me that those articles which are supplied to us by Home Production alone are relatively cheaper than those which are rivalled and competed with from abroad. And I am equally confident that the shutting out of Foreign competition from our markets for other articles of general necessity and liberal consumption which can be made here with as little labor as anywhere would be followed by a corresponding result,-a reduction of the price to the consumer at the same time with increased employment and reward to our Producing Classes.

ought to be rigorously starved to death. Then what have we gained by getting these articles so exorbitantly cheap? or, rather, what have we not lost? The labor which formerly produced them is mainly struck out of existence; the poor widows and seamstresses among us must still have a subsistence; and the imported garments must be paid for: where are the profits of our speculation?

But even this is not the worst feature of the case. The labor which we have here thrown out of employment by the cheap But, Mr. President, were this only on one importation of this article is now ready to side true, were it certain that the price of be employed again at any price,-if not the Home product would be permanently one that will afford bread and straw, then higher than that of the Foreign, I should it must accept one that will produce potastill insist on efficient Protection, and for toes and rubbish; and with the product reasons I have sufficiently shown. Grant some Free-Trader proceeds to break down that a British cloth costs but $3 per yard, the price and destroy the reward of similar and a corresponding American fabric $4, I labor in some other portion of the earth. still hold that the latter would be decided- And thus each depression of wages proly the cheaper for us. The Fuel, Timber, duces another, and that a third, and so on, Fruits, Vegetables, &c., which make up so making the circuit of the globe, the aglarge a share of the cost of the Home pro- gravated necessities of the Poor acting and duct, would be rendered comparatively reacting upon each other, increasing the valueless by having our workshops in Eu- omnipotence of Capital and deepening the rope. I look not so much to the nominal dependence of Labor, swelling and pamprice as to the comparative facility of pay-pering a bloated and factitious Commerce, ment. And, where cheapness is only to be attained by a depression of the wages of Labor to the neighborhood of the European standard, I prefer that it should be dispensed with. One thing must answer to another; and I hold that the farmers of this country can better afford, as a matter of pecuniary advantage, to pay a good price for manufactured articles than to obtain them lower through the depression and inadequacy of the wages of the artisan and laborer.

grinding down and grinding down the destitute, until Malthus's remedy for Poverty shall become a grateful specific, and, amid the splendors and luxuries of an all-devouring Commercial Feudalism, the squalid and famished Millions, its dependants and victims, shall welcome death as a deliverer from their sufferings and despair.

I wish time permitted me to give a hasty glance over the doctrines and teachings of the Free Trade sophists, who esteem themselves the Political Economists, christen You will understand me, then, to be ut- their own views liberal and enlightened, terly hostile to that idol of Free Trade and complacently put ours aside as beworship, known as Free or unlimited Com- nighted and barbarous. I should delight petition. The sands of my hour are run- to show you how they mingle subtle fallacy ning low, and I cannot ask time to ex- with obvious truth, how they reason amine this topic more closely; yet I am acutely from assumed premises, which, beconfident I could show that this Free ing mistaken or incomplete, lead to false Competition is a most delusive and dan- and often absurd conclusions,-how they gerous element of Political Economy. Bear contradict and confound each other, and with a brief illustration: At this moment, often, from Adam Smith, their patriarch, common shirts are made in London at the down to McCulloch and Ricardo, either incredibly low price of three cents per pair. make admissions which undermine their Should we admit these articles free of duty whole fabric, or confess themselves ignoand buy them because they are so cheap? rant or in the dark on points the most vital Free trade says Yes; but I say No! Sound to a correct understanding of the great Policy as well as Humanity forbids it. By subject they profess to have reduced to a admitting them, we simply reduce a large Science. Yet even Adam Smith himself and worthy and suffering class of our pop- expressly approves and justifies the British ulation from the ability they now possess Navigation Act, the most aggressively Proof procuring a bare subsistence by their tective measure ever enacted,-a measure labor to unavoidable destitution and pau- which, not being understood and seasonperism. They must now subsist upon the ably counteracted by other nations, changed charity of relatives or of the community, for centuries the destinies of the World,-unless we are ready to adopt the de- which silently sapped and overthrew the moniac doctrine of the Free Trade philos- Commercial and Political greatness of Holopher Malthus, that the dependent Poor | land,-which silenced the thunder of Van

