ceed nationally must triumph in states-time and means to consolidate its strength triumph in the state elections, must be prepared by municipal success.

and mature its plans, which comprehend not only the enslavement of Kansas, and Next to the remaining power in the the recognition of slavery in all territory of states already under their control, let the the United States, but the conversion of Republicans devote themselves to the the lower half of California into a slave work of disse.ninating their principles, State, the organization of a new slavery and initiating the true course of political territory in the Gadsden purchase, the fuaction in the states which have decided the ture annexation of Nicaragua and subjuelection against them. This time we have gation of Central America, and the acquifailed, for reasons nearly all of which may be sition of Cuba; and, as the free States are removed by proper effort. Many thousand not expected to submit to all this, ultimate honest, but not well-informed voters, who dismemberment of the Union, and the forsupported Mr. Buchanan under the delu- mation of a great slaveholding confeder sive impression that he would favor the acy, with foreign alliances with Brazil and cause of free Kansas will soon learn their Russia. It may assume at first a moderate mistake, and be anxious to correct it. The tone, to prevent the sudden alienation of its timid policy of the Republicans in New Northern allies; it may delay the developJersey, Pennsylvania, and Indiana, in post- ment of its plot, as it did under the Pierce poning their independent action, and tem- administration; but the repeal of the Misporizing with a party got up for purposes souri compromise came at last, and so will not harmonizing with their own, and the come upon the country inevitably the final conduct of Mr. Fillmore's friends in either acts of the dark conspiracy. When_that voting for Mr. Buchanan, or dividing the hour shall come, then will the honest Demopposition by a separate ticket, can hardly ocrats of the free States be driven into our be repeated again. The true course of the ranks, and the men of the slave States who Republicans is to organize promptly, bold- prefer the republic of Washington, Adams ly, and honestly upon their own principles, and Jefferson-a republic of law, order so clearly set forth in the Philadelphia and liberty-to an oligarchy of slaveholdplatform, and, avoiding coalitions with ers and slavery propagandists, governed by other parties, appeal directly to the masses Wise, Atchison, Soulé, and Walker, founded of all parties to ignore all organizations in fraud and violence and seeking aggranand issues which would divert the public mind from the one danger that now threatens the honor and interests of the country, and the subtlety of the Union-slavery propagandism allied with disunionism.

Let us not forget that it is not the want of generous sentiment, but of sufficient information, that prevents the American people from being united in action against the aggressive policy of the slave power. Were these simple questions submitted to-day to the people of the United States:-Are you in favor of the extension of slavery? Are you in favor of such extension by the aid or connivance of the federal government? And could they be permitted to record their votes in response, without embarrassment, without constraint of any kind, nineteentwentieths of the people of the free States, and perhaps more than half of the people of the slave States, would return a decided negative to both.

Let us have faith in the people. Let us believe, that at heart they are hostile to the extension of slavery, desirous that the territories of the Union be consecrated to free labor and free institutions; and that they require only enlightenment as to the most effectual means of securing this end, to convert their cherished sentiment into a fixed principle of action.

The times are pregnant with warning. That a disunion party exists in the South, no longer admits of a doubt. It accepts the election of Mr. Buchanan as affording

dizement by the spoliation of nations, will bid God speed to the labors of the Republican party to preserve liberty and the Union, one and inseparable, perpetual and all powerful.

Washington, D. C., Nov. 27, 1856.

1

The Kansas Struggle. It was the removal of the interdiction against slavery, in all the territory north of 36° 30, by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise which gave legality to the struggle for Kansas, and it was the doctrine of popular sovereignty which gave an impartial invitation to both sides to enter the struggle. The aggressive men of both parties hurried emigrants to the Territory. Each accused the other of organized efforts, and soon in the height of the excitement these charges were rather confessed than denied.

