Tennessee was re-admitted July 24th, that Thaddeus Stevens admitted the Re1866; Arkansas, June 22d, 1868; North publicans were travelling "outside of the Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, constitution" with a view to preserve the Georgia and Florida under the act of June government, and this soon became one of 25th, 1868, which provided that as soon as his favorite ways of meeting partisan obthey fulfilled the conditions imposed by jections to war measures. At the Decemthe acts of March, 1867, they should be re- ber term of the Supreme Court, in 1869, a admitted. All did this promptly except decision was rendered that the action of Georgia. Virginia was re-admitted Jan- Congress was unconstitutional, the Court uary 25th, 1870; Mississippi, Feb. 23d, then being accidentally Democratic in its 1870; Texas, March 30th, 1870. Georgia, composition. The Republicans, believing the most powerful and stubborn of all, had passed State laws declaring negroes incapable of holding office, in addition to what was known as the "black code," and Congress refused full admission until she had revoked the laws and ratified the 15th Amendment. The State finally came back into the Union July 15th, 1870.

The above named States completed the ratification of the 15th amendment, and the powers of reconstruction were plainly used to that end. Some of the Northern States had held back, and for a time its ratification by the necessary three-fourths was a matter of grave doubt. Congress next passed a bill to enforce it, May 30th, 1870. This made penal any interference, by force or fraud, with the right of free and full manhood suffrage, and authorized the President to use the army to prevent violations. The measure was generally supported by the Republicans, and opposed by all of the Democrats.

they could not afford to have their favorite, and it must be admitted most useful financial measure questioned, secured an increase of two in the number of Supreme Justices-one under a law creating an additional Justiceship, the other in place of a Justice who had resigned-and in March, 1870, after the complexion of the Court had been changed through Republican appointments made by President Grant, the constitutionality of the legal tender act was again raised, and, with Chief Justice Chase (who had been Secretary of the Treasury in 1862 presiding) the previous decision was reversed. This was clearly a partisan struggle before the Court, and on the part of the Republicans an abandonment of old landmarks impressed on the country by the Jackson Democrats, but it is plain that without the greenbacks the war could not have been pressed with half the vigor, if at all. Neither party was consistent in this struggle, for Southern The Republicans through other guards Democrats who sided with their Northabout the ballot by passing an act to ern colleagues in the plea of unconamend the naturalization laws, which made stitutionality, had when "out of the it penal to use false naturalization papers, Union," witnessed and advocated the issue authorized the appointment of Federal of the same class of money by the Consupervisors of elections in cities of over federate Congress. The difference was 20,000 inhabitants; gave to these power of only in the ability to redeem, and this arrest for any offense committed in their ability depended upon success in armsview, and gave alien Africans the right to the very thing the issue was designed to naturalize. The Democrats in their oppo- promote. The last decision, despite its sition laid particular stress upon the extra-partisan surroundings and opposition, soon ordinary powers given to Federal super- won popularity, and this popularity was visors, while the Republicans charged that subsequently taken as the groundwork for Seymour had carried New York by gigan- the establishment of tic naturalization frauds in New York city, and sought to sustain these charges by the unprecedented vote polled. A popular quotation of the time was from Horace Greeley, in the New York Tribune, who showed that under the manipulations of the Tweed ring, more votes had been cast for Seymour in one of the warehouse wards of the city," than there were men, women, children, and cats and dogs in it."

The Legal Tender Decision. The Act of Congress of 1862 had made "greenback" notes a legal tender, and they passed as such until 1869 against the protests of the Democrats in Congress, who had questioned the right of Congress to issue paper money. It was on this issue

The Greenback Party.

This party, with a view to ease the rigors of the monetary panic of 1873, advocated an unlimited issue of greenbacks, or an "issue based upon the resources of the country." So vigorously did discontented leaders of both parties press this idea, that they soon succeeded in demoralizing the Democratic minority-which was by this time such a plain minority, and so greatly in need of new issues to make the people forget the war, that it is not surprising they yielded, at least partially, to new theories and alliances. The present one took them away from the principles of Jackson, from the hardmoney theories of the early days, and would land them they knew not where, nor did

which voted in September. Gen'l Weaver was on the stump then, as the Greenback candidate for President, and all of his efforts were bent to breaking the alliance between the Greenbackers and Democrats.