king of Prussia, and to swear allegiance | and naturalized citizens are to be citizens and fidelity to the United States. The king and yet to be proscribed from office, they of Prussia now claims no legal forfeiture must be rated as an inferior class-an ex from him-he punishes him for no crime cluded class of citizens. Will it be said - he claims of him no legal debt- he that the law will not make this distinction? claims alone that very allegiance and fidel- Then are we to understand that Knowity which we required the man to abjure Nothings would not make them equal by and renounce. Not only so, but he hin- law? If not by law, how can they pretend ders the man from returning to the United to make them unequal, by their secret orStates, and from discharging the allegiance der, without law and against law? For and fidelity we required him to swear to them, by secret combination, to make them the United States. The king of Prussia unequal, to impose a burthen or restriction says he should do him service for seven upon their privileges which the law does years, for this was what he was born to not, is to set themselves up above the law, perform; his obligations were due to him and to supersede by private and secret aufirst, and his laws were first binding him. thority, intangible and irresponsible, the The United States say-true, he was born rule of public, political right. Indeed, is under your laws, but he had a right to ex- this not the very essence of the "Higher patriate himself; he owed allegiance first Law" doctrine? It cannot be said to be to you, but he had a right to forswear it legitimate public sentiment and the action and to swear allegiance to us; your laws of its authority. Public sentiment, proper, first applied, but this is a case of po- is a concurrence of the common mind in litical obligation, not of legal obligation; some conclusion, conviction, opinion, taste, it is not for any crime or debt you claim to or action in respect to persons or things bind him, but it is for allegiance; and the subject to its public notice. It will, and it claim you set up to his services on the must control the minds and actions of men, ground of his political obligation, his alle- by public and conventional opinion. giance to you, which we allow him to ab- Count Molé said that in France it was jure and renounce, is inconsistent with his stronger than statutes. It is so here. That political obligation, his allegiance, which it is which should decide at the polls of a we required him to swear to the United republic. But, here is a secret sentiment, States; he has sworn fidelity to us, and we which may be so organized as to contradict have, by our laws, pledged protection to the public sentiment. Candidate A. may him. be a native and a Protestant, and may concur with the community, if it be a KnowNothing community, on every other subject except that of proscribing Catholics and naturalized citizens: and candidate B. may concur with the community on the subject of this proscription alone, and upon no other subject; and yet the Know-Nothings might elect B. by their secret_sentiment against the public sentiment. Thus it attacks not only American doctrines of expatriation, allegiance, and protection, but the equality of citizenship, and the authority of public sentiment. In the affair of Koszta, how did our blood rush to his rescue? Did the Know-Nothing side with him and Mr. Marcy, or with Hulseman and Austria? If with Koszta, why? Let them ask themselves for the rationale, and see if it can in reason abide with their orders. There is no middle ground in respect t<

Such is the issue. Now, with which will the Know-Nothings take sides? With the king of Prussia against our naturalized citizen and against America, or with America and our naturalized citizen? Mark, now, Know-Nothingism is opposed to all foreign influence against American institutions. The king of Prussia is a pretty potent foreign influence he was one of the holy alliance of crowned heads. Will they take part with him, and not protect the citizen? Then they will aid a foreign influence against our laws! Will they take sides with our naturalized citizen? If so, then upon what grounds? Now, they must have a good cause of interposition to justify us against all the received dogmas of European despotism.

Don't they see, can't they perceive, that they have no other grounds than those I have urged? He is our citizen, national-naturalization. We must either have natu ized, owing us allegiance and we owing him protection. And if we owe him protection abroad, because of his sworn allegiance to us as a naturalized citizen, what then can deprive him of his privileges at home among us when he returns? If he be a citizen at all, he must be allowed the privileges of citizenship, or he will not be the equal of his fellow-citizens. And must not Know-Nothingism strike at the very equality of citizenship, or allow him to enjoy all its lawful privileges? If Catholics

ralization laws and let foreigners become citizens, on equal terms of capacities and privileges, or we must exclude them altogether. If we abolish naturalization laws, we return to the European dogma: "Once a citizen, always a citizen." If we let foreigners be naturalized and don't extend to them equality of privileges, we set up classes and distinctions of persons wholly opposed to republicanism. We will, as Rome did, have citizens who may be scourged. The three alternatives are pre

sented-Our present policy, liberal, and the spell of misbegotten fear, and gave the just, and tolerant, and equal: or the Euro- watchword; but England joined the shout, pean policy of holding the noses of native and echoed it back, with her island voice, born slaves to the grind-store of tyranny from her thousand cliffs and craggy shores, all their lives; or, odious distinctions of in a longer and louder strain. With that citizenship tending to social and political cry the genius of Great Britain rose, and aristocracy. I am for the present laws of naturalization.

