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which the ancient Latium is known in modern | brating a triumph on the Alban Mount was derived times. [CAMPANIA, p. 494.]

V. POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS.

It is for the most part impossible to separate the Latin element of the Roman character and institutions from that which they derived from the Sabines: at the same time we know that the connection between the Romans and the Latins was so intimate, that we may generally regard the Roman sacred rites, as well as their political institutions, in the absence of all evidence to the contrary, as of Latin origin. But it would be obviously here out of place to enter into any detail as to those parts of the Latin institutions which were common to the two nations. A few words may, however, be added, concerning the constitution of the Latin League, as it existed in its independent form. This was conposed, as has been already stated, of thirty cities, all apparently, in name at least, equal and independent, though they certainly at one time admitted a kind of presiding authority or supremacy on the part of Alba, and at a later period on that of Rome. The general councils or assemblies of deputies from the several cities were held at the Lucus Ferentinae, in the immediate neighbourhood of Alba; a custom which was evidently connected in the first instance with the supremacy of that city, but which was retained after the presidency had devolved on Rome, and down to the great Latin War of B. C. 340. (Cincius, ap. Fest. v. Praetor, p. 241.) Each city had undoubtedly the sole direction of its own affairs: the chief magistrate was termed a Dictator, a title borrowed from the Latins by the Romans, and which continued to be employed as the name of a municipal magistracy by the Latin cities long after they had lost their independence. It is remarkable that, with the exception of the mythical or fictitious kings of Alba, we meet with no trace of monarchical government in Latium; and if the account given by Cato of the consecration of the temple of Diana at Aricia can be trusted, even at that early period each city had its chief magistrate, with the title of dictator. (Cato, ap. Priscian. iv. p. 629.) They must necessarily have had a chief magistrate, on whom the command of the forces of the whole League would devolve in time of war, as is represented as being the case with Mamilius Octavius at the battle of Regillus. But such a commander may probably have been specially chosen for each particular occasion. On the other hand, Livy speaks in B. c. 340 of C. Annius of Setia and L. Numisius of Circeii, as the two "praetors of the Latins," as if this were a customary and regular magistracy. (Liv. viii. 3.) Of the internal government or constitution of the individual Latin cities we have no knowledge at all, except what we may gather from the analogy of those of Rome or of their later municipal institutions.

As the Lucus Ferentinae, in the neighbourhood of Alba, was the established place of meeting for political purposes of all the Latin cities, so the temple of Jupiter, on the summit of the Aiban Mount (Monte Caro), was the central sanctuary of the whole Latin people, where sacrifices were offered on their behalf at the Feriae Latinae, in which every city was bound to participate, a custom retained down to a very late period by the Romans themselves. (Liv. xxxii. 1; Cic. pro Planc. 9; Plin. iii. 6. s. 9.) In like manner there can be no doubt that the custom sometimes adopted by Roman generals of cele

from the times of Latin independence, when the temple of Jupiter Latiaris was the natural end of such a procession, just as that of Jupiter Capitolinus was at Rome.

Among the deities especially worshipped by the Romans, it may suffice to mention, as apparently of peculiarly Latin origin, Janus, Saturnus, Faunus, and Picus. The latter seems to have been so closely connected with Mars, that he was probably only another form of the same deity. Janus was originally a god of the sun, answering to Jana or Diana, the goddess of the moon. Saturnus was a terrestrial deity, regarded as the inventor of agriculture and of all the most essential improvements of life. Hence he came to be regarded by the pragmatical mythologers of later times as a very ancient king of Latium; and by degrees Janus, Saturnus, Picus, and Faunus became established as successive kings of the earliest Latins or Aborigines. To complete the series Latinus was made the son of Faunus. This last appears as a gloomy and mysterious being, probably originally connected with the infernal deities; but who figures in the mythology received in later times partly as a patron of agriculture, partly as a giver of oracles. (Hartung, Religion der Römer. vol. ii.; Schwegler, R. G. vol. i. pp. 212-234.)

