were mingled with hisses. Such was the universal excitement, that for some minutes the speaker was obliged to pause. He finally raised his voice above the subsiding storm, and said : Come, my friends, we are all brothers; we are all seeking the same end. Our object is the same. We are all struggling to reach the same haven of safety. The only diffference of opinion is as to the proper means by which to accomplish our common end. Will not Americans learn prudence from the past? Misfortune should have taught us charity for each other. We have passed through the ordeal of persecution together; we have been subjected to the same difficulties, and the same oppression; we have been baptized (I may say) in the same stream of calumny. Then, in the name of God-in the name of our common country-in the name of Americanism-in the name of American nationality—in the name of religious freedom-in the name of the Union, I beseech you to learn charity for the difference of opinion which prevails among you. Let brethren forbear with brethren. Let us recollect that it is not by vituperation, by the censure of our brethren, that we can ever accomplish this great end of conquering a common enemy. My friends, how long are we to suffer? How long will it be before we shall learn that it is only by a union of counsels, a concentration of energy, a combination of purpose, that we can destroy the common enemy of every conservative man. [Great applause.] I shall not attempt to advise you, for I am not competent to do it. You have information which I do not possess. You know all the undercurrents of opinion which prevail here in your community, with which I am unacquainted; but will you allow an humble man to express his opinion to brethren whom he loves? May I do it? I am a Fillmore man-nothing but a Fillmore man, and if I resided here, I would vote no ticket which had not the name of Millard Fillmore at its head, and I would advise no Fillmore man to vote a ticket with Fremont's name on it; but I would vote for that ticket which would make my voice tell at the polls. "putting your trust in God;" but, my friends, is it "keeping your powder dry?" The enemy may steal into the camp while you are asleep, and may pour water upon your cartridges, so that when the day of battle shall come, you may shoot, but you will kill nobody. I want the vote of every American, on Tuesday next, to tell. Would to God that you could give the twentyseven electoral votes of Pennsylvania to Fillmore. Then vote the straight ticket, if that will give him the twenty-seven votes. But suppose it will not (and I am afraid it will not), then the question is, had you better give Buchanan the twentyseven votes, or give Fillmore eight, ten, twelve, or twenty, as the case may be. Í go for beating Buchanan. Gentlemen, you do not know what we Americans suffer at the South. I am abused and reviled for standing up in defence of you. When I hear the whole North denounced as a set of Abolitionists, whose purpose it is to interfere with the peculiar institutions of the South, I brand such charges as slanders on the Northern people. I tell them that the great mass of the Northern people are sound on this question; that they are opposed to slavery, as I should be if I were a Northern man; but that I do not believe that the great mass of the Northern people have any idea of interfering with the constitutional rights of the people of the South. I know that such men as Garrison and Forney have. I know that Garrison believes the Constitution to be a "league with hell," and would therefore destroy it if he could; and I know that Forney loves office so well, that even at the risk of snapping the Union, he will keep alive slavery agitation. But Garrison does not represent New England, and Forney does not represent you. As much as I have been reviled for standing by you, I am so anxious to have Buchanan beaten, that were I residing here, if I could not give Fillmore the whole twenty-seven votes, I would give him all I could, by giving him the number to which he might be entitled by the numerical proportion of the votes at the ballot-box. Yet, if there is a brother American here who Now let us look at this thing practically. feels in his "heart of hearts," that by votIn reading history I have always admired ing that Union ticket, he would comprothe character of Oliver Cromwell. What mise his Americanism, I say to such an was the great motive by which he was one, 64 "do not vote that ticket." At the actuated in overthrowing the house of same time, candor compels me to say, that Stuart? It was unfailing devotion to I differ in opinion with him. If I believed principle. His motto was, "Put your that that ticket was a fusion, or that it trust in God, and keep your powder dry." called upon any Fillmore man to vote for I admire the devotion to principle in every Fremont, I would advise no one to vote it. man who says that he does not intend to I would not vote a ticket that had on it vote any but the straight ticket, for it the name of Fremont; but I would vote a shows that Americanism has such a lodg-ticket with Fillmore's name upon it, and ment in his heart, that he cannot bear which would give