Tennessee-SENATE, July 11, 1866, yeas Votes of State Legislatures on the Four- 15, nays 6; HOUSE, July 12, 1866, yeas

Maryland SENATE, March 23, 1867, | tain political letters which he had written yeas 4, nays 13; HOUSE, March 23, 1867, yeas 12, nays 45.

property taken for military use should be paid or receipted for; pillage and waste should be treated as high crimes; all unnecessary trespass sternly prohibited, and offensive demeanor by the military towards citizens promptly rebuked. Military arrests should not be tolerated, except in places where active hostilities exist; and oaths, not required by enactments, constitutionally made, should be neither demanded nor received.

Military government should be confined to the preservation of public order and the

serve you in such position as you may assign me, and I will do so as faithfully as ever subordinate served superior.

I may be on the brink of eternity; and as I hope forgiveness from my Maker, I have written this letter with sincerity towards you and from love for my country. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN, Major-General Commanding. His Excellency A. LINCOLN, President.

protection of political right. Military IN Favor of the ELECTION OF GEORGE

power should not be allowed to interfere with the relations of servitude, either by supporting or impairing the authority of the master, except for repressing disorder, as in other cases. Slaves, contraband under the act of Congress, seeking military protection, should receive it. The right of the government to appropriate permanently to its own service claims to slave labor should be asserted, and the the right of the owner to compensation therefor should be recognized. This principle might be extended, upon grounds of military necessity and security, to all the slaves of a particular State, thus working manumission in such State; and in Missouri, perhaps in Western Virginia also, and possibly even in Maryland, the expediency of such a measure is only a question of time. A system of policy thus constitutional, and pervaded by the influences of Christianity and freedom, would receive the support of almost all truly loyal men, would deeply impress the rebel masses and all foreign nations, and it might be humbly hoped that it would commend itself to the favor of the Almighty.

W. WOODWARD AS GOVERNOR OF

PENNSYLVANIA.

ORANGE, NEW JERSEY, October 12, 1863. DEAR SIR:-My attention has been called to an article in the Philadelphia Press, asserting that I had written to the managers of a Democratic meeting at Allentown, disapproving the objects of the meeting, and that if I voted or spoke it would be in favor of Governor Curtin, and I am informed that similar assertions Lave been made throughout the State.

It has been my earnest endeavor heretofore to avoid participation in party politics. 1 had determined to adhere to this course, but it is obvious that I cannot longer maintain silence under such misrepresentations. I therefore request you to deny that I have written any such letter, or entertained any such views as those attributed to me in the Philadelphia Press, and I desire to state clearly and distinctly, that having some days ago had a full conversation with Judge Woodward, I find that our views agree, and I regard his election as Governor of Pennsylvania called for by the interests of the nation.

Unless the principles governing the I understand Judge Woodward to be in future conduct of our struggle shall be favor of the prosecution of the war with all made known and approved, the effort to the means at the command of the loyal obtain requisite forces will be almost hope- States, until the military power of the reless. A declaration of radical views, es- bellion is destroyed. I understand him to pecially upon slavery, will rapidly disin- be of the opinion that while the war is tegrate our present armies. The policy of urged with all possible decision and the government must be supported by con-energy, the policy directing it should be centrations of military power. The na- in consonance with the principles of tional forces should not be dispersed in humanity and civilization, working no inexpeditions, posts of occupation, and numerous armies, but should be mainly collected into masses, and brought to bear upon the armies of the Confederate States. Those armies thoroughly defeated, the political structure which they support would soon cease to exist.

jury to private rights and property not demanded by military necessity and recognized by military law among civilized nations.

And, finally, I understand him to agree with me in the opinion that the sole great objects of this war are the restoration of In carrying out any system of policy the unity of the nation, the preservation of which you may form, you will require a the Constitution, and the supremacy of commander-in-chief of the army, one who the laws of the country. Believing our possesses your confidence, understands opinions entirely agree upon these points, your views, and who is competent to exe- I would, were it in my power, give to cute your orders, by directing the military Judge Woodward my voice and vote. forces of the nation to the accomplishment | am, very respectfully, yours, of the objects by you proposed. I do not GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN.

ask that place for myself. I am willing to Hon. CHARLES J. BIDDLE.

