For them no fortress can avail,-the den Of the poor reptile which preserves its sting Is more secure than walls of adamant, when The hearts of those within are quivering. Are ye not brave? Yes, yet the Ausonian soil While still division sows the seeds of woe To break the chain, yet-yet the avenger stops, And Doubt and Discord step 'twixt thine and thee, And join their strength to that which with thee copes; What is there wanting, then, to set thee free, And shew thy beauty in its fullest light? THE seeds of political change are scattered in such abundance through the world at the present day, that before one great national movement has closed, another opens; and the people of Europe, for a long time to come, are likely always to have before their eyes, the animating spectacle of some nation struggling for the recovery of its rights. The more intelligent communities see the defects of their institutions; the more ignorant are excited by the pressure of intolerable grievances. Reasons to justify revolution, and multitudes prepared to embark in it, have increased, are increasing, and ought to increase over all continental Europe. And it is a striking instance of the mortification which often attends the deepest laid human schemes, that the peace of 1815, by which the Holy Alliance vainly imagined they had put an end to all political changes, has been the prolific source of a greater number of revolutions than ever occurred in the world in the same space of time. The design of the insurrection now begun in Moldavia and Wallachia, is to rescue European Turkey from the Mahometan yoke. No object could * From the Scotsman. be more desirable, and none would be more easy of attainment, if the people were sufficiently enlightened to see their own interest. The Turkish dominions in Europe, though equal in extent to France, or very nearly twice as large as the British isles, do not contain above seven or eight millions of inhabitants; and of these, excluding the inhabitants of Constantinople, not one-tenth part are Turks. The Goignorance of the tenth century, and vernment, a wretched compound of the the feebleness of a worn-out despotism, seems ready to fall to pieces of itself. Its lieutenants openly insult its authority; its revenues are inadequate to any continued exertion; its armies are a disorderly herd, without discipline, tactics or activity, more formidable to the unarmed peasants, whose fields they desolate, than to the enemy. That a government so disorganized, so feeble in its resources, and supported by so small a number of adherents, should rule seven millions of men by fear alone, and subject them to every species of insult and injury, gives a deplorable view of the degradations produced by long continued slavery. Though the Turks, compared with other nations in the same semibarbarous state, are neither peculiarly cruel, nor peculiarly corrupt, their system has all the worst evils of cruelty and corruption. Their pride, ignorance, and indolence, are a prolific source of misrule to their miserable subjects; self-preservation compels them to silence complaints which they cannot redress; and religious bigotry teaches them to regard the pro perty, the happiness, and the lives of millions of Christians, as dust in the balance when weighed against any object which may contribute to secure or promote their faith. A common religion has a healing influence in the commerce between master and slave; but when the rigours of slavery are aggravated by the scorn and contempt generated by hostile creeds, the cup of bitterness is drained to the dregs. We would wish to anticipate a favourable issue to this revolutionary movement; but we cannot forget how many attempts of the same kind have miscarried. The Turkish government, though badly conducted, has a certain source of security, in the religious enthusiasm, complete union, and devoted attachment of its Musselmen subjects; in the great variety of the Christian tribes occupying its territories, who are too strongly separated by diversity of manners and language to co-operate in any common design; and in the debilitating effect of slavery on the characters of this class of its subjects. Exclusive of the Turks themselves, European Turkey is inhabited by five different nations-the Grecks-Albanians-Wallachians - Bulgariansand the Sclavonic tribes, who occupy Servia, Bosnia, and Croatia. Of these the Greeks probably amount to about two millions, the Wallachians (including Moldavians) are estimated by Mr Thornton at a million, and by Mr Wilkinson at a million and a half; the Bulgarians, judging from the territory they occupy, may amount to a million and a half; the Albanians to a million; and the Servians, Bosnians, and Croats, to a million more; making in all seven millions, who are misruled and oppressed by a handful of Turks. Were these various people to unite to avenge their common wrongs, the power of the Turks would come to an end in an instant. But the latter, rude as they are, understand the policy of tyrants, to "divide and govern;" and the strong bond of union which the former have in a common religion, (with some