him (if not the twentyeven seemingly to compromise it. That is seven electoral votes) seven, or ten, or twenty, just as the numerical proportion | issue is now pending! We read in the of the votes might decide. Iliad how, for ten long years, a great peo I appeal to every conservative, Union-ple of antiquity were engaged in the siege loving man in this nation, who is disposed of Troy. What was the stake for which to give to the South all the constitutional they contended? It was nothing more privileges to which she is entitled, and who than a beautiful woman, who had been wishes to rebuke the Democratic party for ravished by a sprig of the royal line of the repeal of the Missouri compromise, and Troy. What is the stake for which we confor keeping up the eternal agitation of tend? It is constitutional liberty-the slavery. I appeal to you as a southern right of the American people to govern man--as a slaveholder. I do not ask you their own country-the right of every citto be pro-slavery men, to be the advocates izen to worship God according to the dicof slavery, when I say to you that we, your tates of his conscience. The great issue brethren of the South, expect you to pre- is, whether the American flag shall still serve our constitutional rights-and, God wave in glory when we shall have gone to knows, we ask nothing more-against our graves, or whether it shall be trailed fanatics, either north or south. Will you in dishonor-whether the "blackness of do it? darkness" which would follow the dissoMy friends, the election is fast approach-lution of this Union, shall cover the land. ing. There is but little time for delibera- I do not tell you how to combine: but I tion left. Is there no way by which the urge you to resort to that mode (if there votes of the anti-Buchanan party can be is such a mode possible), by which you can concentrated on the same ticket? I would get together-by which your votes can be shed tears of blood-God knows I would-made effectual at the polls-by which Milif I could be instrumental in prevailing on lard Fillmore can go before the House of all true Americans to combine. I cannot Representatives with the strong moral tell you how to combine; but is it yet too power which a large electoral vote will late? If it is too late to do it throughout give him. the state, cannot you in Philadelphia do it? The Presidential election may depend upon the state of Pennsylvania, and the state of Pennsylvania may depend upon the city of Philadelphia. On the vote of the city of Philadelphia may depend not only our own rights, but the rights of our children and our children's children. I appeal to my brother Americans, for I have no right to appeal to anybody else; I cannot address the Fremont party, for I have no affiliation with them; I cannot address the Buchanan party, for my object is to In conclusion I will only say that whethdestroy them if possible. To my Ameri-er we be defeated or whether we be viccan brethren, then, I appeal, for God's torious, the only reward I ask for in the sake, do not let the sun rise upon that labor in which I am engaged is, that you wrath, which I see divides you. Your may recollect me as one who had at heart object is the same-to rescue your common only the welfare of his country, and who country. endeavored to promote it by appealing to the associations of the past, and all the hopes of the future. That is the way in which we must view the question as practical men. Yet so different are the conditions of our nature, so different the sentiments which actuate us, that I will not be guilty of such presumption, as to tell any man what particular course he should take. You know my opinions; if they are worth anything, receive them into your hearts, simply as the sentiments of a brother American; if they are worth nothing, let them pass as the idle wind. Religious Test. in regard to it. Let me advise you who know nothing of your divisions--who belong neither to one clique or the other. I say with the deepest sincerity that I think all parties ought to have concentrated upon the Fillmore ticket. Mr. Fillmore is a northern man. Your southern brethren were willing to sup- Debate in the Convention on that article in the Constitution port him. He had guided the ship of state safely through the storm, and it was but reasonable to suppose that in time of difficulty he would again be found the same good pilot. But if we cannot get all others to unite on Mr. Fillmore, each of us must inquire, "What is my duty? If the mountain will not come to Mahomet, shall not Mahomet go to the mountain; and if he will not go to the mountain, in heaven's name, shall he not go half way?" I am fighting for the victory which we may obtain in this contest. And what an MR. PINKNEY moved that no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States. MR. SHERMAN thought it unnecessary, the prevailing liberality being a sufficient security against all such tests. REV. MR. BACKUS of Mass. I beg leave to offer a few thoughts upon the Constitution proposed to us; and I shall begin with the exclusion of any religious test. Many appear to be much concerned about it; but nothing is more evident, both in | part