so situated that he came to Issus first, where he shamefully treated the sick of the Macedonians who had been left there. The next day he moved from Issus to pursue Alexander (Arrian; Curtius, iii. 8); that is, he moved towards the Pylae, and he came to the banks of the river Pinarus, where he halted. Issus was, therefore, north of the Pinarus, and some little distance from it. Kiepert's map of Asia Minor marks a pass in the range of the Syrian Amanus, which is north of the pass that leads over the same mountains from the east to Baiae (Bayas), and nearly due east of the head of the gulf of Issus. He calls it Pylae Amanides, by which he means the Pylae Amanicae of Arrian, not the Amanides of Strabo; and he takes it to be the pass by which Darius crossed the Syrian Amanus and came down upon the gulf. This may have been his route, and it would bring him to Issus at the head of the gulf, which he came to before turning south to the Pinarus (Deli Tschai). It is certain that Darius crossed by some pass which brought him to Issus before he reached the Pinarus. Yet Kiepert has placed Issus south of the Pinarus, or rather between the two branches of this river, which he represents as uniting near the coast. Kiepert also marks a road which passes over the junction of the two branches of the Amanus [AMANUS, Vol. I. p. 114] and runs to Marash, which he supposes to be Germanicia. This is the dotted road marked as running north from the head of the gulf of Issus in the plan [Vol. I. p. 115]; but even if there be such a road, it was not the road of Darius, which must have been the pass above mentioned, in the latitude of the head of the gulf of Issus; which is not marked in the above plan, but ought to be. This pass is probably the Amanicae Pylae of Ptolemy, which he places 5' further south than Issus, and 10' east of Issus. Darius was Alexander, hearing that the Persians were in his rear, turned back to the Pylae, which he reached at midnight, and halted till daybreak, when he moved on. (Arrian, Anab. ii. 8.) So long as the road was narrow, he led his army in column, but as the pass widened, he extended his column into line, part towards the mountain and part on the left towards the sea. When he came to the wide part (evpvxwpía), he arranged his army in order of battle, which Arrian describes very particularly. posted on the north side of the Pinarus. It is plain, from this description, that Alexander did not march very far from the Pylae before he reached the wider part of the valley, and the river. As the sea was on his left, and the mountains on his right, the river was a stream which ran down from the Syrian Amanus; and it can be no other than the Deli Tschai, which is about 13 miles north of the Carsus (Merkes), direct distance. Polybius (xii. 17), who criticises Callisthenes's description of the battle, states, on his authority, that Darius descended into Cilicia through the Pylae Amanides, and encamped on the Pinarus, at a place where the distance between the mountains and the sea was not more than 14 stadia; and that the river ran across this place into the sea, and that in its course through the level part "it had abrupt and difficult eminences (Aópous)." This is explained by what Arrian says of the banks of the river being steep in many parts on the north side. (Anab. ii. 10.) Callisthenes further said, that when Alexander, after having passed the defile (rà σTÉva), heard of Darius being in Cilicia, he was 100 stadia from him, and, accordingly, he marched back through the defile. It is not clear, from the extract in Polybius, whether the 100 stadia are to be reckoned to Issus or to the Pinarus. According to Arrian, when Alexander heard of Darius being behind him, he sent some men in a galley back to Issus, to see if it was so; and it is most consistent with the narrative to suppose that the men saw the Persians at Issus before they had advanced to the river; but this is not quite certain. The Persian army was visible, being near the coast, as it would be, if it were seen at Issus. Strabo (p. 676), following the historians of Alexander, adds nothing to what Arrian has got from them. Alexander, he says, led his infantry from Soli along the coast and through the Mallotis to Issus and the forces of Darius; an expression which might mislead, if we had no other narrative. He also says, after Mallus is Aegae, a small town with a harbour, then the Amanides Pylae [AMANIDES PYLAE], where there is a harbour; and after Aegae is Issus, a small town with a harbour, and the river Pinarus, where the fight was between Alexander and Darius. Accordingly he places Issus north