few exceptions,) and a common hatred of their rulers, is not sufficient to counteract the effect of the circumstances which divide them. Each of these nations, as we learn from Major Leake, has a language of its own; each is distinguish ed by peculiar manners, customs, and prejudices; and each inhabits a separate district, except the Greeks, who, though most numerous in the country properly called Greece, are yet found dispersed through all the towns of European Turkey, generally engaged in trade. Out of this diversity of manners and language have arisen strong national jealousies and antipathies, of which the Turks know how to avail themselves. When the Greeks of the Morea rose in arms in 1770, they were put down, not by the Turks themselves, but by the Albanians. Against these Albanians the Turks are now in their turn employing the Sclavonic tribes, and the Bulgarians of Macedonia. It is thus that these nations play into the hands of their tyrants, by their mutual and groundless animosities, and become tools for keeping one another in slavery. Though the present movement is dignified with the name of a Greek insurrection, it has arisen in a country remote from Greece, and where the number of Greeks is very inconsiderable. The Greeks do not rank high in the military virtues; but the Wallachians, upon whose courage and zeal more will depend in the first instance, rank still lower, and have, in fact, been more degraded than any other nation under the Turkish yoke. "There does not exist," says Mr Wilkinson, "a people labouring under a greater degree of oppression from the effect of despotic power, and more heavily burdened with impositions and taxes, than the peasantry of Wallachia and Moldavia; nor any who would bear half their weight with the same patience and resignation. Accustomed, however, to a state of servitude which to others would appear intolerable, they are unable to form hopes of a better condition; the habitual depression of their minds has become a sort of natural stupor and apathy, which renders them equally indifferent to the enjoyments of life, as to the pangs of anguish and affliction." "They become indolent," says Mr Thornton, "because they cannot ameliorate their condition by exertion; as they become treacherous, because treachery is employed to discover and extort from them their scanty savings. Their features are contracted by care and anxiety; their bodies are debilitated by idleness and deficiency of nutriment; and drunkenness, as it lightens the immediate pressure of misery, completes in them the debasement of the distinguishing faculties of rational nature.' "Instead of the rude and hardy virtues of their barbarian ancestors, they retain only a stubbornness in refusing what they know will be wrested from them; an obstinacy in withholding what they dare not defend: they seem to think it folly to yield till they have been beaten, though they do not even dream of making resistance. The few Turks who travel through the country; the Greeks who pillage, rather than govern it; the Germans and Russians, who generally occupy it at the first opening of the campaign, all employ the same coercive measures: an Austrian corporal distributes blows before he condescends to explain in what manner he must be obeyed." Of their pusillanimity, Mr Wilkinson has recorded a memorable instance. When a Vaivoide of the country, early in the last century, endeavoured to make himself independent, a Capigee Bashi, with a hundred Turkish soldiers, marched through the country, and seized the Vaivoide in the midst of his adherents, in the town of Buckorest, containing eighty thousand inhabitants now, and perhaps nearly as many then. The morals of the Wallachians are very loose; their religion is a miserable superstition, which keeps them idle twothirds of the year, by its numerous fasts and holidays; and nurses a swarm of fifteen thousand priests, who are the most depraved part of the population. The Boyars, or privileged class, who amount to the enormous number of thirty thousand in Wallachia alone, have the insolent and rapacious habits of feudal nobles, without one spark of their honour or courage. They tremble in the presence of the Hospodar or Prince, and submit to the most revolting indignities from him, though he is himself the slave of the low minions of the seraglio. When Mr Thornton was at Yassy, the capital of Moldavia, a boyar of the first class was accused of fraud in supplying the city with bread. "He was led into the great hall of the palace, and immediately threw himself at the feet of the Prince, as he advanced towards him, holding in his hand the sceptre or staff of authority. The Prince continued for some time to distribute his blows at random on the body of the culprit, retreating all the while, in order to prevent the boyar, who kept crawling after him, from kissing his feet, and obtaining forgiveness before he had sufficiently expiated his offence." These Wallachians, so abject and debased, are believed to be the offspring of Roman colonies, mixed with the ancient Dacians, a people renowned above almost all the barbarous nations of antiquity