The

The worship of the P'enates also, though not peculiar to Latium, seems to have formed an integral and important part of the Latin religion. Penates at Lavinium were regarded as the tutelary gods of the whole Latin people, and as such continued to be the object of the most scrupulous reverence to the Romans themselves down quite to the extinction of Paganism. Every Roman consul or praetor, upon first entering on his magistracy, was bound to repair to Lavinium, and there offer sacrifices to the Perates, as well as to Vesta, whose worship was closely connected with them. (Macrob. Sat. iii. 4; Varr. L.L. v. 144.) This custom points to Lavinium as having been at one time, probably before the rise of Alba, the sacred metropolis of Latium: and it may very probably have been, at the same early period, the political capital or head of the Latin confederacy.

VI. TOPOGRAPHY.

The principal physical features of Latium have already been described; but it remains here to notice the minor rivers and streams, as well as the names of some particular hills or mountain heights which have been transmitted to us.

Of the several small rivers which have their rise at the foot of the Alban hills, and flow from thence to the sea between the mouth of the Tiber and Antium, the only one of which the ancient name is preserved is the NUMICIUS, which may be identified with the stream now called Rio Torto, between Lavinium and Ardea. The ASTURA, rising also at the foot of the Alban hills near Velletri, and flowing from thence in a SW. direction, enters the sea a little to the S. of the promontory of Astura: it is now known in the lower part of its course as the Fiume di Conca, but the several small streams by the confluence of which it is formed have each their separate appellation. The NYMPHAEUS, mentioned by Pliny (iii. 5. s. 9), and still called La Ninfa, rises immediately at the foot of the Volscian mountains, just below the city of Norba: in Pliny's time it appears to have had an independent course to the sea, but now loses itself in the Pontine Marshes,

where its waters add to the stagnation. But the principal agents in the formation of those extensive marshes are the UFENS and the AMASENUS, both of them flowing from the Volscian mountains and uniting their waters before they reach the sea. They❘ still retain their ancient names. Of the lesser streams of Latium, which flow into the Tiber, we need only mention the celebrated ALLIA, which falls into that river about 11 miles above Rome; the ALMO, a still smaller stream, which joins it just below the city, having previously received the waters of the AQUA FERENTINA (now called the Marrana degli Orti), which have their source at the foot of the Alban Hills, near Marino; and the RIVUS ALBANUS (still called the Rivo Albano), which carries off the superfluous waters of the Alban lake to the Tiber, about four miles below Rome.

The mountains of Latium, as already mentioned, may be classed into three principal groups: (1) the Apennines, properly so called, including the ranges at the back of Tibur and Praeneste, as well as the mountains of the Aequians and Hernicans; (2) the group of the Alban Hills, of which the central and loftiest summit (the Monte Caro) was the proper Mons Albanus of the ancients, while the part which faced Praeneste and the Volscian Mountains was known as the MONS ALGIDUS; (3) the lofty group or mass of the Volscian Mountains, frequently called by modern geographers the Monti Lepini, though we have no ancient authority for this use of the word. The name of MONS LEPINUS occurs only in Columella (x. 131), as that of a mountain in the neighbourhood of Signia. The MONTES CORNICULANI (Tà Kóрvikλa õрea, Dionys. i. 16) must evidently have been the detached group of outlying peaks, wholly separate from the main range of the Apennines, now known as the Monticelli, situated between the Tiber and the Monte Gennaro. The MoNs SACER, so celebrated in Roman history, was a mere hill of trifling elevation above the adjoining plain, situated on the right bank of the Anio, close to the Via Nomentana.

It only remains to enumerate the towns or cities which existed within the limits of Latium; but as many of these had disappeared at a very early period, and all trace of their geographical position is lost, it will be necessary in the first instance to confine this list to places of which the site is known, approximately at least, reserving the more obscure names for subsequent consideration.

