when they declared that they were able and willing to defray its expenses by their own voluntary contributions.* "It seems somewhat strange," said Mr. Wilcox, "that the government should vote a large sum of money, when they are told that it is neither expected nor needed. To account for such an act of profligate expenditure, we must suppose there was a strong undercurrent of political influence forcing them to do so." "Why, Sir, the fact is, that Ireland was at this time, and for a long time after, in a strongly excited state; one outburst of popular tumult succeeded another, with so much rapidity and violence, that our leading statesmen, both Whigs and Tories, became alarmed, and they hit upon the expedient of attempting to conciliate the priests, by proposing to take their church into union with the state, and thus render them independent of the voluntary contributions of their people; and this munificent generosity in behalf of the Maynooth College, was the gilded bait of allurement. However, that projected union is now abandoned as a Utopian vagary; for the Roman Catholics disdain to come into ecclesiastical fellowship with Protestants, and therefore common sense requires, that as they are resolved to stand by themselves, they should be left to do what they said they were able and willing to do-educate and support their clergy by their own contributions." "I think the principle is bad," said Mr. Wilcox, "both politically and morally, which compels one sect to educate and support the clergy of another sect. There is an outrage committed on the conscience of an enlightened Protestant, if he be compelled to contribute to the education and support of the Roman Catholic clergy, not simply because they are the ministers of another church, but because they are ministers who, in his estimation, reject the essential doctrines of Christianity, and substitute in their place, dangerous and fatal heresies; and not only so, but he believes, and their past history confirms him in the belief, that they constitute the vital, the most * In 1845 Sir Robert Peel introduced a measure, and carried it, to increase this grant to nearly £30,000 a-year. 61 active, and the most unscrupulous part of an organized conspiracy, whose object is to extinguish both civil and religious liberty throughout the world." "Toleration," said Mr. Lewellin, "is all that such a dangerous set of men ought to receive under a Protestant government, and to that I should not object; but it is an act of legalized injustice to compel me to pay for the training and comfortable support of Roman Catholic priests." Mr. Wilcox remarked, "We don't punish the footpad till he has committed his crime; but we should deem the wealthy traveller a maniac at large, who would voluntarily contribute towards the training of such desperadoes. I will certainly, now that I understand the matter, sign for the repeal of the grant, and do all in my power to hasten it. Indeed, I would not give my vote to any parliamentary candidate, unless he pledged himself against the continuance of this very obnoxious grant." would "My attachment to Christianity," said Mr. Lewellin, "makes me revolt against this offensive grant, as my loyalty to our queen make me abhor a proposition to contribute to the training of traitors, to subvert her throne and bring her to the block.”* * When Lord John Russell was speaking in favour of the measure brought before the house by Sir Robert Peel in 1845, to increase the grant to nearly £30,000 per annum, he said-"But if you found you were doing that which was mischievous to the community, and that the religious scruples of the community would not allow of the continuance of the grant, or, with reference to civil and political reasons, you found that those you meant to be teachers of religion had become the teachers and conductors of rebellion; if I say," his lordship added, "you found from any of these causes that there was ground sufficient to refuse this grant, then I can see no valid reasons why any compact should restrain you, or why, upon strong grounds of this kind, the house would not be justified in declaring that it would give no further allowance." (See Hansard's Debates, v. 3, "In principle p. 92, session 1845.) The Right Hon. William Gladstone, M.P., recorded his opinion of this grant, before Sir Robert Peel brought forward his measure in 1845. the grant is wholly vicious, and it will be a thorn in the side of these countries as long as it is continued." There are several reasons, which, in the judgment of Lord John Russell, would justify the discontinuance of this grant, without subjecting our government to the charge of violating any existing compact; but I merely mention the following, which I give from the speech of his lordship: if "the religious scruples of the com munity would not allow of the continuance of it." Now let us see how the case actually stands, and then we shall be able to form a correct judgment of what the British government and we ourselves ought to do. It is an undisputed fact, that the measure of 1845 A SABBATH IN LONDON. I N the institution of the Christian ministry, we have suppose, with the enemies of Christianity, that it is of human origin, and that its functions are discharged by human agents, who are actuated and governed by selfish or ambitious motives, still it will occupy, in the estimation of every wise man, a high station, as a powerful ally to the cause of patriotism and of virtue. It enjoins on the various ranks and orders of society submission to the powers that be, and reverence for God; and it explains and enforces, with the utmost precision, our relative duties towards each other; while the veneration in which it is generally held in this kingdom is favourable to its influence. To say that every one is strictly virtuous who listens to its maxims of wisdom, would be