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in the beginning of the queen's reign, Mrs. Macaulay has given us a paragraph, in which are some expreffions not wholly unfuitable to a later period : though it is probable that the inge'nious lady is wholly innocent of any double meaning, either in this or any

other of her work. Let our readers form their own judgment of the passage:

« The tories and high church men, having now gained a complete victory over their adversaries, pursued their advantages with an indecent triumph. The whigs were openly accused of aiming at the establishment of a commonwealth; and even the Jate king, who was as little of a commonwealth's man as any prince of his time, was involved in this censure. A book, reflecting on Charles the First, by a vote of both houses, was declared to be a scandalous and villainous libel, which tended to the subversion of monarchy; as such it was ordered to be burnt by the hands of the common hangman.

The nonferifical doctrine of a divine and undefeasible right was canted in the pulpits, and founded in the two houses of parliament'; and hardly any veftiges remained of the revolution, but an additional load of taxes, and the large increase of corruption and venality it produced in the nation.

The general histories of Anne's reign, are, 'for the most part, chiefly filled with the 'pompous particulars of the Duke of Marlborough's campaigns. Such narratives are confesiedly of little use, except it be to amule and bewilder' the imaginations of their readers. It is not so in the performance before us. The military operations of that celebrated commander are here related with a brevity which, as indeed the epistolary form of the work required, could admit of only the principal circumstances; and these are exhibited with a spirit and rapidity fimilar to what we so much admire in the concise bistorical writings of M. de Voltaire, -The following apology is made by our Author, for having studiously avoided the minutize of those details with which other historians ufually overcharge their descriptions of fieges and battles :

Thus, my friend, I have related to you all tinc capital military actions of the English and their allies in Germany, 'Flanders, Italy, and Spain, during the first five years of the war. I do not know how you will taste the arrangement of the matter; but I am sure you will approve the brevity of the des tail; and that I have not teazed you with perplexed and confufed defcriptions of battles, seldom understood by the writer, and never by the reader, even when the great master of ihe military science, Julius Cæsar, condescends to relate his wonderful exploits in Gaul; and when the pen of Julius, my friend, cannot instruct us in the manner in which his victories were atchieved, is it not a contemptible varity in historians to waste their time, and, what is yet worse, the patience of their readers, in long and minute relations of military actions, which they would not have understood had they been on the spot on which they were fought, and which are only descriptions detailed from one ignorant writer to another ?'

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This Third Letter produces a striking instance of the evil consequences of state-compliances with the humour or the partialities of a prince: that fatal complaisance which, as our Author expresses it, innovates into the prescribed rules of government;' and shews how dangerous are all precedents which, in monarchies, weaken the limitations laid on prerogative.'— The instance relates to Prince George of Denmark, to whom the queen, his wife, committed the whole management of the fea-department, under the title of Lord High Admiral; with a council to affist him. The legality of this appointment was, indeed, questioned, for it was a new court which could not be authorized to act but by an act of parliament: yet the respect paid to the queen prevented the matter from being made a public question : so that, unhappily for the NATION, the objections to the measure never went beyond a secret mur. mur.' The Writer thus briefly mentions the result of this polite and dutiful resignation to the sovereign will :-Prince George was a man of a very indolent disposition, of little or no judgment in the business confided to his care, good natured, and easy to be imposed on: it was not the interest of those who managed the war, that laurels should be gathered at sea; all the naval expeditions, therefore, were ill planned ; from the avarice of contractors, the feets were ill and sparingly victualled ; from the want of judgment in the lord high admiral, they were worse officered, and the commanders so ill fuited to each other in their dispositions, that the service frequently suffered from their quarrels and want of agreement. The taking of Gibraltar, the Tubjection of Minorca and Ivica to the dominion of the archduke, the transporting troops to Spain, the reduction of Bare celona, the raising that fiege, and the conducting Prince Charles with great pomp to Portugal, were all the mighty exploits, my friend, performed by the fleet in the last four years of the war.'

The union of England with Scotland, is, perhaps, the most capital event by which the reign of Anne was distinguished ; and, accordingly, our Author has paid due attention to it: relating the circumstances of the negociation, and explaining the views by which the two great parties were guided, in the course, and conclusion, of the treaty, with judgment and impartiality.

As this was entirely a whig-measure, set on foot at a time when that party had, by their polite compliances, got into some degree of credit, even in a Jacobitical court, it, in course, met with strong opposition from the tories in both houses of 5

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parliament. In the upper house, Lord Haversham declared his diffent from the union, 'for the sake of the good old English conftitution, in which he dreaded some alteration from the ada ditional weight of fixty-one Scorch members, and these returned from a Scotch privy-council: he said, if the bishops would weaken their own cause so far as to give up the two great points of episcopal ordination and confirmation, if they would approve and ratify the act for securing the presbyterian church government in Scotland as the true protestant religion and purity of worship, they must give up that which had been contended for between them and the presbyterians for thirty years.'