Beginning from the mouth of the Tiber, the first place is OSTIA, situated on the left bank of the river, and, as its name imports, originally close to its mouth, though it is now three miles distant from it. A short distance from the coast, and about 8 miles from Ostia, was LAURENTUM, the reputed capital of the Aborigines, situated probably at Torre di Paternò, or at least in that immediate neighbourhood. A few miles further S., but considerably more inland, being near 4 miles from the sea, was LAVINIUM, the site of which may be clearly recognised at Pratica. S. of this again, and about the same distance from the sea, was ARDEA, which retains its ancient name: and 15 miles further, on a projecting point of the coast, was ANTIUM, still called Porto d' Anzo. Between 9 and 10 miles further on along the coast, was the town or village of ASTURA, with the islet of the same name; and from thence a long tract of barren sandy coast, without a village and almost without inhabitants, extended to the Circeian promontory and the town of CIRCEII,

which was generally reckoned the last place in Latium Proper. Returning to Rome as a centre, we find N. of the city, and between it and the Sabine frontier, the cities of ANTEMNAE, FIDENAE, CRUSTUMERIUM, and NOMENTUM. On or around the group of the Montes Corniculani, were situated CORNICULUM, MEDULLIA, and AMERIOLA: CAMERIA, also, may probably be placed in the same neighbourhood; and a little nearer Rome, on the road leading to Nomentum, was FICULEA. At the foot, or rather on the lower slopes and underfalls of the main range of the Apennines, were TIBUR, AESULA, and PRAENESTE, the latter occupying a lofty spur or projecting point of the Apennines, standing out towards the Alban Hills. This latter group was surrounded as it were with a crown or circle of ancient towns, beginning with CORBIO (Rocca Priore), nearly opposite to Praeneste, and continued on by TUSCULUM, ALBA, and ARICIA, to LANUVIUM and VELITRAE, the last two situated on projecting offshoots from the central group, standing out towards the Poutine Plains. On the skirts of the Volscian mountains or Monti Lepini, were situated SIGNIA, CORA, NORBA, and SETIA, the last three all standing on commanding heights, looking down upon the plain of the Pontine Marshes. In that plain, and immediately adjoining the marshes themselves, was ULUBRAE, and in all probability SUESSA POMETIA also, the city which gave name both to the marshes and plain, but the precise site of which is unknown. The other places within the marshy tract, such as FORUM APPII, TRES TABERNAE, and TRIPONTIUM, owed their existence to the construction of the Via Appia, and did not represent or replace ancient Latin towns. In the level tract bordering on the Pontine Plains on the N., and extending from the foot of the Alban Hills towards Antium and Ardea, were situated SATRICUM, LONGULA, POLLUSCA and CORIOLI; all of them places of which the exact site is still a matter of doubt, but which must certainly be sought in this neighbourhood. Between the Laurentine region (Laurens tractus), as the forest district near the sea was often called, and the Via Appia, was an open level tract, to which (or to a part of which) the name of CAMPUS SOLONIUS was given; and within the limits of this district were situated TELLENAE and POLITORIUM, as well as probably APIOLAE. BOVILLAE, at the foot of the Alban hills, and just on the S. of the Appian Way, was at one extremity of the same tract, while FICANA stood at the other, immediately adjoining the Tiber. In the portion of the plain of the Campagna extending from the line of the Via Appia to the foot of the Apennines, between the Anio and the Alban Hills, the only city of which the site is known was GABII, 12 miles distant from Rome, and the same distance from Praeneste. Nearer the Apennines were SCAPTIA and PEDUM, as well as probably QUERQUETULA; while LABICUM occupied the hill of La Colonna, nearly at the foot of the Alban group. In the tract which extends southwards between the Apennines at Praeneste and the Alban Hills, so as to connect the plain of the Campagna with the land of the Hernicans in the valley of the Trerus or Sacco, were situated VITELLIA, TOLERIUM, and probably also BOLA and ORTONA; though the exact site of all four is a matter of doubt. ECETRA, which appears in history as a Volscian city, and is never mentioned as a Latin one, must nevertheless have been situated within the limits of the Latin territory, ap

parently at the foot of the Mons Lepinus, or northern extremity of the Volscian mountains. [ECETRA.]