of, the Pinarus. Cicero, during his proconsulship of Cilicia, led his forces against the mountaineers of the Amanus, and he was saluted as imperator at Issus, "where," he says, 'as I have often heard from you, Clitarchus told you that Darius was defeated by Alexander." There is nothing to be got from this. (Ad Fam. ii. 10.) In another passage, he says that he occupied for a few days the same camp that Alexander had occupied at Issus against Darius. (Ad Att. v. 20.) And again (ad Fam. xiv. 20), he says that, "he encamped for four days at the roots of the Amanus, at the Arae Alexandri." If this is the same fact that he mentions in his letter to Atticus, the Arae were at Issus, and Issus was near the foot of the Amanus. 66 The battle between Septimius Severus and Niger was fought (A. D. 194) somewhere about Issus; but nothing can be collected from the description of Herodian (iii. 12), except that the battle was not fought on the same ground as Alexander's, though it was fought on the gulf of Issus. Stephanus (s. v. 'Iooós) describes it as "a city between Syria and Cilicia, where Alexander defeated Darius, which was called, for this reason, Nicopolis by him; and there is the bay of Issus; and there, also, is a river named Pinarus." Strabo, after speaking of Issus, mentions, on the Issic gulf, Rhosus, and Myriandrus, and Alexandria, and Nicopolis, and Mopsuestia, in which description he proceeds from the Syrian side of the gulf, and terminates with Mopsuestia on the Pyramus. According to this enumeration, Nicopolis would be between Alexandria (Scanderoon) and Mopsuestia; and it may be near Issus, or it may not. Ptolemy (v. 8. § 7, 15. § 2) places Nicopolis exactly one degree north of Alexandria and 50′ north of Issus. He places Issus and Rhosus in the same longitude, and Nicopolis, Alexandria, and Myriandrus 10' further east than Issus. The absolute truth of his numbers is immaterial. A map constructed according to Ptolemy would place Issus at the head of the gulf, and Nicopolis inland. Nicopolis is one of the cities which he enumerates among the inland cities of Cilicia Proper. Issus, then, being at the head of the gulf, and Tarsus being a fixed point in the march of Cyrus, we may now see how the matter stands with Xenophon's distances. Cyrus marched 10 parasangs from Tarsus to the river Psarus (Sarus), Sihun, and crossed at a place where it was 300 feet wide From the Sarus the army marched 5 parasangs to the Pyramus, which was crossed where it was 600 Greek feet wide; and the march from the Pyramus to Issus was 15 parasangs. Accordingly, the whole distance marched from Tarsus to Issus was 30 parasangs. The direct distance from Tarsus to the head of the gulf is about 56 geographical miles; and these two points are very nearly in the same latitude. The modern road from Tarsus, through Adana on the Sarus, and Mopsuestia on the Pyramus, to the head of the gulf, has a general direction from W. to E. The length of Cyrus's march, from Tarsus to the Sarus, exceeds the direct distance on the map very much, if we reckon the parasang at 3 geographical miles; for 10 parasangs are 30 geographical miles, and the direct distance to Adana is not more than 16 miles. Mr. Ainsworth informs us that the Sarus is not fordable at Adana; and Cyrus probably crossed at some other place. The march from the Sarus to the Pyramus was 5 parasangs, or 15 geographical miles; and this appears to be very nearly the direct distance from Adana to Mopsuestia (Misis). But Cyrus may have crossed some distance below Mopsuestia, without lengthening his march from the Sarus to the Pyramus; and he may have done this even if he had to go lower down the Sarus than Adana to find a ford. If he did not go higher up the Pyramus to seek a ford, for the reasons which Mr. Ainsworth mentions, he must have crossed lower down than Mopsuestia. The distance from the point where the supposed old bed begins to turn to the south, to the NE. end of the gulf of Issus, is 40 geographical miles; and thus the distance of 15 parasangs from the passage of the Pyramus to Issus, is more easily reconciled with the real distance than the measurement from Tarsus to the Sarus. The places not absolutely determined on or near the gulf of Issus, are: Myriandrus, Nicopolis, Epiphaneia [EPIPHANEIA], Arae Alexandri, and Issus, though we know that Issus, must have been at the head of the gulf and on it. The following extract from Colonel Chesney contains the latest information on these sites:-"About 7 miles south-eastward from the borders of Syria are the remains of a con. siderable city, probably those of Issus or Nicopolis, with the