to advance an assertion which facts would contradict; but if we judge from the present state of society, we shall be compelled to admit that there is a larger portion of virtue amongst those who attend upon a stated ministry, than among those who treat it with neglect and Hence its abolition would be a national evil, as disastrous to our moral improvement and happiness, as the triumphs of political scorn. course. was forced through parliament in direct opposition to the most unequivocal expression of hostility on the part of the religious community, of all denominations; and their hostility to its continuance is increasing in inveteracy and strength as time moves on in its I am at a loss to conceive how any one except a Roman Catholic who has a beneficial interest in this money grant, or a lukewarm Protestant, who cares no more for the spiritual religion of the New Testament than he does for the legendary tales of Popery, can come forward as its advocate and supporter. The Catholics say they are able and willing to support their own religion and its institutions. Let them do so; but do not compel us to work with them, when we believe that their religion, with its institutions, is the greatest curse that ever has been inflicted on man since the Fall; and when we believe that its clergy, if they had the power, would immediately establish the Inquisition amongst us, and at once consign us to torture and to death, if we refused to bow down and to do homage to their pontiff and his myrmidons. anarchy would be to the well-balanced constitution of the British Empire. But even this institution, with all its advantages, would prove comparatively useless were it not for the appointment of the Christian Sabbath; for such is the ascendency which the cares, the pleasures, the fascinations, and the commerce of the world have acquired over the public mind, that very few would have an opportunity to benefit by it, unless some specific portion of time was set apart for this express purpose. If the husbandman were compelled to toil in the field, and the mechanic to labour in the shop-if the tradesman, the merchant, and the other members of the community had to devote themselves to their respective avocations without any intermission, except what caprice or indolence might dictate, the minister of the gospel might faithfully proclaim all the words which relate to the life to come, but he would not be surrounded by a large and an attentive audience. The temple would be forsaken, and the powers of this world would so engross the attention of men, that those of the next would be generally, if not universally disregarded. To prevent this fatal evil, one day in seven is set apart, by the immediate authority of God, which we are commanded to devote to the exercises of private and public worship; but alas! how many treat this sacred injunction with contempt. Some in the higher ranks of life, who disdain to be thought religious, employ it as a day for travelling or for feasting; and multitudes of the lower orders, regard it as a day either for pleasure or for dissipation. On the Sabbath after my arrival in London, as I was walking down Bridge Street on my way to Surrey Chapel, I saw a party of young people whose gaiety of manner ill accorded with the sanctity of the day, and just as I was passing them I heard one say, “ Indeed I think we shall do wrong; my conscience condemns me; I must return." "There can be no harm," replied another, "in taking an excursion on the water, especially as we intend to go to chapel in the evening." "I must return," rejoined a female voice; " my conscience condemns me. What will father say if he hears of it?" By this time they had reached the bridge, and the foremost of the party was busily engaged with a waterman, while the rest stood in close debate for some minutes, when they all moved forward towards the water. I watched the party as they went down the stairs to the river. Two of the gentlemen stepped into the boat, two more stood at the water's edge, and the females were handed in one after another; but I could perceive great reluctance on the part of the one who had previously objected, till at length she yielded to the importunities of her companions, and the boat was pushed off. It was a fine morning, though rather cold. Many, like myself, were gazing on them, when a naval officer called to them through the balustrades and said, "A pleasant voyage to you." One of the gentlemen arose to return the compliment, but, from some cause which I could not perceive, he missed his footing and fell into the water. This disaster threw the whole party into the utmost consternation; and each one, instead of retaining his seat, rushed to the side of the boat over which their companion had fallen, by which the boat was upset, and all were instantaneously plunged into the river. The scene which followed, when the spectators beheld this calamity, exceeded any I had ever witnessed. Some females screamed, the passers-by crowded together to the parapet of the bridge, and everything was bustle and excitement; boats immediately put off; and in a few minutes I had the satisfaction of seeing the watermen rescue one, and another, and another from a premature grave. Having picked up every one they could find, the different boats were rowed to shore, where some medical gentlemen were in waiting. But when the party met together, no language can describe the horror depicted on every countenance when they found that two were still missing. "Where's my sister?" said the voice which had said, only a few minutes before, "There can be no harm in taking an excursion on the water, especially as we intend to go to chapel in the evening." "Where's Charles?" said a female, who had appeared the most gay and sprightly when I first saw them. At length two boats, which had gone a considerable distance up |