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M. Pottier does not go so far as to make this claim, but he submits all the evidence that makes its adoption unavoidable:— “ En examinant les monuments égyptiens de l‘age préhiston'que et des premieres dynasties, tout le monde sera frappé des traits de ressemblance nombreux qu’ils présentent avec les trouvailles élamites des couches les plus anciennes. . . . (En Egypt) on retrouve des formes, des sujets, dcs details de technique qui évoquent aussitot le souvenir des antiquités de Suse: vases de pierre dure et d'albatre ” (p. 82). M. Pottier discusses the problem in its wider bearings (pp. 83-85), and elsewhere (pp. 67 et seq.) sets forth his views on the psychology of originality in invention and of the significance and the manner of cultural difl‘usion. Though he does not claim that Susa borrowed from Egypt, he is quite clear that the proto-Elamite culture was imported from Susa, and he sets forth the evidence which in fact demonstrates that Egypt must have been the source of its inspiration. On p. 66 he again discusses the antiquity of the proto-Elamite civilization and repeats his remarks about the earliest immigrants into Elam in these words:—“ Quand ces envahisseurs s’installérent sur les faibles hauteurs, de neuf a dix metres at peine, qui bordaient la riviere (J. de Morgan, Revue d'Assyriologie, 1909, p. 2), ils étaient déja en possession d’une civilization rafiinée.” They had copper weapons and utensils: their women had mirrors: they had fine clothes, etc.

If it is indeed a fact that Elam was colonized before Sumer, the question naturally suggests itself why the newcomers were not content to exploit the fertile banks of the Tigris and Euphrates, but should have chosen the less attractive and rocky country of Elam for their settlement. The answer to this question has been provided in advance by Mr. W. J. Perry's investigations (Memoir: and Proceedings, Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society, 1915) which explain why civilized immigrants in other parts of the world have chosen certain regions to exploit and neglected apparently more attractive places. The Egyptian immigrants into Elam were undoubtedly prospecting for copper ore. In his book Les Premieres Civilizations de Morgan refers to Elam as one of the two “ foyers des inventions métallurgiques” on the ground that copper implements were found in the earliest strata there and the mountains of Elam are “ riches en minerais cuivreux ” (p. r69). But it was the ore which attracted the foreigners and induced them to settle in Elam.

There is evidence of various kinds to suggest that at or about the time when the Elamite and Sumerian civilizations were founded there was a widespread prospecting of the mineral resources of western Asia and the lands around the eastern Mediterranean. The objects of this search were gold and copper. lapis lazuli and turquoise, pearls and shells.

We have already seen that the proto-Elamites had lapis lazuli and turquoise and suggested that they must have gone as far afield as the Caspian to obtain these stones. That they did actually exploit this region is shown by the results of the Pumpelly Expedition (Ralph Pumpclly, Explorations in Turkistan. Carnegie Institution, 1908) in Russian Turkestan, where painted pottery of proto-Elamite type was found in the neighbourhood of certain ancient copper-workings. There can be no doubt that Susian prospectors went to the Caspian area to obtain copper ore, and incidentally got lapis lazuli and turquoise. In the lowest stratum in the northern kurgan at Anau, Pumpelly found hand-made painted pottery, cultivated wheat and barley, turquoise beads, mace-heads, copper and lead, and rectangular houses of sun-dried brick (vol. i., p. 33). At a somewhat higher level he found in addition beads of lapis lazuli and carnelian (p. 42). It was only at a later time (his so-callcd “ Culture 3,” found in the southern kurgan at Anau) that pottery turned on the wheel was found: in the same level tin mixed with copper, and evidence of an “intentional alloying with lead " was obtained; also figurines of a goddess and a cow. Of the earliest culture l-lubcrt Schmidt tentatively estimates the age as “ in the third millennium,” the second in the latter half of the second millennium, and the third approximately 1000 3.6.