Besides these cities, which in the early ages of Latium formed members of the Latin League, or are otherwise conspicuous in Roman history, we find mention in Pliny of some smaller towns still existing in his time; of which the "Fabienses in Monte Albano" may certainly be placed at Rocca di Papa, the highest village on the Alban Mount, and the Castrimonienses at Marino, near the site of Alba Longa. The list of the thirty cities of the League given by Dionysius (v. 61) has been already cited (p. 139). Of the names included in it, BUBENTUM is wholly unknown, and must have disappeared at an early period. CARVENTUM is known only from the mention of the Arx Carventana in Livy during the wars with the Aequians (iv. 53, 55), and was probably situated somewhere on the frontier of that people; while two of the names, the Fortineii (PopTiveîot) and Trierini (Tpikpivot), are utterly unknown, and in all probability corrupt. The former may probably be the same with the Foretii of Pliny, or perhaps with the Forentani of the same author, but both these are equally unknown to us.

Besides these Pliny has given a long list of towns or cities (clara oppida, iii. 5. s. 9. § 68) which once existed in Latium, but had wholly disappeared in his time. Among these we find many that are well known in history and have been already noticed, viz. Satricum, Pometia, Scaptia, Politorium, Tellenae, Caenina, Ficana, Crustumerium, Ameriola, Medullia, Corniculum, Antemnae, Cameria, Collatia. With these he joins two cities which are certainly of mythical character: Saturnia, which was alleged to have previously existed on the site of Rome, and Antipolis, on the hill of the Janiculum; and adds three other names, Sulmo, a place not mentioned by any other writer, but the name of which may probably be recognised in the modern Sermoneta; Norbe, which seems to be an erroneous repetition of the well-known Norba, already mentioned by him among the existing cities of Latium (Ib. § 64); and Amitinum or Amiternum, of which no trace is found elsewhere, except the well-known city of the name in the Vestini, which cannot possibly be meant. But, after mentioning these cities as extinct, Pliny adds another list of "populi" or communities, which had been accustomed to share with them in the sacrifices on the Alban Mount, and which were all equally decayed. According to the punctuation proposed by Niebuhr and adopted by the latest editors of Pliny, he classes these collectively as populi Albenses," and enumerates them as follows: Albani, Aesulani, Accienses, Abolani, Bubetani, Bolani, Cusuetani, Coriolani, Fidenates, Foretii, Hortenses, Latinienses, Longulani, Manates, Macrales, Mutucumenses, Munienses, Numinienses, Olliculani, Octulani, Pedani, Polluscini, Querquetulani, Sicani, Sisenses, Tole rienses, Tutienses, Vimitellarii, Velienses, Venetulani, Vitellenses. Of the names here given, eleven relate to well-known towns (Alba, Aesula, Bola, Corioli, Fidenae, Longula, Pedum, Pollusca, Querquetula, Tolerium and Vitellia): the Bubetani are evidently the same with the Bubentani of Dionysius already noticed; the Foretii may perhaps be the same with the Fortineii of that author; the Hortenses may probably be the inhabitants of the town called by Livy Ortona; the Munienses are very possibly the people of the town afterwards called Castrimoenium: but there still remain sixteen wholly unknown. At the same time there are several indications (such as the

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agreement with Dionysius in regard to the otherwise unknown Bubentani, and the notice of Aesula and Querquetula, towns which do not figure in history) that the list is derived from an authentic source; and was probably copied as a whole by Pliny from some more ancient authority. The conjecture of Niebuhr, therefore, that we have here a list of the subject or dependent cities of Alba, derived from a period when they formed a separate and closer league with Alba itself, is at least highly plausible. The notice in the list of the Velienses is a strong confirmation of this view, if we can suppose them to be the inhabitants of the hill at Rome called the Velia, which is known to us as bearing an important part in the ancient sacrifices of the Septimontium. [ROMA.]