A new question was soon evolved by the struggle, for some who entered from the South took their slaves with them. The Free State men now contended that slavery was a local institution and confined to the States where it existed, and that if an emigrant passed into the territory with his slaves these became free. The Southern view was, that slaves were recognized as property by the National Constitution; that therefore their masters had a right to take them there and hold them under con

stitutional guarantees, the same as any question which was now rapidly dividing other property; that to assert anything the two great sections of the Union. The else would be to deny the equality of the result of the long Congressional struggle States within their common territory, and over the admission of Kansas and Nebrasdegrade them from the rank of equals to ka was simply this: "That Congress was that of inferiors. This last proposition neither to legislate slavery into any Terrihad such force that it would doubtless have tory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom; received more general recognition if the but to leave the people thereof perfectly North had not felt that the early compact free to form and regulate their domestic dedicating the territories north of 36° 30 institutions in their own way, subject only to freedom, had been violated. In answer to the Constitution of the United States,"* to this proposition they therefore pro-and it was specially prescribed that when claimed in their platforms and speeches, the Territory of Kansas shall be admitted and there was no other logical answer, as a State, it shall be admitted into the "that freedom was National, and slavery Union with or without slavery as the conSectional." stitution adopted should prescribe at the time of admission.

We cannot enter upon a full description of the scenes in Kansas, but bloodshed This was, as it proved, but a temporary and rapine soon followed the attempts of settlement on the principle of popular the opposing parties to get control of its sovereignty, and was regarded at the time government. What were called the " Bor-as a triumph of the views of Stephen A. der Ruffians" by the Free State men, be- Douglas by the friends of that great policause of active and warlike organization tician. The more radical leaders of the in Missouri and upon its borders, in the earlier parts of the struggle, seemed to have the advantage. They were supported by friends near at hand at all times, and warlike raids were frequent. The Free State men had to depend mainly upon New England for supplies in arms and means, but organizations were in turn rapidly completed to meet their calls, and the struggle soon became in the highest degree critical.

South looked upon it with distrust, but the blood of the more excitable in both sections was rapidly rising toward fever heat, and the border men from the Free and Slave States alike were preparing to act upon a compromise which in effect invited a conflict.

The Presidential election in 1856 had singularly enough encouraged the more aggressive of both sections. Buchanan's election was a triumph for the South; The pro-slavery party sustained the Fremont's large vote showed the power of Territorial government appointed by the a growing party as yet but partially oradministration; the anti-slavery party re-ganized, and crippled by schisms which pudiated it, because of its presumed com- grew out of the attempt to unite all elemittal to slavery. The election for mem-ments of opposition to the Democrats. bers of the Territorial legislature had been The general plan of the latter was now attended with much violence and fraud, changed into an attempt to unite all of the and it was claimed that these things prop-free-soil elements into a party organization erly annulled any action taken by that against slavery, and from that time forbody. A distinct and separate convention ward until its total abolition slavery was was called at Topeka to frame a State con- the paramount issue in the minds of the stitution, and the Free State men likewise more aggressive men of the north. Linelected their own Governor and Legisla-coln voiced the feelings of the Republiture to take the place of those appointed cans when he declared in one of his Illiby Buchanan, and when the necessary nois speeches :preliminaries were completed, they applied for admission into the Union. After a long and bitter struggle Congress decided the question by refusing to admit Kansas under the Topeka Constitution, and by recognizing the authority of the territorial government. These proceedings took place during the session of 1856-7, which terminated immediately before the inauguraation of President Buchanan.

"We will, hereafter, speak for freedom, and against slavery, as long as the Constitution guaranties free speech; until everywhere, on this wide land, the sun shall shine, and the rain shall fall, and the wind shall blow upon no man who goes forth to unrequited toil."

In the Congressional battle over the admission of Kansas and Nebraska, Douglas was the most conspicuous figure, and the At the beginning of Buchanan's admin- language which we have quoted from istration in 1857, the Republicans almost Buchanan's inaugural was the literal solidly faced the Democrats. There still meaning which Douglas had given to his remained part of the division caused by idea of "popular" or "squatter soverthe American or Know-Nothing party, but eignty." its membership in Congress had already been compelled to show at least the tendency of their sentiments on the great

Prior to the Kansas struggle the Free

* President Buchanan's Inaugural Address.