Pottier also summarizes (op. cit., p. 7r) the whole discussion: “ According to Hubert Schmidt (Revue archéologique, 1910, i.,

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p. 307) the most ancient pottery from Anau may be contemporary with that of Susa, but he believes it to represent an extension of Elamite art to Turkestan.” In a great part of the Transcaspian region of Turkestan “ au dela de l’Oxus,” north of the Pamir plateau between Samarkand and Kashgar, the finding of objects made of metal or pottery analogous to those of Mesopotamia (Pottier, p. 70) affords additional evidence of the diffusion of Elamite, Sumerian and Babylonian culture in very early times.

It is clear then that the search for copper ore, lapis lazuli and turquoise led to the diffusion of proto-Elamite culture far into Turkestan. But the same reasons led to its spread to Armenia, the Caucasus and Asia Minor in the west and at least as far as Baluchistan, and probably India, in the east.

In Armenia and the Caucasus painted Susian-like vases do occur, but only very rarely (Pottier, p. 73). “ Cette poterie du Caucase, dont la date n’est determinée, est sans contredit afliliée par la tradition a la fabrique élamite ” (p. 74). In Galatia and Cappadocia painted pottery of the same type is found, which is certainly not of Aegean inspiration (p. 74). Similar pottery is found also in Phrygia and Mysia (p. 76); and M. Pottier suggests that between early times and the period of the eighth and seventh centuries 13.0. Susian influence percolated into Phrygia from the neighbouring lands. The geographical lines of the spread of this culture seem to have been determined mainly by the distribution of copper and gold. Elamite pottery has been found north of the Black Sea in Scythia (Pottier, p. 74). Without any definite reasons, so far as I understand his report, M. Pottier thinks that, although the designs upon the painted pottery of the Thraco-Phrygian area are similar to those of the Susian ware, the inspiration was independent. However, he thinks that Lydia and Caria, Syria and Palestine were influenced both by Elam and Egypt about the middle of the third millennium. Once one admits the motive and considers the times of the respective diftusions of culture, the process and the lines of spread become clear enough. When gold and copper acquired in Egypt for the first time an arbitrary value they were sought for far and wide, not merely in the Eastern Deserts of Egypt and Nubia, but also in Arabia and Elam, in Asia Minor, in the Caucasus and Turkestan. From Egypt there were two main lines of diffusion of culture—one E. to Elam and the other N. to Crete‘ and Asia Minor;I and from each of these centres secondary lines of radiation were established.

One of the most striking illustrations of the extent of these secondary radiations and of the motives which prompted them is afforded by the remarkable centre of Elamite culture at the little village of Nal (in the Jhalawan district of Kalat state, lat. 27°40’, long. 66°14’) in Baluchistan (J. H. Marshall, “A New Type of Pottery from Baluchistan,” Survey of India, Annual Report, 1904-5, Calcutta, 1908, pp. 105 et seq.; for summaries sec Revue archéologique, 1909, p. 156, also Pottier, op. cit., p. 72; Noetling, “ Ueber eine prahistorische Niederlassung im oberen Zhob-Thal in Baluchistan,” Zcilschrift fur Etlmologie, 1898, pp. 460-470; also “ Ueber prahistorische Niederlassungen in Baluchistan,” ibid., 1899, pp. 104-107).

The pottery from Baluchistan is painted with designs clearly analogous to those found at Susa, of the culture of which it is clearly either a contemporary offshoot or a persistent survival. On the evidence supplied by Marshall the latter explanation seemed to be the just one; but Noetling has shown that the Baluchistan pottery occurs in what he calls “ Neolithic ” sites, and it is quite clear that the Elamite ceramic industry extended as far east possibly in the third millennium. The fact that it was found in association with gold deposits and ancient irriga— tion works completes the proof of the motives and the identity of the introducers of the ancient civilization. The Baluchistan centre of Susian influence possibly represents a stage in the migration of the knowledge of copper (from Egypt, via Susa and Baluchistan) to India, where an early Copper Age culture

1 See Diedrich Fimmen, Die Kretisch-Ilfykenische Kullur (I921). ( 'A.) E. Cowley, The Him'm, The Schweich Lectures for 1918

1920 .

developed on the banks of the Ganges (W. Crooke, Northern India, 1907, p. 18: “ an age of copper is well marked by finds of implements of remarkable shapes in the Ganges Valley ”).