The works on the topography of Latium, as might be expected from the peculiar interest of the subject, are sufficiently numerous: but the older ones are of little value. Cluverius, as usual, laid a safe and solid foundation, which, with the criticisms and corrections of Holstenius, must be considered as the basis of all subsequent researches. The special works of Kircher (Vetus Latium, fol. Amst. 1671) and Volpi (Vetus Latium Profanum et Sacrum, Romae, 1704-1748, 10 vols. 4to.) contain very little of real value. After the ancient authorities had been carefully brought together and revised by Cluverius, the great requisite was a careful and systematic examination of the localities and existing remains, and the geographical survey of the country. These objects were to a great extent carried out by Sir W. Gell (whose excellent map of the country around Rome is an invaluable guide to the historical inquirer) and by Professor Nibby. (Sir W. Gell, Topography of Rome and its Vicinity; with a large map to accompany it, 2 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1834; 2d edit. 1 vol. Lond. 1846. Nibby, Analisi StoricoTopografico-Antiquaria della Carta dei Dintorni di Roma, 3 vols. 8vo. Rome, 1837; 2d edit. Ib. 1849. The former work by the same author, Viaggio Antiquario nei Contorni di Roma, 2 vols. 8vo. Rome, 1819, is a very inferior performance.) It is unfortunate that both their works are deficient in accurate scholarship, and still more in the spirit of historical criticism, so absolutely necessary in all inquiries into the early history of Rome. Westphal, in his work (Die Römische Kampagne in Topographischer u. Antiquarischer Hinsicht dargestellt, 4to. Berlin, 1829) published before the survey of Sir W. Gell, and consequently with imperfect geographical resources, attached himself especially to tracing out the ancient roads, and his work is in this respect of the greatest importance. The recent work of Bormann (Alt-Latinische Chorographie und StädteGeschichte, 8vo. Halle, 1852) contains a careful review of the historical statements of ancient authors, as well as of the researches of modern inquirers, but is not based upon any new topographical researches. Notwithstanding the labours of Gell and Nibby, much still remains to be done in this respect, and a work that should combine the results of such inquiries with sound scholarship and a judicious spirit of criticism would be a valuable contribution to ancient geography. [E. H. B.]

LATMICUS SINUS (ὁ Λατμικός κόλπος), bay on the western coast of Caria, deriving its name from Monnt Latmus, which rises at the head of the gulf. It was formed by the mouth of the river Maeander which flowed into it from the north-east. Its breadth, between Miletus, on the southern headland, and Pyrrha in the north, amounted to 30

stadia, and its whole length, from Miletus to Heracleia, 100 stadia. (Strab. xiv. p. 635.) The bay now exists only as an inland lake, its mouth having been closed up by the deposits brought down by the Maeander, a circumstance which has misled some modern travellers in those parts to confound the lake of Baffi, the ancient Latmic gulf, with the lake of Myus. (Leake, Asia Minor, p. 239; Chandler, c. 53.)

[L. S.]