of the world. America has set an exreason and the Holy Scriptures, than that ample to mankind to think more rationreligion is ever a matter between God and ally-that a man may be of religious senindividuals; and that, therefore, no man timents differing from our own, without beor set of men can impose any religious ing a bad member of society. The printest without invading the essential pre- ciples of toleration, to the honor of this rogatives of our Lord Jesus Christ. Min- age, are doing away those errors and preisters first assumed this power under the judices which have so long prevailed even Christian name, and then Constantine ap- in the most intolerant countries. In Roproved of the practice when he adopted man Catholic lands, principles of modera the profession of Christianity as an engine tion are adopted, which would have been of state policy. And let the history of all spurned a century or two ago. It will be nations be searched, from that day to this, fatal, indeed, to find, at the time when exand it will appear that the imposing of amples of toleration are set even by arbireligious tests hath been the greatest en- trary governments, that this country, so gine of tyranny in the world. impressed with the highest sense of libOLIVER WOLCOTT of Conn. For my-erty, should adopt principles on this subself I should be content either with or ject that were narrow, despotic, and without that clause in the Constitution illiberal." Speech of Henry W. Davis, of Maryland, which excludes test laws. Knowledge and liberty are so prevalent in this country, that I do not believe that the United States would ever be disposed to establish one religious sect and lay all others under legal disabilities. But as we know not Representatives, on the 6th of Jan., 1857, on the results what may take place hereafter, and any such test would be destructive of the rights of free citizens, I cannot think it superfluous to have added a clause which secures us from the possibility of such oppression. * * * * * * * "The great lesson is taught by this election that both the parties which rested their hopes on sectional hostility, stand at this day condemned by the great majority of the country, as common disturbers of the public peace of the country. "The Republican party was a hasty levy, en masse, of the Northern people to repel or revenge an intrusion by Northern votes alone. With its occasion it must pass away. The gentlemen of the Repub lican side of the House can now do noth MR. MADISON of Va. I confess to you, sir, that were uniformity of religion to be introduced by this system, it would, in my opinion, be ineligible; but I have no reason to conclude that uniformity of government will produce that of religion. This subject is, for the honor of America, left perfectly free and unshackled. The government has no jurisdiction over it-ing. They can pass no law excluding the least reflection will convince us there slavery from Kansas in the next Congress is no danger on this ground. Happily for -for they are in a minority. Within two the states, they enjoy the utmost freedom years Kansas must be a state of the Union. of religion. This freedom arises from that She will be admitted with or without multiplicity of sects which pervades Amer-slavery, as her people prefer. Beyond ica, and which is the best and only security for religious liberty in any society. For, where there is such a variety of sects, there cannot be a majority of any one sect to oppress and persecute the rest. Kansas there is no question that is practically open. I speak to practical men. Slavery does not exist in any other territory,-it is excluded by law from several, and not likely to exist anywhere; and the Republican party has nothing to do and can do nothing. It has no future. Why cumbers it the ground? MR. IREDELL of N. C. used this language: Every person in the least conversant with the history of mankind, knows what dreadful mischiefs have been com- "Between these two stand the firm ranks mitted by religious persecution. Under of the American party, thinned by deserthe color of religious tests, the utmost tions, but still unshaken. To them the cruelties have been exercised. Those in eye of the country turns in hope. The power have generally considered all wis- gentleman from Georgia saluted the dom centred in themselves, that they Northern Democrats with the title of healone had the right to dictate to the rest of roes-who swam vigorously down the curmankind, and that all opposition to their rent. The men of the American party tenets was profane and impious. The faced, in each section, the sectional madconsequence of this intolerant spirit has ness. They would cry neither free nor been that each church has in turn set it- slave Kansas; but proposed a safe adminself up against every other, and persecu- istration of the laws, before which every tions and wars of the most implacable and right would find protection. Their voice bloody nature have taken place in every I was drowned amid the din of factions. The silence the voice of sectional strife-not by joining either section, but by recalling the people from a profitless and maddening controversy which aids no