latter is nearly double the true distance. Several | epya) became a proverb throughout Greece for all ancient writers, however, state that Mount Athos atrocious acts. (Herod. vi. 128; Eustath. ad It. cast its shadow upon the island. (Soph. ap. Schol. p. 158. 11, ad Dionys. Per. 347; Zenob. iv. 91.) ad Theocr. vi. 76; Plin. l. c.) Pliny also relates Lemnos continued to be inhabited by Pelasgians, that Lemnos is 112 miles in circuit, which is per- when it was conquered by Otanes, one of the genehaps not far from the truth, if we reckon all the rals of Darius Hystaspis (Herod. v. 26); but Milwindings of the coast. Its area is nearly 150 square tiades delivered it from the Persians, and made it miles. It is of an irregular quadrilateral shape, subject to Athens, in whose power it remained for a being nearly divided into two peninsulas by two deep long time. (Herod. vi. 137; Thuc. iv. 28, vii. 57.) bays, Port Paradise on the N., and Port St. Antony In fact, it was always regarded as an Athenian poson the S. The latter is a large and convenient har- session, and accordingly the peace of Antalcidas, bour. On the eastern side of the island is a bold which declared the independence of all the Grecian rock projecting into the sea, called by Aeschylus states, nevertheless allowed the Athenians to retain 'Epuatov λénas Anuvov, in his description of the possession of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros. (Xen. beacon fires between Mount Ida and Mycenae, an- Hell. iv. 8. § 15, v. 1. § 31.) At a later period nouncing the capture of Troy. (Aesch. Agam. Lemnos passed into the hands of the Macedonians, 283; comp. Soph. Philoct. 1459.) Hills, but of no but it was restored to the Athenians by the Romans. great height, cover two-thirds of the island; they (Polyb. xxx. 18.) are barren and rocky, and there are very few trees, except in some of the narrow valleys. The whole island bears the strongest marks of the effects of volcanic fire; the rocks, in many places, are like the burnt and vitrified scoria of furnaces. Hence we may account for its connection with Hephaestus, who, when hurled from heaven by Zeus, is said to have fallen upon Lemnos. (Hom. Il. i. 594.) The island was therefore sacred to Hephaestus (Nicandr. Ther. 458; Ov. Fast. iii. 82), who was frequently called the Lemnian god. (Ov. Met. iv. 185; Virg. Aen. viii. 454.) From its volcanic appearance it derived its name of Aethaleia (Aloxera, Polyb. ap. Steph. B., and Etym. M. s. v. À¡ðáλn). It was also related that from one of its mountains, called MOSYCHLUS (Móσuxλos), fire was seen to blaze forth. (Antimach. ap. Schol. ad Nicandr. Ther. 472; Lycophr. 227; Hesych. s. v.) In a village in the island, named Chorous, there is a hot-spring, called Thermia, where a commodious bath has been built, with a lodging-house for strangers, who frequent it for its supposed medicinal qualities. The name of Lemnos is said to have been derived from the name of the Great Goddess, who was called Lemnos by the original inhabitants of the island. (Hecat. ap. Steph. B. 8. v.)

The earliest inhabitants of Lemnos, according to Homer, were the SINTIES (EVTIES), a Thracian tribe; a name, however, which probably only signifies robbers (from σivouai). (Hom. Il. i. 594, Od. viii. 294; Strab. vii. p. 331, x. p. 457, xii. p. 549.) When the Argonauts landed at Lemnos, they are said to have found it inhabited only by women, who had murdered all their husbands, and had chosen as their queen Hypsipyle, the daughter of Thoas, the former King of the island. [See Dict. of Biogr. art. HYPSIPYLE.] Some of the Argonauts settled here, and became by the Lemnian women the fathers of the MINYAE (Mirúa), the later inhabitants of the island. The Minyae were driven out of the island by the Tyrrhenian Pelasgians, who had been expelled from Attica. (Herod. iv. 145, vi. 137; Apoll. Rhod. i. 608, seq, and Schol.; Apollod. i. 9. § 17, iii. 6. § 4.) It is also related that these Pelasgians, out of revenge, made a descent upon the coast of Attica during the festival of Artemis at Brauron, and carried off some Athenian women, whom they made their concubines; but, as the children of these women despised their half-brothers born of Pelasgian women, the Pelasgians murdered both them and their Athenian mothers. In consequence of this atrocity, and of the former murder of the Lemnian husbands by their wives, "Lemnian Deeds” (Anuvia