threw down the gauntlet to the nations. There was a mighty fermentation: the As to religion, the Constitution of the waters were out; public opinion was in a United States, art. 6, sec. 3, especially pro- state of projection; liberty was held out to vides that no religious test shall ever be all to think and speak the truth; men's required as a qualification to any office or brains were busy; their spirits stirring; public trust under the United States. The their hearts full; and their hands not idle. state of Virginia has, from her earliest his- Their eyes were opened to expect the greattory, passed the most liberal laws, not only | est things, and their ears burned with cutowards naturalization, but towards foreigners. But I have said enough to show the spirit of American laws and the true sense of American maxims.

3d. Know-Nothingism is against the spirit of Reformation and of Protestantism. What was there to reform?

riosity and zeal to know the truth, that the truth might make them free. The death blow which had been struck at scarlet vice and bloated hypocrisy, loosened tongues, and made the talismans and love tokens of popish superstitions with which she had beguiled her followers and committed abominations with the people, fall harmless from their necks."

Let the most bigoted Protestant enumerate what he defines to have been the abominations of the church of Rome. The translation of the Bible was the chief What would he say were the worst? The engine in the great work. It threw open, secrets of Jesuitism, of the Auto da fe, of by a secret spring, the rich treasures of rethe Monasteries and of the Nunneries. The ligion and morality, which had then been private penalties of the Inquisition's Scav- locked up as in a shrine. It revealed the enger's Daughter. Proscription, persecu- visions of the Prophets, and conveyed the tion, bigotry, intolerance, shutting up of lessons of inspired teachers to the meanest the book of the word. And do Protestants of the people. It gave them a common now mean to out-Jesuit the Jesuits? Do interest in a common cause. Their hearts they mean to strike and not be seen? To burnt within them as they read. It gave a be felt and not to be heard? To put a mind to the people, by giving them comshudder upon humanity by the masks of mon subjects of thought and feeling. It mutes? Will they wear the monkish cowls? cemented their Union of character and Will they inflict penalties at the polls with- sentiment; it created endless diversity and out reasoning together with their fellows collision of opinion. They found objects at the hustings? Will they proscribe? to employ their faculties, and a motive in Persecute? Will they bloat up themselves the magnitude of the consequences attached into that bigotry which would burn non- to them, to exert the utmost eagerness in conformists? Will they not tolerate free- the pursuit of truth, and the most daring dom of conscience, but doom dissenters, in intrepidity in maintaining it. Religious secret conclave, to a forfeiture of civil controversy sharpens the understanding by privileges for a religious difference? Will the subtlety and remoteness of the topics they not translate the scripture of their it discusses, and braces the will by their faith? Will they visit us with dark lanterns infinite importance. We perceive in the and execute us by signs, and test oaths, history of this period a nervous, masculine and in secrecy? Protestantism! forbid it! intellect. No levity, no feebleness, no in If anything was ever open, fair, and free difference; or, if there were, it is a relaxa -if anything was ever blatant even-it tion from the intense activity which gives was the Reformation. To quote from a a tone to its general character. But there mighty British pen: It gave a mighty is a gravity approaching to piety, a seriousimpulse and increased activity to thought ness of impression, a conscientious severity and inquiry, agitated the inert mass of ac- of argument, an habitual fervor of enthucumulated prejudices throughout Europe. siasm in their method of handling almost The effect of the concussion was general, every subject. The debates of the schoolbut the shock was greatest in this country' men were sharp and subtle enough: but (England). It toppled down the full grown intolerable abuses of centuries at a blow; heaved the ground from under the feet of bigoted faith and slavish obedience; and the roar and dashing of opinions, loosened from their accustomed hold, might be heard like the noise of an angry sea, and has never yet subsided. Germany first broke