The search for copper or gold attracted these earliest exploiters to Elam, to Asia Minor, the Caucasus and Black Sea littoral, the southern shores of the Caspian and Transcaspia, and to Baluchistan; but it also led them much farther afield. So that, long before the invention of bronze the germs of ancient civilization were planted in Turkestan and along a series of goldworkings from the Oxus to Bukhara, to Issyk-kul and Kulja, to Barnaul, Krasnoyarsk and Minusinsk, which became the centre where for many centuries the civilization of central Siberia flourished in spite of the fact that it was the lure for the greed of a vast continent and the home of strife (W. J. Perry, “ War and Civilization,” Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 1918).

But it was not merely the chain of golden sands along the line from Bukhara to the Yenisei that attracted the miners from the S., but also the gold and jade in the Tarim valley in pursuit of which the prospectors were led on from Kashgar to Kucha past Lop-nor to Suchan, Liangshan and Lanshan until eventually they discovered the gold and jade in the mountains S. of Si-ngan in Shensi. Settling down to extract this wealth they incidentally planted the germs of the civilization of China. Laufer’s memoir on The Beginnings of Porcelain in China (1917) (see also his “ Some Fundamental Ideas of Chinese Culture,” Journal of Race Development, vol. v., 1014, pp. 160-174) affords irrefutable corroboration of the fact that “ the entire economic foundation of ancient Chinese civilization has a common foundation with that of the West” (p. r75). “ It is inconceivable that the (potter’s) wheels of India and China should be independent of those of the West ” (p. 175). All the facts brought together by Laufer point clearly to the conclusion that the world at large learnt the use of the potter’s wheel from Egypt (pp. 174-176). Many centuries later “ the incentive for the process of glazing pottery was received by the Chinese directly from the West, owing to their contact with the Hellenistic world in comparatively late historical times. The knowledge of glazing rendered the manufacture of porcelanous ware possible; yet in this achievementthe creative genius of the Chinese was not guided by outside influence, but relied on its own powerful resources ” (p. 176).

Elamite civilization was difiused to Turkestan long before wheel-made pottery was made, because Pumpelly’s excavations revealed the fact that in the first and second of his culture-stages at Anau only hand-made pottery was found.

The routes followed by these early culture-bearers from Persia to central Siberia and to China respectively are mapped out by the remains of ancient irrigation systems. Wherever gold was to be obtained from any of the streams or lakes these wandering prospectors settled to wash the sands for the precious metal: they also irrigated the land in their characteristic way to grow crops to maintain themselves; and they left stone monuments as memorials for their dead. The association of these three classes of evidence, the presence of gold, ancient irrigation and stone monuments, still blazes the paths taken by these ancient prospectors forty or more centuries ago. Detailed statements of two of these classes of evidence will be found in J. Mouchkebofi’s Les Richesses Minerales du Turkeslan (Paris, 1878) and H. Moser’s L'Irrigalion en Asia Cenlrale (Paris, 1894).

There is evidence of another kind in substantiation of the intimate cultural link between early Egypt, Elam and Sumer, and between them and the Iranian and Turanian domains. The religious ideas and mythology reveal the closeness of the bonds between these ancient centres, and especially the fact that much of so-called early Aryan beliefs and myths are really Egypto~ Sumerian in origin.

But reference has been made to the intimacy of the early cultural bonds between Mesopotamia and Turkestan because it has a bearing upon one of the most important episodes in the history of civilization—the invention of the alloy bronze and the inauguration of the Bronze Age. We know that before the

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invention of bronze prospectors for gold and copper exploited the line of deposits of these metals which forms a chain linking the valley of the Oxus to the upper Yenisei. The rich archaeological harvest collected around the sites of these ancient workings establishes this fact. Now if it be true—and the evidence at present available renders it probable—then the making of bronze was invented with the help of the tin obtained from Meshcd. Ancient tin mines were discovered in this region b P. Ogorodnikov (compare Baer, Arch. f. Anthr. lix., p. 265i: quoted by 'l‘errien de Lacouperie, Western Origin of Chinese Civilization, p. 322). “ Strabo declares that it (tin) was produced in Drangiana, west of the modern Afghanistan, a district partly coinciding with Khurasan, where its presence has been confirmed. It is also found in other parts of Persia, near Astcrabad and Tabriz” (C. H. Read, A Guide to the Anliquilies of the Bronze A gc, British Museum, 1904, p. 9.) The exact spot where tin has been found at the south-eastern corner of the Caspian is indicated by J. de Morgan, Mission Scientifique an Cauoase (1889).