In the earliest times, Lemnos appears to have contained only one town, which bore the same name as the island (Hom. Il. xiv. 230); but at a later period we find two towns, Myrina and Hephaestias. MYRINA (Múpiva: Eth. Mupivatos) stood on the western side of the island, as we may infer from the statement of Pliny, that the shadow of Mt. Athos was visible in the forum of the city at the time of the summer solstice. (Plin. iv. 12. s. 23; Herod. vi. 140; Steph. B. s. v.; Ptol. iii. 13. § 4.) On its site stands the modern Kastro, which is still the chief town in the place. In contains about 2000 inhabitants; and its little port is defended by a pier, and commanded by a ruinous mediaeval fortress on the overhanging rocks. HEPHAESTIAS, or HEPHAESTIA ('Hoaiorías, 'Hpaioría: Eth. 'HoaiσTIEUS), was situated in the northern part of the island. (Herod., Plin., Ptol. ll. cc.; Steph. B. s. v.) There are coins of Hephaestia (see below), but none of Myrina, and none bearing the name of the island. (Eckhel, vol. ii. p. 51.)

"The edifices have

According to Pliny (xxxvi. 13. s. 19) Lemnos had a celebrated labyrinth, supported by 150 columns, and with gates so well poised, that a child could open them. Pliny adds, that there were still traces of it in his time. Dr. Hunt, who visited the island in 1801, attempted to find out the ruins of this labyrinth, and was directed to a subterraneous staircase in an uninhabited part of the island, near a bay, called Porniah. He here found extensive ruins of an ancient and strong building that seemed to have had a ditch round it communicating with the sea. covered about 10 acres of ground: there are foundations of an amazing number of small buildings within the outer wall, each about seven feet square. The walls towards the sea are strong, and composed of large square blocks of stone. On an elevated spot of ground in one corner of the area, we found a subterraneous staircase, and, after lighting our tapers, we went down into it. The entrance was difficult: it consisted of 51 steps, and about every twelfth one was of marble, the others of common stone. At the bottom is a small chamber with a well in it, by which probably the garrison was supplied: a censer, a lamp, and a few matches, were lying in a corner, for the use of the Greek Christians, who call this well an Ayiaoua, or Holy Fountain, and the ruins about it Panagia Coccipée. The peasants in the neighbourhood had no knowledge of any sculpture, or statues, or medals having ever been found there." It does not appear, however, that these ruins have any relation to the labyrinth

kind in Sicily. His usurpation is referred by Eusebius to the 43rd Olympiad, or B. c. 608. (Arist. Pol. v. 10, 12; Euseb. Arm. vol. ii. p. 109.) Leontini appears to have retained its independ

identical with Nahr-ed-Dâmur, half way between Beyrut and Saida, Lion's town and river should be looked for south of this, and north of Sidon. The only stream in this interval is Nahr-el-Auly, called also in its upper part Nahr Barük, which Dr. Robin-ence till after B. c. 498, when it fell under the yoke son has shown to be the Bostrenus Fluvius. [BoSTRENUS.] This, therefore, Mannert seemed to have sufficient authority for identifying with the Leontes. But the existence of the Litany-a name supposed to be similar to the Leontes-between Sidon and Tyre, is thought to countenance the conjecture that Ptolemy has misplaced the Leontes, which is in fact identical with the anonymous river which Strabo mentions near Tyre (p. 758), which can be no other than the Litany (Robinson, Bib. Res. vol. iii. pp. 408 -410, and notes). No great reliance, however, can be placed on the similarity of names, as the form Leontos is merely the inflexion of Aéwv, which was not likely to be adopted in Arabic. It is far more probable that the classical geographer in this, as in other cases, translated the Semitic name. [See CANIS and LYCUS.] Besides which the Liting does not retain this name to the coast, but is here called Nahr-el-Kasimiyeh, the Casimeer of Maundrell (March 20, p. 48; Reland, Palaestina, pp. 290, 291.) [G. W.]