The views of Mr. Lincoln were well sitting in a box in Ford's theatre. The known; they were felt in the general con- nation stood appalled at the deed. No duct of the war. The Republicans adopted man was ever more sincerely mourned in as one of their maxims the words of their all sections and by all classes. The Southcandidate, "that it was dangerous to swap ern leaders thought that this rash act had horses while crossing a stream." The cam-lost to them a life which had never been paign was exciting, and was watched by harsh, and while firm, was ever generous. both armies with interest and anxiety. In The North had looked upon him as "Father this election, by virtue of an act of Con- Abraham," and all who viewed the result gress, the soldiers in the field were per- of the shooting from sectional or partisan mitted to vote, and a large majority of standpoints, thought his policy of "keepevery branch of the service sustained the ing with the people," would have shielded Administration, though two years before every proper interest. No public man ever General McClellan had been the idol of felt less "pride of opinion" than Lincoln, the Army of the Potomac. Lincoln and and we do believe, had he lived, that he Johnson received 212 electoral votes, would have shaped events, as he did duragainst 21 for McClellan and Pendleton. ing the war, to the best interests of the victors, but without unnecessary agitation or harshness. All attempts of writers to evolve from his proclamation a reconstruction policy, applicable to peace, have been vain and impotent. He had none which would not have changed with changing circumstances. A "policy" in an executive office is too often but another name for executive egotism, and Lincoln was almost absolutely free from that weakness.

Lincoln's Second Administration.

In President Lincoln's second inaugural address, delivered on the 4th of March, 1865, he spoke the following words, since oft quoted as typical of the kindly disposition of the man believed by his party to be the greatest President since Washington: "With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the Nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and orphans-to do all which may achieve a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations."

Lincoln could well afford to show that generosity which never comes more properly than from the hands of the victor. His policy was about to end in a great triumph. In less than five weeks later on General Lee had surrendered the main army of the South to General Grant at Appomattox, on terms at once magnanimous and so briefly stated that they won the admiration of both armies, for the rebels had been permitted to retain their horses and side arms, and to go at once to their homes, not to be disturbed by United States authority so long as they observed their paroles and the laws in force where they resided. Lee's surrender was rapidly followed by that of all Southern troops.

On the morning of Mr. Lincoln's death, indeed within the same hour (and very properly so under the circumstances), the Vice President Andrew Johnson was in[augurated as President. The excitement was painfully high, and the new President, in speeches, interviews and proclamations if possible added to it. From evidence in the Bureau of Military Justice he thought the assassination of Lincoln, and the attempted assassination of Secretary Seward had been procured by Jefferson Davis, Clement C. Clay, Jacob Thompson, Geo. N. Saunders, Beverly Tucker, Wm. C. Cleary, and "other rebels and traitors harbored in Canada." The evidence, however, fully drawn out in the trial of the coconspirators of J. Wilkes Booth, showed that the scheme was hair-brained, and from no responsible political source. The proclamation, however, gave keenness to the search for the fugitive Davis, and he was soon captured while making his way through Georgia to the Florida coast with the intention of escaping from the country. Next came a grave political work-the He was imprisoned in Fortress Monroe, actual reconstruction of the States lately in and an indictment for treason was found rebellion. This work gave renewed fresh- against him, but he remained a close prisness to the leading political issues incident oner for nearly two years, until times when to the war, and likewise gave rise to new political policies had been changed or issues. It was claimed at once that Lin-modified. Horace Greeley was one of his coln had a reconstruction policy of his own, because of his anxiety for the prompt admission of Louisiana and Arkansas, but it had certainly never taken definite shape, nor was there time to get such a policy in shape, between the surrender of Lee and his own assassination. On the night of the 15th of April, six days after the surrender, J. Wilkes Booth shot him while

bondsmen. By this time there was grave doubt whether he could be legally convicted, *"now that the charge of inciting Wilkes Booth's crime had been tacitly abandoned. Mr. Webster (in his Bunker Hill oration) had only given clearer expression to the American doctrine, that,