[L. S.] LATMUS (AάTμos), a mountain of Caria, rising at the head of the Latmic bay, and stretching along in a north-western direction. (Strab. xiv. p. 635; Apollon. Rhod. iv. 57; Plin. v. 31; Pomp. Mel. i. 17.) It is properly the western offshoot of Mount Albanus or Albacus. This mountain is probably alluded to by Homer (77. ii. 868), when he speaks of the mountain of the Phthirians, in the neighbourhood of Miletus. In Greek mythology, Mount Latmus is a place of some celebrity, being described as the place where Artemis (Luna) kissed the sleeping Endymion. In later times there existed on the mountain a sanctuary of Endymion, and his tomb was shown in a cave. (Apollod. i. 7. § 5; Hygin. Fab. 271; Ov. Trist. ii. 299; Val. Flacc. iii. 28; Paus. v. 1. § 4; Stat. Sile. iii. 4. § 40.) LATO. [CAMARA.] LATOBRIGI When the Helvetii determined to leave their country (B. C. 58), they persuaded "the Rauraci, and Tulingi and Latobrigi, who were their neighbours, to adopt the same resolution, and after burning their towns and villages to join their expedition." (Caes. B. G. i. 5.) The number of the Tulingi was 36,000; and of the Latobrigi 14.000. (B. G. i. 29.) As there is no place for the Tulingi and Latobrigi within the limits of Gallia, we must look east of the Rhine for their country. Walckenaer (Géog. &c., vol. i. p. 559) supposes, or rather considers it certain, that the Tulingi were in the district of Thiengen and Stühlingen in Baden, and the Latobrigi about Donaueschingen, where the Briggach and the Bregge join the Danube. This opinion is founded on resemblance of names, and on the fact that these two tribes must have been east of the Rhine. If the Latobrigi were Celtae, the name of the people may denote a position on a river, for the Celtic word brig" is a ford or the passage of a river. If the Latobrigi were a Germanic people, then the word "brig" ought to have some modern name corresponding to it, and Walckenaer finds this correspondence in the name Brugge, a small place on the Bregge. [G. L.]

LATOPOLIS or LATO (Aarónoλis, Strab. xvii. pp. 812, 817; móλis Aάтwv, Ptol. iv. 5. § 71; AάTTV, Hierocl. p. 732; Itin. Antonin. p. 160), the modern Esneh, was a city of Upper Egypt, seated upon the western bank of the Nile, in lat. 25° 30′ N. It derived its name from the fish Lato, the largest of the fifty-two species which inhabit the Nile (Russegger, Reisen, vol. i. p. 300), and which appears in sculptures, among the symbols of the goddess Neith, Pallas-Athene, surrounded by the oval shield or ring indicative of royalty or divinity (Wilkinson, M. and C. vol. v. p. 253). The tutelary deities of Latopolis seem to have been the triad, -Kneph or Chnuphis, Neith or Satè, and Hak, their offspring. The temple was remarkable for the beauty of its site and the magnificence of its architecture. It was built of red sandstone; and its portico consisted of six rows of four columns each, with lotusleaf capitals, all of which however differ from each other. (Denon, Voyage, vol. i. p. 148.) But with

Yet,

the exception of the jamb of a gateway-now converted into a door-sill-of the reign of Thothmes IId. (xviiith dynasty), the remains of Latopolis belong to the Macedonian or Roman eras. Ptolemy Evergetes, the restorer of so many temples in Upper Egypt, was a benefactor to Latopolis, and he is painted upon the walls of its temple followed by a tame lion, and in the act of striking down the chiefs of his enemies. The name of Ptolemy Epiphanes is found also inscribed upon a doorway. although from their scale these ruins are imposing, their sculptures and hieroglyphics attest the decline of Aegyptian art. The pronaos, which alone exists, resembles in style that of Apollinopolis Magna (Edfoo), and was begun not earlier than the reign of Claudius (a. D. 41—54), and completed in that of Vespasian, whose name and titles are carved on the dedicatory inscription over the ent ance. On the ceiling of the pronaos is the larger Latopolitan Zodiac. The name of the emperor Geta, the last that is read in hieroglyphics, although partially erased by his brother and murderer Caracalla (A. D. 212), is still legible on the walls of Latopolis. Before raising their own edifice, the Romans seem to have destroyed even the basements of the earlier Aegyptian temple. There was a smaller temple, dedicated to the same deities, about two miles and a half N. of Latopolis, at a village now called E'Dayr. Here, too, is a small Zodiac of the age of Ptolemy Evergetes (B. C. 246-221). This latter building has been destroyed within a few years, as it stood in the way of a new canal. The temple of Esneh has been cleared of the soil and rubbish which filled its area when Denon visited it, and now serves for a cotton warehouse. (Lepsius, Einleitung, p. 63.)