many of them care, if they could once defeat with true political grace. The more get upon their feet. Some resisted, Greenbackers had the year before formed and comparatively few of the Democrats a close alliance with the Democrats, and in the Middle States yielded, but in part in the State election made the result so of New England, the great West, and close that for many weeks it remained a nearly all of the South, it was for several matter of doubt who was elected Governor, years quite difficult to draw a line between the Democratic Greenbacker or the ReGreenbackers and Democrats. Some Re-publican. A struggle followed in the publicans, too, who had tired of the "old Legislature and before the Returning war issues," or discontented with the man- Board_composed of State officers, who agement and leadership of their party, were Democrats, (headed by Gov. Garaided in the construction of the Green-celon) and sought to throw out returns on back bridge, and kept upon it as long as it slight technicalities. Finally the Repubwas safe to do so. In State elections up licans won, but not without a struggle to as late as 1880 this Greenback element which excited attention all over the Union was a most important factor. Ohio was and commanded the presence of the State carried by an alliance of Greenbackers and militia. Following Garfield's nomination Democrats, Allen being elected Governor, another struggle, as we have stated, was only to be supplanted by Hayes (after- inaugurated, with Davis as the Republican wards President) after a most remarkable nominee for Governor, Plaisted the Democontest, the alliance favoring the Green- cratic-Greenback, (the latter a former Reback, the Republicans not quite the hard-publican). All eyes now turned to Maine, money, but a redeemable-in-gold theory. Indiana, always doubtful, passed over to the Democratic column, while in the Southern States the Democratic leaders made open alliances until the Greenback- | ers became over-confident and sought to win Congressional and State elections on their own merits. They fancied that the desire to repudiate ante-war debts would greatly aid them, and they openly advocated the idea of repudiation there, but they had experienced, and wise leaders to cope with. They were not allowed to monopolize this issue by the Democrats, and their arrogance, if such it may be called, was punished by a more complete assertion of Democratic power in the South than was ever known before. The theory in the South was welcomed where it would suit the Democracy, crushed where it would not, as shown in the Presidential The victory of Plaisted alarmed the Reelection of 1880, when Garfield, Hancock | publicans and enthused the Democrats, and Weaver (Greenbacker) were the can- who now denounced Weaver, but still didates. The latter, in his stumping tour sought alliance with his followers. Geneof the South, proclaimed that he and his ral B. F. Butler, long a brilliant Republifriends were as much maltreated in Ala- can member of Congress from Massachubama and other States, as the Republicans, setts, for several years advocated Greenand for some cause thereafter (the Demo-back ideas without breaking from his Recrats alleged "a bargain and sale") he publican Congressional colleagues. Bepractically threw his aid to the Repub-cause of this fact he lost whatever of licans this when it became apparent that chance he had for a Republican nomination the Greenbackers, in the event of the elec- for Governor, "his only remaining politition going to the House, could have no cal ambition," and thereupon headed the chance even there. Greenbackers in Massachusetts, and in Gen'l Weaver went from the South to spite of the protests of the hard-money Maine, the scene of what was regarded at Democrats in that State, captured the Dethat moment as a pivotal struggle for the mocratic organization, and after these tacPresidency. Blaine had twice been the tics twice ran for Governor, and was demost prominent candidate for the Presi- feated both times by the Republicans, dency-1876 and 1880-and had both though he succeeded, upon State and times been defeated by compromise candi- "anti-blue blood" theories, in greatly redates. He was still, as he had been for ducing their majority. In the winter of many years, Chairman of the Republican 1882 he still held control of the DemoState Committee of Maine, and now as cratic State Committee, after the Green- . ever before swallowed the mortification of back organization had passed from view,

He advocated a straight-out policy for his Greenback friends, described his treatment in the South, and denounced the Democracy with such plainness that it displayed his purpose and defeated his object. Plaisted was elected by a close vote, and the Republicans yielded after some threats to invoke the 'Garcelon precedents." This was the second Democratic-Greenback victory in Maine, the first occurring two years before, when through an alliance in the Legislature (no candidate having received a majority of all the popular vote) Garland was returned.