for high spirit, courage, and contempt of life. The Greeks are lively, active, intelligent, but crafty and hypocritical, prompt to engage in enterprises, but not distinguished for courage, and easily disheartened by difficulties.Those who live among the Turks have, in general, the duplicity and cowardice of slaves; but those who dwell by themselves in the islands, or in mountainous districts, are brave, hardy, and enterprising, but piratical and ferocious. The best feature in the character of the modern Greeks is their strong national spirit. The ancient glories of their country are still often in their mouths and in their memories, and they long ardently to emancipate themselves from their present degraded situation. The Suliotes, to whom Prince Ypsilanti affects to appeal, in his address, have ceased to exist. They were distinguished above all the other Greeks by their courage; but they were exterminated by the Pasha Ali in 1809, after a long contest. Of the Bulgarians little is known. Those in the low country, near the Danube, are probably as much enslaved as the Wallachians. Those in the mountains are described by Pouqueville as a simple and rude, but brave and hardy race, often engaged in petty warfare with their masters the Turks. The Albanians are well known as the best soldiers in the Ottoman empire. They possess the military virtues in the highest degree, but are scarcely capable of discipline, and are, therefore, chiefly serviceable as irregulars. The Croats, Bosnians, and Servians, distributed along the most advanced frontiers of Turkey, closely resemble the Albanians in their military character. They form a sort of border militia, and are always familiar with the use of arms. It has been attributed to their superior courage, activity, and skill, aided by the strength of the country, that Austria has made so little impression on the Turkish territories on that side, while Russia has been able to conquer entire provinces on the other. From this account of the different people who occupy European Turkey, it will be seen that no country can be in more unfavourable circumstances for the oppressed forming a union against their oppressors. The various tribes are separated by difference of language, which more than any other circumstance makes men strangers to one another; by diversity of manners and character, and by old and deeply Tooted jealousies and antipathies. They are so equally balanced in point of numbers, that no one predominates sufficiently to become a leader to the rest; and either the neutrality or opposition of one or two would give an ascendancy to the Turks. The Turks, badly organised as they are, are not more destitute of discipline and military skill than the parties they will have to contend with; and they have the confidence which power and acknowledged superiority gives. The Greeks and Wallachians, among whom the rebellion has originated, are the least warlike of all these nations. It is a favourable circumstance, indeed, that the Albanians are at present at war with the Turks; but the crafty Ali will probably avail himself of this new diversion in his favour, by making peace with the Musselmen, and stipulating for some advantage as the price of joining his forces to theirs, and assisting them in suppressing an insurrection which he has, perhaps, been instrumental in exciting. This is a course of policy perfectly in unison with his character. Still, though a firm union among the nations tributary to the Turks is improbable, it is not impossible. The cordial support of Russia would have perhaps effected this. Though Alexander published an instant disavowal of all connection with the enterprise, it does not follow that he is not secretly abetting it. The character of the nations engaged in it leaves him no reason to dread that their success would lead to the establishment of a free government a greater nuisance in his eyes than a Mahometan despotism. And he would necessarily obtain two or three rich provinces as the price of his assistance. At the same time, should he really be sincere in his professions, it would be extremely gratifying to see the Holy Alliance, joined by the Pope, sending armies and money to support the doctrines of the Prophet, and to perpetuate the slavery of seven millions of Christians. Surely the British Ministry would also send a fleet with orders to preserve strict neutrality, unless any insult were offered to the Sultan and his concubines. ADDITIONAL REMARKS ON PHILOTHEUS'S DIALOGUE ON REVEALED RELIGION. WE cannot refuse a place to the following additional remarks of our thoughtful and original correspondent A. B. on Philotheus's last Dia logue-although they are still more hazardous than the Dialogue itselfbut we should here be much inclined to close the subject—and, for the future, permit sacred matters to go on in their old accustomed track, without the intermeddling of either of these doughty champions of innovation. We believe them to be both perfectly well-intentioned—and an hundred years hence we know not what opinion may generally be entertained of doctrines such as theirs ; but, at present, they