LEONTI'NI (AeovTivo: Eth. AcovTIVOS: Lentini), a city of Sicily, situated between Syracuse and Catana, but about eight miles from the seacoast, near a considerable lake now known as the Lago di Lentini. The name of Leontini is evidently an ethnic form, signifying properly the people rather than the city itself; but it seems to have been the only one in use, and is employed both by Greek and Latin writers (declined as a plural adjective*), with the single exception of Ptolemy, who calls the city AcóνTIOV or Leontium. (Ptol. iii. 4. § 13.) But it is clear, from the modern form of the name, Lentini, that the form Leontini, which we find universal in writers of the best ages, continued in common use down to a late period. All ancient writers concur in representing Leontini as a Greek colony, and one of those of Chalcidian origin, being founded by Chalcidic colonists from Naxos, in the same year with Catana, and six years after the parent city of Naxos, B.C.730. (Thuc. vi. 3; Seymn. Ch. 283; Diod. xii. 53, xiv. 14.) According to Thucydides, the site had been previously occupied by Siculi, but these were expelled, and the city became essentially a Greek colony. We know little of its early history; but, from the strength of its position and the extreme fertility of its territory (renowned in all ages for its extraordinary richness), it appears to have early attained to great prosperity, and became one of the most considerable cities in the E. of Sicily. The rapidity of its rise is attested by the fact that it was able, in its turn, to found the colony of Euboea (Strab. vi. p. 272; Scymn. Ch. 287), apparently at a very early period. It is probable, also, that the three Chalcidic cities, Leontini, Naxos, and Catana, from the earliest period adopted the same line of policy, and made common cause against their Dorian neighbours, as we find them constantly doing in later times.

The government of Leontini was an oligarchy, but it fell at one time, like so many other cities of Sicily, under the yoke of a despot of the name of Panaetius, who is said to have been the first instance of the

*Polybius uses the fuller phrase Tv AEovτίνων πόλις (vii. 6).

In B. C.

of Hippocrates, tyrant of Gela (Herod. vii. 154):
after which it seems to have passed in succession
under the authority of Gelon and Hieron of Syra-
cuse; as we find that, in B.C. 476, the latter despot,
having expelled the inhabitants of Catana and Naxos
from their native cities, which he peopled with new
colonists, established the exiles at Leontini, the pos-
session of which they shared with its former citizens.
(Diod. xi. 49.) We find no special mention of
Leontini in the revolutions that followed the death
of Hieron; but there is no doubt that it regained its
independence after the expulsion of Thrasybulus,
B. C. 466, and the period which followed was pro-
bably that of the greatest prosperity of Leontini, as
well as the other Chalcidic cities of Sicily. (Diod.
xi. 72, 76.) But its proximity to Syracuse became
the source of fresh troubles to Leontini.
427 the Leontines found themselves engaged in hos-
tilities with their more powerful neighbour, and,
being unable to cope single-handed with the Syra-
sans, they applied for support not only to their
Chalcidic brethren, but to the Athenians also, who
sent a fleet of twenty ships to their assistance, under
the command of Laches and Charoeades. (Thue. iii.
86; Diod. xii. 53) The operations of the Athenian
fleet under Laches and his successors Pythodorus
and Eurymedon were, however, confined to the part
of Sicily adjoining the Straits of Messana: the
Leontines received no direct support from them,
but, after the war had continued for some years,
they were included in the general pacification of
Gela, B. C. 424, which for a time secured them in
the possession of their independence. (Thuc. iv. 58,
65.) This, however, did not last long: the Sy-
racusans took advantage of intestine dissensions
among the Leontines, and, by espousing the cause of
the oligarchy, drove the deniocratic party into exile,
while they adopted the oligarchy and richer classes
as Syracusan citizens. The greater part of the
latter body even abandoned their own city, and mi-
grated to Syracuse; but quickly returned, and for a
time joined with the exiles in holding it out against
the power of the Syracusans. But the Athenians,
to whom they again applied, were unable to render
them any effectual assistance; they were a second
time expelled, B. C. 422, and Leontini became a mere
dependency of Syracuse, though always retaining
some importance as a fortress, from the strength of
its position. (Thuc. v. 4; Diod. xii. 54.)