ruins of a temple, a part of the Acropolis, an extensive aqueduct, generally with a double row of arches, running ESE. and WNW. These, in addition to the walls of the city itself, are entirely built of lava, and still exist in considerable perfection. Nearly 14 miles southward from thence, the Delí Chaï quits the foot of the Amanus in two branches, which, after traversing the Issic plain, unite at the foot, of the mountain just previously to entering the sea. The principal of these branches makes a deep curve towards the NE., so that a body of troops occupying one side might see behind and outflank those posted on the opposite side, in which, as well as in other respects, the stream appears to answer to the Pinarus of Alexander's historians. A little southward of this river are the castle, khán, bázár, baths, and other ruins of Báyás, once Baiae, with the three villages of Kuretur in the neighbourhood, situated in the midst of groves of orange and palm trees. Again, 5 miles southward, is the pass, above noticed, of Súkál-tútán, and at nearly the same distance onward, the fine bay and anchorage of Iskenderún, with an open but convenient landing-place on a bold beach; but, in consequence of the accumulation of the sand by which the mouths of the streams descending from this part of the Amanus are choked, a pestilential swamp extends from the very edge of the sea almost to the foot of the mountain. In the marsh towards the latter are some trifling ruins, which may possibly be the site of ancient Myriandrus; and within a mile of the shore are the remains of a castle and bridge constructed by Godfrey of Bouillon." (Expedition for the Survey of the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris, vol. i. p. 408.) There is no direct proof here that these remains are those of Issus. The aqueduct probably belongs to the Roman period. It seems most likely that the remains are those of Nicopolis, and that Issus on the coast has disappeared. Colonel Chesney's description of the bend of one of the branches of the Deli Tschai corresponds to Arrian's (ii. 2. § 10), who says, " Darius placed at the foot of the mountain, which was on the Persian left and opposite to Alexander's right, about 20,000 men; and some of them were on the rear of Alexander's army. For the mountain where they were posted in one place opened to some depth, and so a part became of the form of a bay on the sea. Darius then, by advancing further to the bend, brought the men who were posted at the foot of the mountain, in the rear of the right wing of Alexander." There still seems some doubt about the site of Myriandrus, which Mr. Ainsworth (Travels in the Track of the Ten Thousand, &c. p. 60) places about half way between Scanderoon and Rhosus (Arsus); and he has the authority of Strabo, in his enumeration of the places on this coast, and that of Ptolemy, who places Myriandrus 15' south of Alexandria ad Issum. As to Arsus, he observes, "there are many ruins, and especially a long aqueduct leading from the foot of the mountains." [G. L.] ISTAEVONES. [GERMANIA and HILLEVI I'STHMIA, a small district in Thessaly. [ZELASIUM.] ISTHMUS. [CORINTHUS, p. 682, seq.] ISTO'NIUM. [CELTIBERIA.] The name I'STRIA ('Iorpía) or HI'STRIA, was the name given by the Greeks and Romans to the country which still bears the same appellation, and forms a peninsula of somewhat triangular form near the head of the Adriatic sea, running out from the coast of Liburnia, between Tergeste (Trieste) and the Sinus Flanaticus, or Gulf of Quarnero. It is about 50 G. miles in length, and 35 in breadth, while the isthmus or strip of land between the two gulfs of Trieste and Quarnero, by which it is united to the mainland, is about 27 G. miles across. is derived both by Greek and Latin authors from the fabulous notion entertained at a very early period that one branch or arm of the Danube (the Ister of the Greeks) flowed into the Adriatic sea near its head. (Strab. i. p. 57; Plin. iii. 18. s. 22.) The deep inlets and narrow channels with which the coasts of the Adriatic are intersected for a considerable distance below the peninsula of Istria may have contributed to favour this notion so long as those coasts were imperfectly known; and hence we cannot wonder at Scylax speaking of a river named Istrus (which he identifies with the Danube) as flowing through the land of the Istrians (Scyl. p. 6. § 20); but it seems incredible that an author like Mela, writing in the days of Augustus, should not only speak of a river Ister as flowing into this part of the p. 215; Plin. iii. 19. s. 23.) It continued thenceforth to be always included