The modern town of Esneh is the emporium of the Abyssinian trade. Its camel-market is much resorted to, and it contains manufactories of cottons, shawls, and pottery. Its population is about 4000. [W. B. D.]

LATOVICI (Aaтósiko, Ptol. ii. 15. § 2), a tribe in the south-western part of Pannonia, on the river Savus. (Plin. iii. 28.) They appear to have been a Celtic tribe, and a place Praetorium Latovicorum is mentioned in their country by the Antonine Itinerary, on the road from Aemona to Sirmium, perhaps on the site of the modern Neustädtl, in Illyria. (Comp. Zeuss, die Deutschen, p. 256.) [L.S.] LATU'RUS SINUS. [MAURETANIA.] LAVARA. [LUSITANIA.]

LAVATRAE, a station in Britain, on the road from Londinium to Luguvallum, near the wall of Hadrian, distant, according to one passage in the Antonine Itin., 54 miles, according to another, 59 miles, from Eboracum, and 55 miles from Longuvallum. (Anton. Itin. pp. 468, 476.) Perhaps the same as Bowes, on the river Greta, in the North Riding of Yorkshire. The church of Bowes contained in the time of Camden a hewn slab, bearing an inscription dedicatory to the Roman emperor Hadrian, and there used for the communion table. In the neighbourhood of Bowes, there are the remains of a Roman camp and of an aqueduct.

LAU'GONA, the modern Lahn, a river of Germany, on the east of the Rhine, into which it empties itself at Lahnstein, a few miles above Coblenz. The ancients praise it for its clear water (Venant. Fort. viii. 7; Geogr. Rav. iv. 24, where it is called Logna. [L. S.] LAVIANESINE or LAVINIANESINE (Aα

injured as the Laurentes, though the injury was avenged at Larinium,—a strong proof of the intimate relations which were conceived as existing between the two cities. The treaty between Rome and Lavinium was said to have been renewed at the same time (Liv. l. c.), and there is no doubt that both the Roman annals and traditions represented Lavinium, as well as Laurentum, as almost uniformly on friendly terms with Rome. It was, however, an

Collatinus and his family, when banished from Rome. retired into exile at Lavinium. (Liv. ii. 2.) The only interruption of these friendly relations took place, according to Dionysius, a few years after this, when he reckons the Lavinians among the Latin cities which entered into a league against Rome before the battle of Regillus. (Dionys. v. 61.) There is, however, good reason to believe that the names there enumerated are in reality only those of the cities that formed the permanent Latin League, and who concluded the celebrated treaty with Sp. Cassius in B. c. 493. (Niebuhr, vol. ii. pp. 23, 24.)