and "what will he do next?" is one of the | Western, until the whole country was surpolitical questions of the hour. prised in 1880 by the passage of the Kansas amendment by over 20,000 majority in a vote of the people invoked by the Legislature. An effort followed to submit a simLegislature in 1881. It passed the House by a large majority, but after discussion in the Senate, and amendments to indemnify manufacturers and dealers in liquor (an amendment which would cripple if it would not bankrupt the State) was adopted. Governor St. John of Kansas, a gentleman fond of stumping for this amendment, insists that the results are good in his State, while its enemies claim that it has made many criminals, that liquor is everywhere smuggled and sold, and that the law has turned the tide of immigration away from that great State. The example of Kansas, however, will probably be followed in other States, and the Prohibitory Party will hardly pass from view until this latest experiment has been fairly tested. It was also the author of "Local Option," which for a time swept Pennsylvania, but was repealed by a large majority after two years' trial.

The Greenback labor party ceased all Congressional alliance with the Democrats after their quarrel with General Weaver, and as late as the 47th session-1881-82-ilar amendment through the Pennsylvania refused all alliance, and abstained from exercising what some still believe a "balance of power" in the House, though nearly half of their number were elected more as Republicans than Greenbackers.

As a party, the Greenbackers, standing alone, never carried either a State or a Congressional district. Their local successes were due to alliances with one or other of the great parties, and with the passage of the panic they dissolved in many sections, and where they still obtain it is in alliance with labor unions, or in strong mining or workingmen's districts. In the Middle States they won few local successes, but were strong in the coal regions of Pennsylvania. Advocates of similar theories have not been wanting in all the countries of Western Europe following great wars or panics, but it was reserved to the genius of Americans to establish an aggressive political party on the basis of theories which all great political economists have from the beginning antagonized as unsafe and unsound.

The Prohibitory Party.

Annexation of San Domingo.

The second session of the 41st Congress began December 5th, 1870. With all of the States represented, reconstruction being complete, the body was now divided politically as follows: Senate, 61 RepubThe attempt to establish a third party in licans, 13 Democrats; House 172 Republithe Greenback, begot that to establish a cans, 71 Democrats. President Grant's anNational Prohibitory Party, which in 1880 nual message discussed a new question, ran James Black of Pennsylvania, as a and advocated the annexation of San Docandidate for the Presidency, and four mingo to the United States. A treaty had years previous ran Neal Dow of Maine. been negotiated between President Grant He, however, commanded little attention, and the President of the Republic of San and received but sparsely scattered votes Domingo as early as September 4th, 1869, in all the States. The sentiment at the looking to annexation, but it had been rebase of this party never thrived save as injected by the Senate, Charles Sumner beStates, particularly in New England, where ing prominent in his opposition to the it sought to impress itself on the prevail- measure. He and Grant experienced a ing political party, and through it to influ- growing personal unpleasantness, because ence legislation. Neal Dow of Maine, first of the President's attempt to negotiate a advocated a prohibitory law, and by his treaty without consulting Mr. Sumner, who eloquent advocacy, secured that of Maine, was Chairman of the Committee on Forwhich has stood for nearly thirty years. eign Affairs, and it was charged that That of Massachusetts has recently been through the influence of the President he repealed. The prohibitory amendment to was removed by the Republican caucus the Constitution of Kansas was adopted in from this Chairmanship, and Senator Si1881, etc. The Prohibitory Party, how-mon Cameron put in his place. Whether ever, never accomplished anything by sep. arate political action, and though fond of nominating candidates for State and local officers, has not as yet succeeded in holding even a balance of power between the political parties, though it has often confused political calculations as to results in New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, Massachusetts, etc. It seems never to have taken hold in any of the Southern States, and comparatively little in the

this was true or not, the differences between Grant and Sumner were universally remarked, and Sumner's imperious pride led him into a very vindictive assault upon the proposition. Grant gave few other reasons for annexation than military ones, suggested that as a naval station it would facilitate all home operations in the Gulf, while in the hands of a foreign power, in the event of war, it would prove the depot for many and dangerous warlike prepa

rations. The question had little political significance, if it was ever designed to have any, and this second attempt to bring the scheme to the attention of Congress, was that a joint resolution (as in the annexation of Texas) might be passed. This would require but a majority, but the objection was met that no Territory could be annexed without a treaty, and this must be ratified by two-thirds of the Senate. A middle course was taken, and the President was authorized to appoint three Commissioners to visit San Domingo and ascertain the desires of its people. These reported favorably, but the subject was finally dropped, probably because the proposition could not command a two-thirds vote, and has not since attracted attention.