In B. C. 417 the Leontine exiles are mentioned as joining with the Segestans in urging on the Athenian expedition to Sicily (Diod. xii. 83; Plut. Nic. 12); and their restoration was made one of the avowed objects of the enterprise. (Thuc. vi. 50.) But the failure of that expedition left them without any hope of restoration; and Leontini continued in its subordinate and fallen condition till B. c. 406, when the Syracusans allowed the unfortunate Agrigentines, after the capture of their own city by the Carthaginians, to establish themselves at Leontini. The Geloans and Camarinaeans followed their example the next year: the Leontine exiles of Syracuse at the same time took the opportunity to return to their native city, and declare themselves independent, and the treaty of peace concluded by Dionysius with Himilco, in B. C. 405, expressly stipulated for the

suffers severely from malaria. No ruins are visible on the site; but some extensive excavations in the rocky sides of the hill on which it stands are believed by the inhabitants to be the work of the Laestrygones, and gravely described as such by Fazello. (Fazell. de Reb. Sic. iii. 3.)

freedom and independence of Leontini. (Diod. xiii. ticularly from Centuripa. (Ib. iii. 46, 49.) Strabo 89, 113, 114; Xen. Hell. ii. 3. § 5.) This con- also speaks of it as in a very declining condition, dition was not long observed by Dionysius, who no and though the name is still found in Pliny and sooner found himself free from the fear of Carthage Ptolemy, it seems never to have been a place of than he turned his arms against the Chalcidic cities, importance under the Roman rule. (Strab. vi. and, after reducing Catana and Naxos, compelled p. 273; Mel. ii. 7. § 16; Plin. iii. 8. s. 14; Ptol. the Leontines, who were now bereft of all their allies, iii. 4. § 13.) But the great strength of its position to surrender their city, which was for the second must have always preserved it from entire decay, time deserted, and the whole people transferred to and rendered it a place of some consequence in the Syracuse, B. c. 403. (Id. xiv. 14, 15.) At a later middle ages. The modern city of Lentini, which period of his reign (B. c. 396) Dionysius found him- preserves the ancient site as well as name, is a poor self compelled to appease the discontent of his mer-place, though with about 5000 inhabitants, and cenary troops, by giving up to them both the city and the fertile territory of Leontini, where they established themselves to the number of 10,000 men. | (Id. xiv. 78.) From this time Leontini is repeatedly mentioned in connection with the civil troubles and revolutions at Syracuse, with which city it seems to have constantly continued in intimate relations; but, as Strabo observes, always shared in its disasters, without always partaking of its prosperity. (Strab. vi. p. 273.) Thus, the Leontines were among the first to declare against the younger Dionysius, and open their gates to Dion (Diod. xvi. 16; Plut. Dion. 39, 40). Some years afterwards their city was occupied with a military force by Hicetas, who from thence carried on war with Timoleon (Ib. 78, 82); and it was not till after the great victory of the latter over the Carthaginians (B. C. 340) that he was able to expel Hicetas and make himself master of Leontini. (Ib. 82; Plut. Timol. 32.) That city was not, like almost all the others of Sicily, restored on this occasion to freedom and independence, but was once more incorporated in the Syracusan state, and the inhabitants transferred to that city. (Diod. xvi. 82.)

The situation of Leontini is well described by Polybius: it stood on a broken hill, divided into two separate summits by an intervening valley or hollow; at the foot of this hill on the W. side, flowed a small stream, which he calls the Lissus, now known as the Fiume Ruina, which falls into the Lake of Lentini, a little below the town. (Pol. vii. 6.) The two summits just noticed, being bordered by precipitous cliffs, formed, as it were, two natural citadels or fortresses; it was evidently one of these which Thucydides mentions under the name of PHOCEAE, which was occupied in B. c. 422 by the Leontine exiles who returned from Syracuse. (Thuc. v. 4.) Both heights seem to have been fortified by the Syracusans, who regarded Leontini as an important fortress; and we find them alluded to as "the forts" (Tà poúpia) of Leontini. (Diod. xiv. 58, xxii. 8.) Diodorus also mentions that one quarter of Leontini was known by the name of "The New Town" ( Néa móλis, xvi. 72); but we have no means of determining its locality. It is singular that no ancient author alludes to the Lake (or as it is commonly called the Biviere) of Lentini, a sheet of water of considerable extent, but stagnant and shallow, which lies immediately to the N. of the city. It produces abundance of fish, but is considered to be the principal cause of the malaria from which the city now suffers. (D'Orville, Sicula, p. 168; Smyth's Sicily, pp. 157, 158.)