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they wanted interest and grandeur, and were besides confined to a few. They did not affect the general mass of the community. But the Bible was thrown open to all ranks and conditions "to own and read," with its wonderful table of contents, from Genesis to the Revelation. Every village in England would present the scene so well

described in Burns's "Cotter's Saturday | suppose for one moment that I am the repNight." How unlike this agitation, this resentative of any clique or faction. shock, this angry sea, this fermentation, Unfortunately, I find that our friends this shout and its echoes, this impulse and here are in the same condition in which activity, this concussion, this general effect, the Jews were, when besieged by the Rothis blow, this earthquake, this roar and man general, Titus. Whilst the batteringdashing, this longer and louder strain, this rams of the Romans were beating down public opinion, this liberty to all to think their walls, and the firebrand of the and speak the truth, this stirring of spirits, heathen was consuming their temple, the this opening of eyes, this zeal to know-historian tells us that that great people not nothing-but the truth, that the truth were engaged in intestine commotions, might make them free. How unlike to some advocating the claims of one, and this is Know-Nothingism, sitting and some of another, to the high priesthood brooding in secret to proscribe Catholics of that nation; and instead of the Roand naturalized citizens! Protestantism mans devouring them, they devoured each protested against secrecy, it protested other. God forbid that my brother Ameragainst shutting out the light of truth, it icans should devour each other, at a time protested against proscription, bigotry, and when every heart and every hand should intolerance. It loosened all tongues, and be enlisted in the same cause, of overthrowfought the owls and bats of night with the ing the common enemy of us all. light of meridian day. The argument of Who is that common enemy? [Voices, Know-Nothings is the argument of silence." The Democratic party."] Yes, that The order ignores all knowledge. And its party have reviled us, abused us, perseproscription can't arrest itself within the cuted us, and all only because we are delimit of excluding Catholics and natural-termined to adhere to the Constitution of ized citizens. It must proscribe natives our country. Give Buchanan a lease of and Protestants both, who will not consent to unite in proscribing Catholics and naturalized citizens. Nor is that all; it must not only apply to birth and religion, it must necessarily extend itself to the business of life as well as to political preferments.

power for four years, and we must toil through persecution, submit to degradation, or cause the streets of our cities to run blood. But we will submit to degradation provided we can see the end of our troubles. We are willing to go through a pilgrimage, not only of four years, but of ten, or twenty, or forty years, provided we can have an assurance that at last we shall reach the

Kenneth Raynor, of North Carolina, on top of Pisgah, and see the promised land

Fusion of Fremont and Fillmore.

Forces.

Extracts from his Speech at Philadelphia, November 1, 1856.

My brother Americans, do you intend to let these mischief-makers put you and me together by the ears? [Many voices; "no, no."] Then let us beat James Buchanan for the Presidency. ["We will-we will," and great applause.] He is the representative of slavery agitation; he is the representative of discord between sections; he is the man whom Northern and Southern agitators have agreed to present as their candidate. If he be elected now, and the difficulties in Kansas be healed, at the erd of four years they will spring upon you another question of slavery agitation. It will be the taking of Cuba from Spain, or cutting off another slice from Mexico for the purpose of embroiling the North against the South; and then, if I shall resist that agitation, I shall be called an Abolitionist, again.

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My countrymen, God forbid that I should attempt to dictate to you or even advise you. I am not competent to do so. I know that divisions exist among you, while I feel also confident that the same purpose animates all your hearts. Do not

which our children are to inherit. God has not given to us poor frail mortals the power, at all times, of controlling events. When we cannot control events, should we not, where no sacrifice of honor is involved, pursue the policy of Lysander, and where the lion's skin is too short, eke it out with the fox's [applause]-not where principle is involved-not where a surrender of our devotion to our country is at stake. No; never, never!

I know nothing of your straight-out ticket; I know nothing of your Union ticket; I know nothing of Fremont. I do know something of Fillmore; but I would not give my Americanism, and the hopes which I cherish of seeing Americanism installed as the policy of this nation, for all the Fillmores, or Fremonts, or Buchanans, that ever lived on the face of the earth.

cer

St. Paul says, "if it offends my brother, I will eat no meat;" and if it offends my brother here, I will not open my mouth. Nobody can suspect me. [Voices: tainly not."] Then I say, can't you combine the vote of this state, and beat Buchanan? [This question was responded to in the affirmative, with the greatest en thusiasm. Repeated cheers were proposed for the straight ticket, but the responding voices were by no means numerous, and