Amendatory Enforcement Acts.

property through the depredations of the rebel ram Alabama and other rebel privateers. We append a list of the representatives of the several governments:

Arbitrator on the part of the United States-CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.

Arbitrator on the part of Great BritainThe Right Honorable Sir ALEXANDER COCKBURN, Baronet, Lord Chief Justice of England.

Arbitrator on the part of Italy-His Excellency Senator Count SCLOPIS. Arbitrator on the part of Switzerland— Mr. JACOB STAMPFLI.

Arbitrator on the part of Brazil-Baron D'ITAJUBA.

Agent on the part of the United States-J. C. BANCROFT DAVIS.

Agent on the part of Great BritainRight Honorable LORD TENTERDEN.

Counsel for the United States-CALEB CUSHING, WILLIAM M. EVARTS, MORRISON R. WAITE.

Counsel for Great Britain-Sir ROUNDELL PALMER.

Solicitor for the United States-CHARLES C. BEAMAN, Jr.

The Force Bill.

The operation of the 15th Amendment, being still resisted or evaded in portions of the South, an Act was passed to enforce it. This extended the powers of the Federal supervisors and marshals, authorized in the first, and gave the Federal Circuit Courts exclusive jurisdiction of all cases tried under the provisions of the Act and its supplements. It also empowered these Courts to punish any State officer who should attempt to interfere with or try such cases as in contempt of the Court's jurisdiction. The Republicans sustained, The 42d Congress met March 4, 1871, the Democrats opposed the measure, but the Republicans having suffered somewhat it was passed and approved February 28, in their representation. In the Senate 1871, and another supplement was insert- there were 57 Republicans, 17 Democrats; ed in the Sundry Civil Bill, and approved in the House 138 Republicans, 103 DemoJune 10th, 1872, with continued resistance crats. James G. Blaine was again chosen on the part of the Democrats. After the Speaker. The most exciting political appointment of a committee to investigate the condition of affairs in the Southern States, Congress adjourned March 4th,

1871.

The Alabama Claims.

question of the session was the passage of the "Force Bill," as the Democrats called it. The object was more rigidly to enforce observance of the provisions of the 14th Amendment, as the Republicans claim; to revive a waning political power in the South, and save the "carpet-bag" governDuring this year the long disputed Ala- ments there, as the Democrats claimed. bama Claims of the United States against The Act allowed suit in the Federal courts Great Britain, arising from the depreda- against any person who should deprive tons of the Anglo-rebel privateers, built another of the rights of a citizen, and it and fitted out in British waters, were re-made it a penal offense to conspire to take ferred by the Treaty of Washington, dated away any one's rights as a citizen. It also May 8th, 1871, to arbitrators, and this provided that inability, neglect, or refusal was the first and most signal triumph by any State governments to suppress such of the plan of arbitration, so far as the conspiracies, or their refusal to call upon Government of the United States was the President for aid, should be deemed a concerned. The arbitrators were appointed, denial by such State of the equal protecat the invitation of the governments of tion of the laws under the 14th AmendGreat Britain and the United States, from ment. It further declared such conspirathese powers, and from Brazil, Italy, and cies "a rebellion against the government Switzerland. On September 14th, 1872, of the United States," and authorized the they gave to the United States gross dam-President, when in his judgment the pubages to the amount of $15,500,000, an lic safety required it, to suspend the priviamount which has subsequently proved to lege of habeas corpus in any district, and be really in excess of the demands of mer-suppress any such insurrection by the chants and others claiming the loss of army and navy.

revivals under the administration of President Hayes, who issued the foregoing order. By letter from the Attorney-General, Charles Devens, August 1, 1877, this order was held to apply to the Pennsylvania Republican Association at Washington. Still later there was a further exposition, in which Attorney-General Devens, writing relation to the elections: from Washington in October 1, 1877, ex"No officer should be required or per-cuses himself from active participation in mitted to take part in the management of the Massachusetts State campaign, and political organizations, caucuses, conventions or election campaigns. Their right to vote and to express their views on public questions, either orally or through the press, is not denied, provided it does not interfere with the discharge of their official duties. No assessment for political purposes on officers or subordinates should