oviavonun, Strab. xii. p. 534; Aaoviviarh, Ptol. | v. 7. § 9), the name of one of the four districts into which Cappadocia was divided under the Romans. It was the part extending from the northern slope of Mount Amanus to the Euphrates, on the north of Aravene, and on the east of Muriane. [L. S.] LAV'INIUM (Aaoviviov; Aabíviov, Steph. B.: Eth. Aabiviárns, Laviniensis: Pratica), an ancient city of Latium, situated about 3 miles from the sea-independent city, as is proved by the statement that coast, between Laurentum and Ardea, and distant 17 miles from Rome. It was founded, according to the tradition universally adopted by Roman writers, by Aeneas, shortly after his landing in Italy, and called by him after the name of his wife Lavinia, the daughter of the king Latinus. (Liv. i. 1; Dionys. i. 45, 59; Strab. v. p. 229; Varr. L. L. v. § 144; Solin. 2. § 14.) The same legendary history represented Ascanius, the son of Aeneas, as transferring the seat of government and rank of the capital city of the Latins from Lavinium to Alba, 30 years after the foundation of the former city. But the attempt to remove at the same time the Penates, or household gods of Lavinium, proved unsuccessful: the tutelary deities returned to their old abode; hence Lavinium continued not only to exist by the side of the new capital, but was always regarded with reverence as a kind of sacred metropolis, a character which it retained even down to a late period of the Roman history. (Liv. i. 8; Dionys. i. 66, 67; Strab. v. p. | 229; Vict. Orig. Gent. Rom. 17.) It is impossible here to enter into a discussion of the legend of the Trojan settlement in Latium, a question which is briefly examined under the article LATIUM; but it may be observed that there are many reasons for admitting the correctness of the tradition that Lavinium was at one time the metropolis or centre of the Latin state; a conclusion, indeed, to which we are led by the name alone, for there can be little doubt that Latinus and Lavinus are only two forms of the same name, so that Lavinium would be merely the capital or city of the Latins. (Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 201; Donaldson, Varronianus, p. 6.) The circumstance that the Penates or tutelary gods of Lavinium continued down to a late period to be regarded as those not only of Rome, but of all Latium, affords a strong corroboration of this view. (Varr. L. L. v. § 144.) Whether Lavinium was from the first only the sacred metropolis of the Latin cities, a kind of common sanctuary or centre of religious worship (as supposed by Schwegler, Kömische Geschichte, vol. i. p. 319), -or, as represented in the common tradition, was the political capital also, until supplanted by Alba, is a point on which it is difficult to pronounce with certainty; but the circumstance that Lavinium appears in history as a separate political community, and one of the cities composing the Latin League, would seem opposed to the former view. It is certain, however, that it had lost all political supremacy, and that this had passed into the hands of Alba, at a very early period; nor did Lavinium recover any political importance after the fall of Alba: throughout the historical period it plays a very subordinate part. The first notice we find of it in the Roman history is in the legends concerning Tatius, who is represented as being murdered at Lavinium on occasion of a solemn sacrifice, in revenge for some depredations committed by his followers on the Lavinian territory. (Liv. i. 14; Dionys. ii. 51, 52; Plut. Rom. 23; Strab. v. p. 230.) It is remarkable that Livy in this passage represents the people

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Lavinium is next mentioned during the wars of Coriolanus, who is said to have besieged and, according to Livy, reduced the city (Liv. ii. 39; Dionys. viii. 21); but, from this time, we hear no more of it till the great Latin War in B. C. 340. On that occasion, according to our present text of Livy (viii. 11), the citizens of Lavinium are represented as sending auxiliaries to the forces of the League, who, however, arrived too late to be of service. But no mention occurs of Lavinium in the following campaigns, or in the general settlement of the Latin state at the end of the war; hence it appears highly probable that in the former passage Lanuvium, and not Lavinium, is the city really meant; the confusion between these names in the MSS. being of perpetual occurrence. [LANUVIUM.] It is much more probable that the Lavinians were on this occasion also comprised with the Laurentes, who, as we are expressly told, took no part in the war, and in consequence continued to maintain their former friendly relations with Rome without interruption. (L. vi. 7. c.) From this time no historical mention occurs of Lavinium till after the fall of the Roman Republic; but it appears to have fallen into decay in common with most of the places near the coast of Latium; and Strabo speaks of it as presenting the mere vestiges of a city, but still retaining its sacred rites, which were believed to have been transmitted from the days of Aeneas. (Strab. v. p. 232.) Dionysius also tells us that the memory of the three animals-the eagle, the wolf, and the fox - which were connected by a well-known legend with the foundation of Lavinium, was preserved by the figures of them still extant in his time in the forum of that town; while, according to Varro, not only was there a similar bronze figure of the celebrated sow with her thirty young ones, but part of the flesh of the sow herself was still preserved in pickle, and shown by the priests. (Dionys. i. 57, 59; Varr. R. R. ii. 4.) The name of Lavinium is omitted by Pliny, where we should have expected to find it, between Laurentum and Ardea, but he enumerates among the existing communities of Latium the "Ilionenses Lavini," an appellation evidently assumed by the citizens in commemoration of their supposed Trojan descent. (Plin. iii. 5. s. 9.)

Shortly after the time of Pliny, and probably in the reign of Trajan, Lavinium seems to have re

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