under that name, though geographically connected much more closely with Dalmatia and Illyricum. Hence we find, in the Notitia Dignitatum, the "Consularis Venetiae et Histriae" placed under the jurisdiction of the Vicarius Italiae. (Not. Dign. ii. pp. 5, 65.) Adriatic, but should assert that its waters entered that sea with a turbulence and force similar to those of the Padus. (Mel. ii. 3. § 13, 4. § 4.) In point of fact, there is no river of any magnitude flowing into the upper part of the Adriatic on its eastern shore which could afford even the slightest countenance to such a notion; the rivers in the peninsula of Istria itself are very trifling streams, and the dry, calcareous ridges which hem in the E. shore of the Adriatic, all the way from Trieste to the southern extremity of Dalmatia, do not admit either of the formation or the outlet of any considerable body of water. It is scarcely possible to account for the origin of such a fable; but if the inhabitants of Istria were really called ISTRI (IoTρo), as their native name, which is at least highly probable, this circumstance may have first led the Greeks to assume their connection with the great river Ister, and the existence of a considerable amount of traffic up the valley of the Savus, and from thence by land across the Julian Alps, or Mount Ocra, to the head of the Adriatic (Strab. vii. p. 314), would tend to perpe-Adriatic, though hilly and rocky, is not of any contuate such a notion. The Istrians are generally considered as a tribe of Illyrian race (Appian, Illyr. 8; Strab. vii. p. 314; Zeuss, Die Deutschen, p. 253), and the fact that they were immediately surrounded by other Illyrian tribes is in itself a strong argument in favour of this view. Seymnus Chius alone calls them a Thracian tribe, but on what authority we know not. (Seymn. Ch. 398.) They first appear in history as taking part with the other Illyrians in their piratical expeditions, and Livy ascribes to them this character as early as B. C. 301 (Liv. x. 2); but the first occasion on which they are distinctly mentioned as joining in these enterprises is just before the Second Punic War. They were, however, severely punished; the Roman consuls M. Minucius Rufus and P. Cornelius were sent against them, and they were reduced to complete submission. (Eutrop. iii. 7; Oros. iv. 13; Zonar. viii. 20; Appian, Illyr. 8.) The next mention of them occurs in B. c. 183, when the consul M. Claudius Marcellus, after a successful campaign against the Gauls, asked and obtained permission to lead his legions into Istria. (Liv. xxxix. 55.) It does not, however, appear that this invasion produced any considerable result; but their piratical expeditions, together with the opposition offered by them to the foundation of the Roman colony of Aquileia, soon became the pretext of a fresh attack. (ld. xl. 18, 26, xli. 1.) In B. c. 178 the consul A. Manlius invaded Istria with two legions; and though he at first sustained a disaster, and narrowly | escaped the capture of his camp, he recovered his position before the arrival of his colleague, M. Junius, who had been sent to his support. The two consuls now attacked and defeated the Istrians; and their successor, C. Claudius, following up this advantage, took in succession the towns of Nesactium, Mutila, and Faveria, and reduced the whole people to submission. For this success he was rewarded with a triumph, B. c. 177. (Liv. xli. 1-5, 8-13; Flor. ii. 10.) The subjection of the Istrians on this occasion seems to have been real and complete; for, though a few years after we find them joining the Carni and Iapydes in complaining of the exactions of C. Cassius (Liv. xliii. 5), we hear of no subsequent revolts, and the district appears to have continued tranquil under the Roman yoke, until it was incorporated by Augustus, together with Venetia and the land of the Carni, as a portion of Italy. (Strab. v. The natural limits of Istria are clearly marked by those of the peninsula of which it consists, or by a line drawn across from the Gulf of Trieste to that of Quarnero, near Fiume; but the political boundary was fixed by Augustus, when he included Istria in Italy, at the river Arsia or Arsa, which falls into the Gulf of Quarnero about 15 miles from the southern extremity of the peninsula. This river has its sources in the group of mountains of which the Monte Maggiore forms the highest point, and which constitutes the heart or nucleus of the peninsula, from which there radiate ranges of great calcareous hills, gradually declining as they approach the western coast, so that the shore of Istria along the siderable