interest, and mon industry of the people, but of the Republic itself; to lay a storm amid whose fury no voice can be heard in behalf of the industrial interests of the country, no eye can watch and guard the foreign policy of the government, till our ears may be opened by the crash of foreign war waged for purposes of political and party ambition, in the name, but not by the authority nor for the interests, of the American people. men of the North would have no modera- | feelings, influenced by foreign sympathies, tion, and they have paid the penalty. The to vote on American affairs; and those American party elected a majority of this votes have, in point of fact, accomplished House: had they of the North held fast to the present result. the great American principle of silence on The high mission of the American is to the negro question, and, firmly refusing to restore the influence of the interests of the join either agitation, stood by the Ameri- people in the conduct of affairs; to excan candidate, they would not now be clude appeals to foreign birth or religious writhing, crushed beneath an utter over-feeling as elements of power in politics; to throw. If they would now destroy the Democrats, they can do it only by returning to the American party. By it alone can a party be created strong at the South as well as at the North. To it alone be-shakes the foundation not only of the comlongs a principle accepted wherever the American name is heard-the same at the North as at the South, on the Atlantic or the Pacific shore. It alone is free from sectional affiliations at either end of the Union which would cripple it at the other. Its principle is silence, peace, and compromise. It abides by the existing law. It allows no agitation. It maintains the present condition of affairs. It asks no change in any territory, and it will countenance no agitation for the aggrandizement of either section. Though thousands fell off in the day of trial-allured by ambition, or terrified by fear-at the North and at the South, carried away by the torrent of fanaticism in one part of the Union, or driven by the fierce onset of the Democrats in another, who shook Southern institutions by the violence of their attack, and half waked the sleeping negro by painting the Republican as his liberator, still a million of men, on the great day, in the face of both factions, heroically refused to bow the knee to either Baal. They knew the necessities of the times, and they set the example of sacrifice, that others might profit by it. They now stand the hope of the nation, around whose firm ranks the shattered elements of the great majority may rally and vindicate the right of the majority to rule, and of the native of the land to make the law of the land. Return, then, Americans of the North, from the paths of error to which in an evil hour fierce passions and indignation have seduced you, to the sound position of the American party-silence on the slavery agitation. Leave the territories as they are-to the operation of natural causes. Prevent aggression by excluding from power the aggressors, and there will be no more wrong to redress. Awake the national spirit to the danger and degrada tion of having the balance of power held by foreigners. Recall the warnings of Washington against foreign, influencehere in our midst-wielding part of our sovereignty; and with these sound words of wisdom let us recall the people from paths of strife and error to guard their peace and power; and when once the mind of the people is turned from the slavery agitation, that party which waked the agitation will cease to have power to disturb the peace of the land. The recent election has developed, in an aggravated form, every evil against which This is the great mission of the Amerithe American party protested. Again in the can party. The first condition of success is war of domestic parties, Republican and to prevent the administration from having Democrat have rivalled each other in bid-a majority in the next Congress; for, with ding for the foreign vote to turn the bal- that, the agitation will be resumed for very ance of a domestic election. Foreign different objects. The Ostend manifesto is allies have decided the government of the full of warning; and they who struggle country-men naturalized in thousands on over Kansas may awake and find themthe eve of the election-eagerly struggled selves in the midst of an agitation comfor by competing parties, mad with sec-pared to which that of Kansas was a sumtional fury, and grasping any instrument mer's sea; whose instruments will be, not which would prostrate their opponents. words, but the sword. Again, in the fierce struggle for supremacy, men have forgotten the ban which the Republic puts on the intrusion of religious influence on the political arena. These influences have brought vast multitudes of foreign-born citizens to the polls, ignorant Joshua R. Giddings Against the Fugitive Slave Law. In the House of Representatives, April 25, 1848. "Why, sir, I never saw a panting fugi of American interests, without American tive speeding his way to a land of free dom, that an involuntary invocation did | cent. per