Soilers of the North had regarded Douglas | time that they were in themselves right, or as an ally of the South, and his admitted as nearly right as those who participated ambition for the Presidency gave color to in their adoption were given to see the this suspicion. He it was who reported right. There was certainly no attempt at and carried through Congress the bill for a division of right and wrong, and the the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, a closest investigation will show nothing bemeasure which at that time was thought to yond a surrender of power for the good of obstruct Southern designs in the territories all, which is in itself the very essence and of the great West, but this repeal proved beginning of government. in fact the first plain steps toward the free- We have said that Douglas fought dom of the territories. Having repealed bravely for his idea, and every movement that compromise, something must take its in his most remarkable campaign with place, and what better than "popular Lincoln for the U. S. Senate demonstrated sovereignty," thought Douglas. Terri- the fact. The times were full of agitation tories contiguous to the Slave States, or in and excitement, and these were increased the same latitude, would thus naturally when it became apparent that Buchanan's revert to slavery; while those farther north, administration would aid the effort to and at that time least likely of early set- make Kansas a slave State. Douglas was tlement, would be dedicated to freedom. the first to see that the application of adThere was a grave miscalculation just here. ministration machinery to his principle, Slave-owners were not apt to change their would degrade and rob it of its fairness. homesteads, and could not with either He therefore resented Buchanan's interprofit or convenience carry their property ference, and in turn Buchanan's friends to new lands which might or might not be sought to degrade him by removing him fruitful in the crops best adapted to slave from the chairmanship of the Senate Comlabor. Slave-owners were few in number mittee on Territories, the position which compared with the free citizens of the had given him marked control over all North and the thousands of immigrants questions pertaining to the organization of annually landing on our shores. People territories and the admission of new who had once moved from the New Eng-States. land or Middle States westward, were rather fond of it, and many of these swelled the tide which constantly sought homes in the territories; and where these did not go in person their sons and daughters were quite willing to imitate the early adventures of their parents. All these counted for the North under the doctrine of "popular sovereignty," and it was the failure of that doctrine to aid the South which from this time forward caused that section to mistrust the friendship of Douglas.

No political writer has since questioned his motives, and we doubt if it can be done successfully. His views may have undergone some change since 1850, and it would be singular if they had not; for a mind as discerning as his could hardly fail to note the changes going on all about him, and no where more rapidly than in his own State. He thought his doctrine at least adapted to the time, and he stood by it with rare bravery and ability. If it had been accepted by the Republicans, it would have been fatal to their organization as a party. We doubt the ability of any party to stand long upon any mere compromise, made to suit the exigencies and avoid the dangers of the moment. It may be said that our government, first based on a confederacy and then a constitution, with a system of checks and balances, with a division of power between the people and the States, is but a compromise; but the assertion will not hold good. These things were adopted because of a belief at the

The Lincoln and Douglas Debate. The Senatorial term of Douglas was drawing near to its close, when in July, 1858, he left Washington to enter upon the canvass for re-election. The Republican State Convention of Illinois had in the month previous met at Springfield, and nominated Abraham Lincoln as a candidate for United States Senator, this with a view to pledge all Republican members of the Legislature to vote for him—a practice since gone into disuse in most of the States, because of the rivalries which it engenders and the aggravation of the dangers of defeat sure to follow in the selection of a candidate in advance. First get your goose, then cook it," inelegantly describes the basic principles of improved political tactics. But the Republicans, particularly of the western part of Illinois, had a double purpose in the selection of Lincoln. He was not as radical as they, but he well represented the growing Republican_sentiment, and he best of all men could cope with Douglas on the stump in a canvass which they desired should attract the attention of the Nation, and give shape to the sentiment of the North on all questions pertaining to slavery. The doctrine of

66

popular sovereignty" was not acceptable to the Republicans, the recent repeal of the Missouri compromise having led them, or the more radical portion of them, to despise all compromise measures.