elevation, or picturesque in character. But The towns in Istria mentioned by ancient writers are not numerous. Much the most important was POLA, near the extreme southern promontory of the peninsula, which became a Roman colony under Augustus. Proceeding along the coast from Tergeste to Pola, were AEGIDA (Capo d'Istria), subsequently called Justinopolis, and PARENTIUM (Parenzo); while on the E. coast, near the mouth of the river Arsia, was situated NESACTIUM, already noticed by Livy among the towns of the independent Istrians. The two other towns, Mutila and Faveria, mentioned by him in the same passage (xli. 11), are otherwise unknown, and cannot be identified. Pto lemy also mentions three towns, which he places in the interior of the country, and names Pucinum, Piquentum (KоVEVтOV), and Alvum or Alvon (AXovov). Of these, Piquentum may be probably identified with Pinguente, a considerable place in the heart of the mountain district of the interior; and Alvon with Albona (called Alvona in the Tabula), which is, however, E. of the Arsa, and therefore not strictly within the Roman province of Istria. In like manner the Pucinum of Ptolemy is evidently the same place with the "castellum, nobile vino, Pucinum" of Pliny (vii. 18. s. 22), which the latter places in the territory of the Carni, between the Timavus and Tergeste, and was perhaps the same with the modern Duino. Ningum, a place mentioned in the Antonine Itinerary (p. 271) between Tergeste and Parentium, cannot be determined with any certainty. The Tabula also gives two names in the NW. part of the peninsula, Quaeri and Silvo (Silvum), both of which are wholly unknown. The same authority marks three small islands off the coast of Istria, to which it gives the names of Sepomana (?), Orsaria, and Pullaria: the last is mentioned also by Pliny (iii. 26. s. 30), and is probably the rocky island, or rather group of islets, off the harbour of Pola, now known as Li Brioni. The other two cannot be identified, any more than the Cissa of Pliny (l. c.): the Absyrtides of the same author are the larger islands in the Golfo di Quarnero, which belong rather to Liburnia than to Istria. [ABSYRTIDES.] The extreme southern promontory of Istria, now called Punta di Promontore, seems to have been known in ancient times as the PROMONTORIUM POLATICUM (aкрштýрiоν Поλαтiкcóy, Steph. B. s. v. Пóλa). Immediately adjoining it is a deep bay or harbour, now known as the Golfo di Medolino, which must be the Portus Planaticus (probably a corruption of Flanaticus) of the Tabula. The Geographer of Ravenna, writing in the seventh century, but from earlier authorities, mentions the names of many towns in Istria unnoticed by earlier geographers, but which may probably have grown up under the Roman empire. Among these are Humago, still called Umago, Neapolis (Città Nuova), Ruvignio (Rovigno), and Piranon (Pirano), all of them situated on the W. coast, with good ports, and which would naturally become places of some trade during the flourishing period of Istria above alluded to. (Anon. Ravenn. iv. 30, 31.) [E. H. B.] ISTRIANORUM PORTUS. [ISIACORUM PORTUS.] ISTRIA NUS ('loтpiavós, Ptol. iii. 6. § 3), a river of the Tauric Chersonese, which has been identified with the Küük Tep. (Forbiger, vol. iii. pp. 1117, 1121.) [E. B. J.] ISTRO'POLIS, ISTRIO'POLIS, HISTRIO'POLIS (Ιστρόπολις, Ιστρία πόλις, or simply Ἴστρος: Istere), a town of Lower Moesia, at the southern extremity of lake Halmyris, on the coast of the Euxine. It was a colony of Miletus, and, at least in Strabo's time, a small town. (Strab. vii. p. 319; Plin. iv. 18. 24; Mela, ii. 2; Eutrop. vi. 8; Herod. ii. 33: Arrian, Perip. Eux. p. 24; Geog. Rav. iv. 6; Lycoph. 74; Ptol. iii. 10. § 8; Scymn. Fragm. 22; Steph. B. s. v.; Amm. Marc. xxii. 8; Hierocl. p. 637.) But the frequent mention of the place shows that it must have been a commercial town of some importance; of its history, however, nothing is known. Some modern writers have identified it with Kiustenza or Kostendsje, the ancient Constantiana, which, however, was in all probability situated to the south of Istropolis. [L. S.] ISTRUS (IoT pos), a Cretan town which Arte. midorus also called ISTRONA. (Steph. B. s. v.) The latter form of the name is found in an inscription (ap. Chishull, Antiq. Asiat. p. 110). The site is placed near Minoa: "Among the ruined edifices and columns of this ancient city are two immense marble blocks, half buried in the earth, and measuring 54 by 15 feet." (Cornelius, Creta Sacra, vol. i. p. 11; ap. Mus. Class. Antiq. vol. ii. p. 273; comp. Höck, Kreta, vol. i. pp. 17, 421.) [E. B. J.] ISTURGI (Andujar la Vieja), a