do not look quite the thing, and we are unwilling that " offences should come," even under the seeming guise of benevolence and truth. A. B's. remarks, however, are nearly a sealed letter to those who will not take the trouble to compare them with the passages to which they are appended as notes; and as we suppose only a very few of the curious will take that trouble, we have the less scruple in committing them to the winds of heaven. They are, indeed, pretty much in the form of the Sybil's leaves, and contain deep oracles hung together, with as little connection as her's, nor much more cared for, we believe, by their author. Verso tenuis cum cardine ventus Nunquam deinde cavo volitantia prendere Impulit et teneras turbavit janua frondes ; saxo Nec revocare situs, aut jungere carmina curat. P. 300.-" I Do not say that this mode of making Christians is the most thorough in its influence," &c. In the regeneration of the world, the organization will precede the vitality, The dry bones will come together, "bone to his bone," before the Spirit breathes upon them. As I prophesied, there was a noise, and behold a shaking, and the bones came together, bone to his bone; and, when I be held, lo, the sinews and the flesh came up upon them, and the skin covered them above; but there was no breath in them." It is this part of the prophecy which is now in a course of fulfilment. The next will follow. "Then said he unto me, prophesy unto the wind, prophesy, son of man, and say unto the wind, Thus saith the Lord God, come from the four winds, O breath, and breathe upon these slain, that they may live. So I prophesied as he commanded me, and the breath came unto them, and they lived, and stood up upon their feet, an exceeding great army. "Then he said unto me, Son of man, these bones are the whole house of Israel." Ezekiel, Chap. xxxvii. This prophecy always reminds me of a sublime expression in the poem of Lucretius. His tibi me rebus quædam divina voluptas Percipit atque horror, quod sic natura tuâ vi Tam manifesta patens ex omni parte reLib. iii. 28. tecta est. But how infinitely stronger is the effect on the imagination produced by the prophecy! P. 301.-I will not reply to the reasoning of Philotheus, (though I could prove that his argument creates as great a difficulty as it removes,) but I will state to him the method of attack which I mean to employ against his system, and the sort of defence which it will be necessary to provide against it. I will make no direct attack either on the system of Philotheus, or on any other. I will set myself to establish my own principle; and for this purpose I will employ no metaphysical reasoning what ever, but merely point out, by arguments addressed to the common sense of the world, the useful applications that may be made of my principle, and the sublime inferences that may be deduced from it. Every other principle will fall to the ground, unless it is capable of similar applications, and leads to similar inferences. The world will judge of the tree by its fruits. I will engage on my side the three strongest principles of human nature, the crassa Minerva, or common sense of the world, the love of utility, and the love of grandeur; and, while I am supported by such allies, I shall not be afraid of any metaphysical argument, however plausible. If I am not mistaken, there is the same kind (not the same degree) of difference between the views of Philotheus and my own views of natural religion, as between the philosophy of Descartes and of Newton. The first is barren, the second is fruitful. If Philotheus would defend his system against this method of attack, he must change his mode of reasoning altogether. He must transfer to his inquiries on natural religion the same comprehensive knowledge of human nature which forms the distinguishing excellence of his Dialogue on Revealed Religion. He must step out of that Popilian circle within which he has chosen to imprison talents which nature designed for a far more extensive sphere of activity. He will in this way feel the extent of his powers at the same time that he discovers the errors into which he has been led by their misapplication; and the change in his opinions will be accomplished without any exertion of self-denial whatever, as it will tend to gratify, rather than to mortify, the self-esteem of the inquirer. I can affirm, that all the changes of opinion which I have ever experienced, (and I have had much experience of such changes,) have been produced in this way. The pleasure of discovering a new truth so much exceeds the pain of parting with an old error, that the last emotion is scarcely discoverable in that mixed state of feeling which is natural in such circumstances. I think there is no state of mind so full of pleasure, or so full of hope, as that in which we change our opinions. P. 302. The effect of religious hope in increasing the happiness of old age is perhaps the most important of all its utilities. By increasing the pleasures of the aged, it nourishes their virtues; and on these virtues depend the happiness and the virtues of the young. The mutual intelli |