At a later period the Leontines again figure as an independent state, and, during the wars of Agathocles with the Carthaginians, on several occasions took part against the Syracusans. (Diod. xix. 110, xx. 32.) When Pyrrhus arrived in Sicily, B. C. 278, they were subject to a tyrant or despot of the name of Heracleides, who was one of the first to make his submission to that monarch. (Id. xxii. 8, 10, Exc. H. p. 497.) But not long after they appear to have again fallen under the yoke of Syracuse, and Leontini was one of the cities of which the sovereignty was secured to Hieron, king of Syracuse, by the treaty concluded with him by the Romans at the cominencement of the First Punic War, B. C. 263. (Id. xxiii. Exc. H. p. 502.) This state of things continued till the Second Punic War, when Leontini again figures conspicuously in the events which led to the fall of Syracuse. It was in one of the long and narrow streets of Leontini that Hieronymus was assassinated by Dinomenes, B. C. 215 (Liv. xxiv. 7; Polyb. vii. 6); and it was there that, shortly after, Hippocrates and Epicydes first raised the standard of open war against Rome. Marcellus hastened to attack the city, and made himself master of it without difficulty; but the severities exercised by him on this occasion inflamed the minds of the Syracusans to such an extent as to become the immediate occasion of the rupture with Rome. (Liv. xxiv. 29, 30, 39.) Under the Roman government Leontini was restored to the position of an independent municipal town, but it seems to have sunk into a state of decay. Cicero calls it "mnisera civitas atque inanis" (Verr. ii. 66); and, though its fertile Leontini was noted as the birthplace of the cele. territory was still well cultivated, this was done almost brated orator Gorgias, who in B. c. 427 was the wholly by farmers from other cities of Sicily, par-head of the deputation sent by his native city to

The extraordinary fertility of the territory of Leontini, or the LEONTINUS CAMPUS, is celebrated by many ancient authors. According to a tradition commonly received, it was there that wheat grew wild, and where it was first brought into cultivation (Diod. iv. 24, v. 2); and it was always regarded as the most productive district in all Sicily for the growth of corn. Cicero calls it "campus ille Leontinus nobilissimus ac feracissimus," "uberrima Siciliae pars," "caput rei frumentariae;" and says that the Romans were accustomed to consider it as in itself a sufficient resource against scarcity. (Cic. Verr. iii. 18, 44, 46, pro Scaur. 2, Phil. viii. 8.) The tract thus celebrated, which was known also by the name of the LAESTRYGONII CAMPI [LAESTRYGONES], was evidently the plain extending from the foot of the hills on which Leontini was situated to the river Symaethus, now known as the Piano di Catania. We have no explanation of the tradition which led to the fixing on this fertile tract as the abode of the fabulous Laestrygones.

nophon of Ephesus. (Ephesiaca, iv. p. 280, ed.
Bipont.)
[W. B. D.]
LEPETYMNUS (Aeréтuuvos, called Lepethym-
nus or Lepethymus by Pliny, v. 31. s. 39; the MSS.
vary), a mountain in the northern part of Lesbos, near
Methymna. Plehn states (Lesbiac. Lib. p. 9) that
it is the highest mountain in the island: but this
does not appear to be consistent with modern
surveys. Its present name is said to be Mont S.
Theodore. The sepulchre and tomb of the hero
Palamedes are alleged to have been here. (Tzetzes,
Lycophr. Cassandr. 1095; Philostr. Heroic. p. 716,
Vit. Apollon. Tyan. iv. 13. 150, also 16. 154.) In
Antigonus of Carystus (c. 17) there is a story given,
on the authority of Myrsilus the Lesbian, concerning
a temple of Apollo and a shrine of the hero Lepe-
tymnus, connected with the same mountain. Here,
also, according to Theophrastus (De Sign. Pluv. et
Vent. p. 783, ed. Schneid.), an astronomer called
Matricetas made his observations. [J. S. H.]

LEPINUS MONS is the name given by Columella (x. 131), the only author in whom the name is found, to a mountain near Signia in Latium, probably one of the underfalls or offshoots of the great mass of the Volscian Apennines. The name of Montes Lepini is frequently applied by modern geo

LEONTIUM (Λεόντιον : Εth. Λεοντήσιος), 2 town of Achaia, was originally not one of the 12 Achaean cities, though it afterwards became so, succeeding to the place of Rhypes. It is only mentioned by Polybius, and its position is uncertain. It must, however, have been an inland town, and was probably between Pharae and the territory of Aegium, since we find that the Eleians under the Aetolian general Euripidas, after marching through the territory of Pharae as far as that of Aegium, retreated to Leontium. Leake places it in the valley of the Selinus, between the territory of Tritaea and that of Aegium, at a place now called Aigraphers to the whole of the lofty mountain group Andhrea, from a ruined church of that saint near the village of Guzumistra. Callicrates, the partizan of the Romans during the later days of the Achaean League, was a native of Leontium. (Pol. ii. 41, v. 94, xxvi. 1; Leake, Morea, vol. iii. p. 419.) LEONTO'POLIS. [NICEPHORIUM.] LEONTO'POLIS. [LEONTES.]