city of Hispania Baetica, in the neighbourhood of ILLITURGIS. (Inscr. ap. Florez, Esp. S. vol. vii. p. 137.) The IPASTURGI TRIUMPHALE of Pliny (iii. 1. s. 3) is probably the same place. (Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. pp. 380, 381.) [P.S.] ISUBRIGANTUM. [ISURIUM.] ISU'RIUM, in Britain, first mentioned by Ptolemy (ii. 3. § 16) as a town of the Brigantes. It then occurs in two of the Itineraries, the 1st and 2nd. In each, it lies between Cataractonium and Eboracum (Catterick Bridge and York). Isubrigantum, in the 5th Itinerary, does the same. In the time of the Saxons Isurium had already taken the name of Eald-burg (Old Town), out of which has come the present name Aldborough, near Boroughbridge, with which it is undoubtedly identified. Roman remains, both within and without the walls, are abundant and considerable at Aldborough; the Stodhart (or Studforth), the Red Hill, and the Borough Hill, being the chief localities. Tesselated pavements, the foundations of large and spacious buildings, ornaments, implements, Samian ware, and coins with the names of nearly all the emperors from Vespasian to Constantine, have given to Isurium an importance equal to that of York, Cirencester, and other towns of Roman importance. [R. G. L.] commenta ISUS (loos), a spot in Boeotia, near Anthedon, with vestiges of a city, which some tors identified with the Homeric Nisa. (Strab. ix. p. 405; Hom. Il. ii. 508.) There was apparently also a town Isus in Megaris; but the passage in Strabo in which the name occurs is corrupt. (Strab. l. c.) ITALIA ('Iraλía), was the name given in ancient as well as in modern times to the country still called Italy; and was applied, from the time of Augustus, both by Greek and Latin writers, in almost exactly the same sense as at the present day. It was, however, at first merely a geographical term; the countries comprised under the name, though strongly defined by natural limits, and common natural features, being from the earliest ages peopled by different races, which were never politically united, till they all fell under the Roman yoke, and were gradually blended, by the pervading influence of Roman institutions and the Latin language, into one common nationality. I. NAME. The name of Italy was very far from being originally applied in the same extensive signification which it afterwards obtained. It was confined, in the first instance, to the extreme southern point of the Italian peninsula, not including even the whole of the modern Calabria, but only the southern peninsular portion of that country, bounded on the N. by the narrow isthmus which separates the Terinaean and Scylletian gulfs. Such was the distinct statement of Antiochus of Syracuse (ap. Strab. vi. p. 255); nor have we any reason to reject his testimony upon this point, though it is certain that this usage must have ceased long before the time of that historian, and is not found in any extant ancient author. At a subsequent period, but still in very early times, the appellation was extended to the whole tract along the shores of the Tarentine gulf, as far as Metapontum, and from thence across to the gulf of Posidonia on the western sea; though, according to other statements, the river Laus was its northern limit on this side. (Strab. v. p. 209, vi. p. 254; Antiochus, ap. Dionys. i. 73.) This appears to have been the established usage among the Greeks in the fifth century B. C. Antiochus expressly excluded the Iapygian peninsula from Italy, and Thucydides clearly adopts the same distinction (vii. 33). The countries on the shores of the Tyrrhenian sea, north of the Posidonian gulf, were then known only by the names of Opica and Tyrrhenia; thus Thucydides calls Cumae a city in Opicia, and Aristotle spoke of Latium as a district of Opica. Even Theophrastus preserves the distinction, and speaks of the pine-trees of Italy, where those of the Bruttian mountains only can be meant, as opposed to those of Latium. (Thuc. vi. 4; Arist. ap. Dionys. i. 72; Theophr. H. P. v. 8.) this usage from the Greeks, or found it already prevalent among the nations of Italy; but it is difficult to believe that tribes of different races, origin, and language, as the Etruscans, Umbrians, Sabellians, and Oenotrians, would have concurred in calling the country they inhabited by one general appellation. If the Greek account already given, according to which the name was first given to the Oenotrian part of the peninsula, is worthy of confidence, it must have been a word of Pelasgic origin, and subsequently adopted by the Sabellian and Oscan races, as well as by the Romans themselves. The