The plan of the Illinois Republicans, if

indeed it was a well-settled plan, accomplished even more than was anticipated, though it did not result in immediate success. It gave to the debate which followed between Lincoln and Douglas a world-wide celebrity, and did more to educate and train the anti-slavery sentiment, taken in connection with the ever-growing excitement in Kansas, than anything that could have happened.

Lincoln's speech before the convention which nominated him, gave the first clear expression to the idea that there was an "irrepressible conflict" between freedom and slavery. Wm. H. Seward on October 25th following, at Rochester, N. Y., expressed the same idea in these words:

"It is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States will sooner or later become either an entire slaveholding Nation, or an entirely free labor Nation."

Lincoln's words at Springfield, in July, 1858, were:

interest; but these things were dwarfed in the State conflict, and those who shared such feelings had to make at least a show of friendship until they saw the result. Lincoln was at first handicapped by the doubts of that class of Republicans who thought "popular sovereignty" not bad Republican doctrine.

On the arrival of Douglas he replied to Lincoln's Springfield speech; on the 16th he spoke at Bloomington, and on the 17th, in the afternoon, at Springfield. Lincoln had heard all three speeches, and replied to the last on the night of the day of its delivery. He next addressed to Douglas the following challenge to debate:

CHICAGO, July 24th, 1858.

HON. S. A. DOUGLAS:-My Dear Sir:Will it be agreeable to you to make an arrangement to divide time, and address the same audience, during the present canvass? etc. Mr. Judd is authorized to receive your answer, and if agreeable to you, to enter into terms of such agreement, etc.

Your obedient servant,

A. LINCOLN.

Douglas promptly accepted the challenge, and it was arranged that there should be seven joint debates, each alternately opening and closing, the opening speech to occupy one hour, the reply one hour and a half, and the closing half an hour. They spoke at Ottawa, August 21st; Freeport, August 27th; Jonesboro', September 15th; Charleston, September 18th; Galesburg, October 7th; Quincy, October 13th; and Alton, October 15th. We give in Book III of this volume their closing speeches in full.

"If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year, since a policy was initiated with the avowed object, and confident promise of putting an end to the slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved I do not expect the house to fall but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the Great crowds attended, and some of the other. Either the opponents of slavery more enterprising daily journals gave phowill arrest the further spread of it, and nographic reports of the speeches. The place it where the public mind shall rest enthusiasm of the North soon ran in Linin the belief that it is in the course of ulti-coln's favor, though Douglas had hosts of mate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new-North as well as South."

friends; but then the growing and the aggressive party was the Republican, and even the novelty of a new and attractive doctrine like that of "popular sovereignty" Douglas arrived in Chicago on the 9th could not long divert their attention. The of July, and was warmly received by en- prize suspended in view of the combatthusiastic friends. His doctrine of "pop-ants was the United States Senatorship, ular sovereignty" had all the attractions and to close political observers this was of novelty and apparent fairness. For plainly within the grasp of Douglas by months it divided many Republicans, and reason of an apportionment which would at one time the New York Tribune showed indications of endorsing the position of Douglas a fact probably traceable to the attitude of jealousy and hostility manifested a system of apportionment, by the way, toward him by the Buchanan administration. Neither of the great debaters were to be wholly free in the coming contest. Douglas was undermined by Buchanan, who feared him as a rival, and by the more bitter friends of slavery, who could not see that the new doctrine was safely in their

give his party a majority in the Legislature, even though the popular majority should be twenty thousand against him

not confined to Illinois alone, or not peculiar to it in the work of any of the great parties at any period when party lines were drawn.

Buchanan closely watched the fight, and it was charged and is still believed by the friends of the "Little Giant," that the