Lord North and Gray complained of the small and unequal proportion of the land-tax imposed on Scotland, by this act; and the Earl of Nottingham, after expatiating on the great advantages that were prodigally cast into the northern scale, concluded with lamenting that he had outlived the laws and the very constitution of England. -All opposition was however fruitless. The ministry, though with great precipitation, and in the way of surprise, carried their favourite measure; and completed an union which, as Mrs. Macaulay remarks, had, on very found principles of policy, been several times rejected by both nations; and which was, at this time, with great difficulty, coerced on the Scots: though, as Burnet observes, the advantages which were offered to Scotland, in the whole frame of it, were great and visible. The Scots were to bear less than the fortieth part of the public taxes, and they were to have the eleventh part of the legi sature. Trade was to be free all over the island, and to the plantations; private rights were to be preserved; and the judicature and laws of Scotland were still to be continued.'-- The following are our Author's reflections on this memorable event:

• Whether, my friend, the security pretended to be obtained by England by this union was worth purchasing at so high a price; whether the union has answered the expectations of those who prophefied that it would be the means of extending the bounds of the Britih empire, and of enlarging the happiness of its citizens, by cementing in the closest bands of friendship two nations who had ever regarded each other with the eyes of jealousy and averfion, will be differently determined by men, who, from their different connections in both or either countries, have contracted different prejudices; but whether, my friend, as the tories of these times predicted, it will be attended with consequences no less fatal than the destruction of the laws and conftitution of England, the space of a very few years will, in all probability, determine beyond a doubt.' [To be concluded in another article.]

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Art. VII. Obfervations on the Introdu&lion to the Plan of the Dispen

fary for general Inoculation. With Remarks on a Pamphlet, intia tuled, “ An Examination of a Charge brought againf Inoculazion by De Haen, Rait, Dimsdale, and other Writers, by John Watkinson, M. D.”*. By the Hon. Baron T. Dimsdale, &c. &c. 8vo. Owen, &c. 1778. ISAGREEABLE as this controversy must be to every friend

of the salutarý pra&ice of inoculation, it is however of so much importance as to demand a considerable share of the public attention. That the body of the people have hitherto been little benefited by inoculation, is acknowledged on all sides. That now attempts should be made to give them their fare of its advantages, was a natural effect of the benevolent. fpirit so prevalent in the present age. Unfortunately, the proper direction of these attempts is a matter concerning which the best friends of the practice are much divided ; and, as usual in all cases of a public nature, private motives may be suspected to have interfered, and to have rendered the question ftill more perplexed and difficult of decision.

Dr. Watkinson, in the pamphlet to which this is an answer, rests the defence of the plan [in which he is concerned] of inocuJating the poor of London at their own houses, principally on these grounds : that the inoculated small-pox are in so small a degree contagious as scarcely to be capable of propagating the infection; that even the natural small-pox will scarcely occafion an epidemic attack of this disease, without the prevalence of a particular, conftitution of the air; and that the increased number of deaths by the small-pox since the introduction of inoculation, is not to be imputed to this practice, as there appears, from the bills of mortality, to have been a gradual increase in this article from a period much earlier than the practice of inoculation in England. He further attempts to Chew, in favour of the charitable plan particularly in question, that the number of deaths from the small-pox has actually decreased since its institution.

On all these heads Baron Dinsdale, in the publication before us, offers contrary observations. He adduces several instances of the spread of infection from the inoculated small-pox. He contends, that although particular states of the air may be more favourable than others for the propagation of the small pox, yet that this disease is never produced without actual contagion, and therefore will, in general, prevail in proportion to the opportunities offered for the communication of infection. He endeavours to shew the alarming consequences justly to be appre

• See Review, vol. lvi. p. 481,

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hended from the careless method in which, according to Dr. W.'s own confeffion, the fociety practise their inoculations ; consequences, which the very confined benefit it can afford in so large a city as London, are by no means likely to counterbalance. Lastly, he proves that the extracts from the bills of mortality printed in Dr. W.'s work, were artfully stated and managed, so as to seem to confirm the Doctor's assertions, particularly with regard to the good effe&ts already derived from the inoculating society, though, in fact, they rather evince the di

rect contrary,

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It is not our business, especially since the dispute is now become so personal, to decide on the question. The matter is before the Public, who, doubtless, will pay a proper regard to the character and reputation which the Writer before us has the To honourably established. We shall, however, venture one remark on a part of the subject which is less confined to the particular object of debate.

The Baron, speaking of the argument that general inocu. fation, though possibly producing some mischief, would be the cause of greater good, asks, “ Can a man be so unfeeling as to Teason coolly on the sum of good and evil produced, where the lives of fellow-mortals are the objects ?” Now, we apprehend, it is the cool consideration of this point which alone must direct us in every case, whether medical or political, in which the welfare of mankind is concerned ; and that it is not only a lawful mode of determination, but such as we are obliged by justice and true benevolence solely to follow. With respect to the practice of inoculation, it is certain that it can only be defended on this ground in every method of practising it. When a person inoculates his child, he well knows that the life not only of a fellow-mortal, but of the dearest relative he has, is put to a hazard ; but reflecting on the greater sum of good than evil which has resulted from the practice, he rightly concludes that parental duty obliges him to venture on this hazard for the prevention of greater danger. On this principle, we can by no means concur with the Baron in his severe cenfure on a late general inoculation in a certain town, in which, after eleven hundred * had gone through the disease, with all the fuccess that could be expected, by inoculation, 250 who refused to join their neighbours in this salutary plan, were infected naturally, of whom 59 died. If Bedford be the place meant, as we imagine it is, we have authority to say that a bad kind of natural small-pox had broken out in the town before the inoculation be

* This number, and the following of 59, are corrected from 11,000, and 70, as printed in the pamphlet, in consequence of an additional table of errata since transmitted to us. Rev. Apr, 1778.

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