etymology of the name is wholly uncertain. The current tradition among the Greeks and Romans, as already noticed, derived it from an Oenotrian or Pelasgic chief, Italus; but this is evidently a mere fiction, like that of so many other eponymous heroes. A more learned, but scarcely more trustworthy, etymology derived the name from Italos or Itulos, which, in Tyrrhenian or old Greek, is said to have signified an ox; so that Italia would have meant "the land of cattle." (Timaeus, ap. Gell. xi. 1; Varr. R. R. ii. 1. § 9.) The ancient form here cited is evidently connected with the Latin "vitulus ;" and it is probable that the name of the people was originally Vitulos, or Vitalos, in its Pelasgic form; we find the same form retained by the Sabellian nations as late as the first century B. C., when the Samnite denarii (struck during the Social War. B. C. 90-88) have the inscription "Vitelu for Italia. It is probable that the rapid extension of the Roman power, and the successive subjugation of the different nations of Central and Southern Italy by its victorious arms, tended also to promote the extension of the one common name to the whole; and there seems little doubt that as early as the time of Pyrrhus, this was already applied in nearly the same The name of Italia, as thus applied, seems to have sense as afterwards continued to be the usage,-as been synonymous with that of Oenotria; for Antio- comprising the whole Italian peninsula to the fronchus, in the same passage where he assigned the tiers of Cisalpine Gaul, but excluding the latter narrowest limits to the former appellation, confined country, as well as Liguria. This continued to be that of Oenotria within the same boundaries, and the customary and official meaning of the name of spoke of the Oenotri and Itali as the same people Italy from this time till the close of the Republic ; (ap. Strab. vi. p. 254; ap. Dionys. i. 12). This is and hence, even after the First Triumvirate, Gallia in perfect accordance with the statements which re- Cisalpina, as well as Transalpina, was allotted to present the Oenotrians as assuming the name of Caesar as his province, a term which was never apItalians (Itali) from a chief of the name of Italus plied but to countries out of Italy, but long before (Dionys. i. 12, 35; Virg. Aen. i. 533; Arist. Pol. the close of this period, the name of Italy would vii. 10), as well as with the mythical genealogy ac- seem to have been often employed in its more extencording to which Italus and Oenotrus were brothers. sive, and what may be termed its geographical, (Serv. ad Aen. l. c.). Thucydides, who represents meaning, as including the whole land from the foot Italus as coming from Arcadia (vi. 2), probably of the Alps to the Sicilian straits. Polybius ceradopted this last tradition, for the Oenotrians were tainly uses the term in this sense, for he speaks of generally represented as of Arcadian origin. Whe- the Romans as having subdued all Italy, except the ther the two names were originally applied to the land of the Gauls (Gallia Cisalpina), and repeatedly same people, or (as is perhaps more probable) the describes Hannibal as crossing the Alps into Italy, Itali were merely a particular tribe of the Oenotrians, and designates the plains on the banks of the Padus whose name gradually prevailed till it was extended as in Italy. (Pol. i. 6, ii. 14, iii. 39, 54.) The to the whole people, we have no means of determin- natural limits of Italy are indeed so clearly marked ing. But in this case, as in most others, it is clear and so obvious, that as soon as the name came to be that the name of the people was antecedent to that once received as the designation of the country in of the country, and that Italia, in its original signi- general, it was almost inevitable that it should acfication, meant merely the land of the Itali; though quire this extension; hence, though the official disat a later period, by its gradual extension, it had tinction between Italy and Cisalpine Gaul was realtogether lost this national meaning. It is im-tained by the Romans to the very end of the Republic, possible for us to trace with accuracy the successive steps of this extension, nor do we know at what time the Romans first adopted the name of Italia as that of the whole peninsula. It would be still more interesting to know whether they received it is clear that the more extended use of the name was already familiar in common usage. Thus, already in B. c. 76, Pompeius employs the expression "in cervicibus Italiae," of the passes of the Alps into Cisalpine Gaul (Sall. Hist. iii. 11); and Decimus Bru |