LEONTO'POLIS (AeóvTOV Tóλis, Ptol. iv. 5. § 51; Strab. xvii. pp. 802, 812; AeóvTw, Hieronym. ad Jovian. ii. 6; Leontos Oppidum, Plin. v. 20. s. 17), the capital of the Leontopolite nome in the Delta of Egypt. It stood in lat. 30° 6' N., about three geographical miles S. of Thmuis. Strabo is the earliest writer who mentions either this nome, or its chief town: and it was probably of comparatively recent origin and importance. The lion was not among the sacred animals of Aegypt: but that it was occasionally domesticated and kept in the temples, may be inferred from Diodorus (ii. 84). Trained lions, employed in the chase of deers, wolves, &c., are found in the hunting-pieces delineated upon the walls of the grottoes at Benihassan. (Wilkinson, M. and C. vol. iii. p. 16.) In the reign of Ptolemy Philometor (B. c. 180-145) a temple, modelled after that of Jerusalem, was founded by the exiled Jewish priest Onias. (Joseph. Ant. Jud. xiii. 3. § 3; Hieronym. in Daniel. ch. xi.) The Hebrew colony, which was attracted by the establishment of their national worship at Leontopolis, and which was increased by the refugees from the oppressions of the Seleucid kings in Palestine, flourished there for more than three centuries afterwards. In the reign of Vespasian the Leontopolite temple was closed, amid the general discouragement of Judaism by that emperor. (Joseph. B. Jud. vii. 10. § 4.) Antiquarians are divided as to the real site of the ruins of Leontopolis. According to D'Anville, they are covered by a mound still called Tel-Essabe, or the "Lion's Hill" (Comp. Champollion, l'Egypte, vol. ii. p. 110, seq.). Jomard, on the other hand, maintains that some tumuli near the, village of El-Mengaleh in the Delta, represent the ancient Leontopolis. And this supposition agrees, better with the account of the town given by Xe

which separates the valley of the Sacco from the
Pontine Marshes [LATIUM]; but there is no ancient
authority for this.
[E. H. B.]

LEPIDO TON-POLIS (Λεπιδωτῶν ἢ Λεπιδωτὸν TóAS, Ptol. iv. 5. § 72), a town in Upper Egypt, situated in the Panopolite nome, and on the eastern side of the Nile. It was about four geographical miles N. of Chenoboscia. Lat. 26° 2' N. This was doubtless, the place at which Herodotus had heard that the fish lepidotus was caught in great numbers, and even received divine honours (ii. 72; comp. Minutoli, p. 414; Champollion, Egypte, vol. i. p. 248). Lepidoton-Polis was probably connected with the Osirian worship, for, according to the legend, Isis, in her search for the limbs of Osiris, who had been cut into pieces by Typhon, traversed the marshes in a boat made of papyrus (Baris), and in whatsoever place she found a member, there she buried it. In the end she discovered all the limbs, excepting one, which had been devoured by the fishes phagras and lepidotus. No remains of Lepidoton-Polis have been discovered. [W. B. D.]

LEPO'NTII (Annóvriol, Strab., Ptol.), an Alpine people, who inhabited the valleys on the south side of the Alps, about the head of the two great lakes, the Lago di Como and Lago Maggiore. Strabo tells us distinctly that they were a Rhaetian tribe (iv. p. 206), and adds that, like many others of the minor Alpine tribes, they had at one time spread further into Italy, but had been gradually driven back into the mountains. (Ib. p. 204.) There is some difficulty in determining the position and limits of their territory. Caesar tells us that the Rhine took its rise in the country of the Lepontii (B. G. iv. 10), and Pliny says that the Uberi (or Viberi), who were a tribe of the Lepontii, occupied the sources of the Rhone (Plin. iii. 20. s. 24). Ptolemy, on the contrary (iii. 1. § 38), places them in the Cottian Alps; but this is opposed to all the other statements, Strabo distinctly connecting them with the Rhaetians. Their name occurs also in the list of the Alpine nations on the trophy of Augustus (ap. Plin. l. c.), in a manner quite in accordance with the statements of Caesar and Pliny; and on the