* From Greeley's Recollections of a Busy Life, page 418,

in severity, according to the views of the Legislatures, and for a time they seriously interfered with the recognition of the States, the Republicans charging that the design was to restore slavery under new forms. In South Carolina Gen'l Sickles

after a revolt has levied a regular army, and fought therewith a pitched battle, its champions, even though utterly defeated, cannot be tried and convicted as traitors. This may be an extreme statement; but surely a rebellion which has for years maintained great armies, levied taxes and con-issued military orders, as late as January scriptions, negotiated loans, fought scores 17, 1866, against the enforcement of such of sanguinary battles with alternate suc- laws. cesses and reverses, and exchanged tens of To assure the rights, of the freedmen thousands of prisoners of war, can hardly fail the 14th amendment of the Constitution to have achieved thereby the position and was passed by Congress, June 18th, 1866. the rights of a lawful belligerent." This President Johnson opposed it, refused to view, as then presented by Greeley, was sign, but said he would submit it to the accepted by President Johnson, who from several States. This was done, and it was intemperate denunciation had become the accepted by the required three-fourths, friend of his old friends in the South. January 28th, 1868. This had the effect Greeley's view was not generally accepted to do away with many of the "black by the North, though most of the leading codes," and the States which desired remen of both parties hoped the responsi- admission to the Union had to finally give bility of a trial would be avoided by the them up. Since reconstruction, and the escape and flight of the prisoner. But he political ousting of what were called the was confident by this time, and sought a 'carpet bag governments," some of the trial. He was never tried, and the best States, notably Georgia, has passed class reason for the fact is given in Judge Un-laws, which treat colored criminals differderwood's testimony before a Congressional ently from white, under what are now Committee (and the Judge was a Republi- known as the "conduct laws." Terms of can) "that no conviction was possible, ex-sentence are served out, in any part of the cept by packing a jury."

Andrew Johnson.

On the 29th of April, 1865, President Johnson issued a proclamation removing all restrictions upon internal, domestic and coastwise and commercial intercourse in all Southern States east of the Mississippi; the blockade was removed May 22, and on May 29 a proclamation of amnesty was issued, with fourteen classes excepted therefrom, and the requirement of an "iron-clad oath" from those accepting its provisions. Proclamations rapidly followed in shaping the lately rebellious States to the conditions of peace and restoration to the Union. These States were required to hold conventions, repeal secession ordinances, accept the abolition of slavery, repudiate Southern war debts, provide for Congressional representation, and elect new State Officers and Legislatures. The several constitutional amendments were of course to be ratified by the vote of the people. These conditions were eventually all complied with, some of the States being more tardy than others. The irreconcila bles charged upon the Military officers, the Freedmen's Bureau, and the stern application of the reconstruction acts, these results, and many of them showed a political hostility which, after the election of the new Legislatures, took shape in what were in the North at the time denounced as

"" THE BLACK CODES."

These were passed by all of the eleven States in the rebellion. The codes varied

State, under the control of public and private contractors, and " vagrants" are subjected to sentences which it is believed would be less extended under a system of confinement.

Johnson's Policy.

While President Johnson's policy did not materially check reconstruction, it eneffort, and with their well known tact they couraged Southern politicians to political were not long in gaining the ascendancy in nearly every State. This ascendancy excited the fears and jealousies of the North, and the Republicans announced as sults of the war" should be secured before their object and platform "that all the retion in Congress should be completed. On Southern reconstruction and representathis they were almost solidly united in Congress, but Horace Greeley trained an independent sentiment which favored complete amnesty to the South. President and to divide the Johnson sought to utilize this sentiment, Republican party through his policy, which now looked to tion introduced by Gov. Oliver P. Morton, the same ends. He had said to a delegaApril 21, 1865:

murder it. As Macbeth said to Banquo's
"Your slavery is dead, but I did not
bloody ghost:

'Never shake thy gory locks at me ;
Thou canst not say I did it.'

"Slavery is dead, and you must pardon me if I do not mourn over its dead body; you can bury it out of sight. In restoring