receive of the Christian end of distinguished personages, by some reference to the general course of their lives, which, undoubtedly, must be allowed to be the least fallible index of human character. Mr. Pitt has died at a period of his life, in many respects, peculiarly affecting. Having resumed the reins of government, on the ground of the alleged incompetency of the preceding administration, he had proceeded to form a strong coalition on the continent, which was supposed to promise a happy adjustment of the affairs of Europe. He lived however to see this new alliance broken, and Banaparte still more triumphant than ever over all the armies of the confederates. These calamities deeply affected his mind, and as the public has been assured by Mr. Rose, in parliament, had a great influence on his constitution already broken by the fatigues attendant on his official duties, and by the anxieties inseparable from the weighty cares, and responsibilities of Government. His political antagonists were preparing to charge upon him the disasters of Europe, and both he and his friends were contemplating the expected conflict in the House of Commons, where he felt prepared to make a firm, and full defence, when he was called by the God who made him to "give account of all things done in the body" before a far more awful tribunal. long since consented to serve with him in the same cabinet is no small testimony in his favour. It seems now agreed, that Mr. Pitt was a great man, a person of transcendent talents, of high courage, of honest intentions, of much patriotisın and public spirit, and of eminent disinterestedness. "Oh, my country," declared Mr. Rose, were nearly the last words which he uttered. The House of Commons has addressed the king, requesting that Mr. Pitt may be buried with public honours in the same manner as his father the Earl of Chatham, and a majority of 258 against 89 passed this vote, under the impression that a new administration, in which Mr. Fox will bear an eminent part, had been already agreed to by his Majesty. Mr. Pitt is termed in the address "an excellent statesman,” and his "loss" is affirmed to be "irreparable," expressions in which it is obvious that all parties in the house could not acquiesce with any cousistency. But the deep and unfeigned sorrow which is generally expressed on this occasion, bears a stronger testimony than any vote can do, to the exalted place which Mr. Pitt held in the public esteem. We are sorry to add that Mr. Pitt has died considerably in debt, we understand to the extent of 30 or £40000. With all, or more than all his father's greatness, he appears to have inherited his contempt for money. The friends and the political enemies of Mr. Pitt have united in ascribing to him considerable praise since his decease.. Indeed the readiness with which Mr. Fox Dot However we may agree that a combination of all the talents of the country may now be essential to its protection, we cannot help considering the loss of Mr. Pitt at this awful period of our affairs to be an alarming aggravation of our national dangers and calamities. It has occurred at a time when his acknowledged abilities, firmness and patriotism seemed to be more than ever requisite to the safety and welfare of his country. And we would not omit the opportunity of pressing upon our readers in general, and, did there exist any hope that this hasty sketch would meet their eye, upon his successors in particular, the various affecting lessons, which the death of this eminent statesman, considered with all its circumstances, is calculated to afford, but which are too obvious to require a distinct specification. We should have rejoiced had it been in our power to say more respecting the character of Mr. Pitt, in those points which we deem infinitely the most essential. There are however, some other points to which it would be unpardonable in us not |