annum, an increase equal, allownot burst from my lips, that God would ing for the element of foreign immigration, aid him in his flight! Such are the feel- to the white race, and nearly three times ings of every man in our free states, whose that of the free blacks of the North. But heart has not become hardened in iniquity. these legal rights of the slave embrace but I do not confine this virtue to Republi- a small portion of the privileges actually cans, nor to Anti-Slavery men; I speak enjoyed by him. He has, by universal of all men, of all parties, in all Christian custom, the control of much of his own communities. Northern Democrats feel time, which is applied, at his own choice it; they ordinarily bow to this higher law and convenience, to the mechanic arts, to of their natures, and they only prove re-agriculture, or to some other profitable creant to the law of the 'Most High,' when pursuit, which not only gives him the they regard the interests of the Democratic power of purchase over many additional party as superior to God's law and the necessaries of life, but over many of its rights of mankind. luxuries, and in numerous cases, enables "Gentlemen will bear with me when I him to purchase his freedom when he deassure them and the President that I have sires it. Besides, the nature of the relation seen as many as nine fugitives dining at one of master and slave begets kindnesses, imtime in my own house-fathers, mothers, poses duties (and secures their performhusbands, wives, parents, and children. ance), which exist in no other relation of When they came to my door, hungry and capital and labor. Interest and humanity faint, cold and but partially clad, I did not co-operate in harmony for the well-being turn round to consult the Fugitive Law, of slave labor. Thus the monster objection nor to ask the President what I should do. to our institution of slavery, that it deprives I knew the constitution of my country, and labor of its wages, cannot stand the test of would not violate it. I obeyed the divine a truthful investigation. A slight examinamandate, to feed the hungry and clothe the tion of the true theory of wages, will furnaked. I fed them. I clothed them, gave ther expose its fallacy. Under a system them money for their journey, and sent of free labor, wages are usually paid in them on their way rejoicing. I obeyed money, the representative of products— God rather than the President. I obeyed under ours, in products themselves. One my conscience, the dictates of my heart, of your most distinguished statesmen and the law of my moral being, the commands patriots, President John Adams, said that of Heaven, and, I will add, the constitu- the difference to the state was "imaginary." tion of my country; for no man of in-What matters it (said he) whether a telligence ever believed that the framers landlord, employing ten laborers on his of that instrument intended to involve their descendants of the free states in any act that should violate the teachings of the Most High, by seizing a fellowbeing, and returning him to the hell of slavery. If that be treason, make the most of it. "MR. BENNETT, of Mississippi. I want to know if the gentleman would not have gone one step farther? "MR. GIDDINGS. Yes, sir; I would have gone one step farther. I would have driven the slave-catcher who dared pursue them from my premises. I would have kicked him from my door-yard, if he had made his appearance there; or, had he attempted to enter my dwelling, I would have stricken him down upon the threshold of my door. Robert Toombs on Slavery, At Tremont Temple, Boston, January 24th, 1856. In 1790 there were less than seven hundred thousand slaves in the United States; in 1850 the number exceeded three and one quarter millions. The same authority shows their increase, for the ten years preceding the last census, to have been above twenty-eight per cent., or nearly three per farm, gives them annually as much money as will buy them the necessaries of life, or gives them those necessaries at short hand?” All experience has shown that if that be the measure of the wages of labor, it is safer for the laborer to take his wages in products than in their fluctuating pecuniary value. Therefore, if we pay in the necessaries and comforts of life more than any given amount of pecuniary wages will buy, then our laborer is paid higher than the laborer who receives that amount of wages. The most authentic agricultural statistics of England show that the wages of agricultural and unskilled labor in that kingdom, not only fail to furnish the laborer with the comforts of our slave, but even with the necessaries of life; and no slaveholder could escape a conviction for cruelty to his slaves who gave his slave no more of the necessaries of life for his labor than the wages paid to their agricultural laborers by the noblemen and gentlemen of England would buy. Under their system man has become less valuable and less cared for than domestic animals; and noble dukes will depopulate whole districts of men to supply their places with sheep, and then with intrepid audacity lecture and denounce American slaveholders. The great conflict between labor and |