In her important monograph on Gournia Mrs. Harriet Boyd Hawes brings forward the following weighty arguments in favour of the invention of bronze in the southern Caspian area. “ When the Pumpelly expedition returned from Turkestan in 1904, one of the members brought potsherds indistinguishable at first sight from the brilliantly mottled ware found at Vasiliki (Crete) during the same season. The strong likeness between the two fabrics . . . is more reasonably explained by intercourse than by accident. Moreover, Dr. Hubert Schmidt . . reports that a neighbouring tumulus (near the large one in which the pottery was found) gave him a three-sided sealstone of Middle Minoan type, engraved with Minoan desiW man, lion, steer, and griffin. How shall we explain those evidences of Aegean influence in southern Turkestan? They must be brought in line with other proofs of contact. . . . We see that at c.2500 B.C. Asia Minor shared with the Aegean the knowledge of bronze . . . we may suggest the probability that, long before tin was discovered in Europe, it was being brought overland through Asia Minor, and also by way of Transcaucasia and the Black Sea from distant Khorassan, Strabo's Drangiana. . . . Excavations at Elizabethpol in Transcaucasia have revealed a culture in early contact with the Aegean."

One of the results of this intercourse between Turkcstan and Asia Minor was the introduction into Europe of the appreciation of jade, which no doubt was responsible for stimulating the people of Europe to hunt out and work the supplies of nephrite which occur locally.

Terrien de Lacouperie makes the following statement :—

“ The precious nephrite (polished celts) is found along the route from Khotan inTurkestan, its starting point, to the jaxartes, to the Oxus, then S. of the Caspian Sea, in Babylonia and Assyria, along the Northern Asia Minor shores, bordering upon ancient Troy, then passes to the Peloponnesus, where it directs its course to Crete, and, not touching Egypt, passes from Greece to Italy, where it is distributed amon the Helvetian Lakes, the Megalithic monuments of Armorica, etc.’ (Western Origin of Chinese Civilization, p. 34.)

Chinese Civilization—There is no doubt that the cradle of Chinese civilization was in the Shensi province early in the third millennium, and that the inspiration of this culture was provided by miners from the W. who were exploiting the gold, copper and jade of the mountains S. of Si-ngan-fu, and incidentally planting in China the much modified elements of Elamite civilization which had been handed on from one mining camp to another on the long route to China.

The occasional use of jade for seal-cylinders in Babylonia and the value attached to turquoise there suggests that the people who were washing the sands of the Oxus, the Syr Daria, Issyk-kul and the Ili for gold—and the presence of distinctive types of ancient irrigation works on the banks of these waters proves the reality of such exploitation—were also working the Tian Shan range and the neighbourhood of Khotan and Kashgar for jade and turquoise. What strengthens the belief in the reality of this suggestion is the fact that the peculiarly arbitrary and distinctive magical significance which was attached to pearls and gold by the early sailors of the Erythraean Sea was acquired also by jade. The only reasonable suggestion that explains this remarkable circumstance is that these ideas were acquired by the people of Turkcstan from Mesopotamian miners, and that the former came to attach to all the materials for which the immigrants were searching the peculiar attributes which these immigrants themselves assigned only to certain of them. Hence jade came to be regarded, like pearls, as the giver of life and resurrection and as a preventive of putrefaction of the corpse.

The problem that must be solved in the explanation of the symbolism of jade in China is the source of its inspiration. Why should jade be regarded as the giver of life and resurrection, the preserver of the dead and the bringer of good fortune? We know how and why the pearl came to acquire these magical attributes. We know also that the ancient Persian word for a pearl, margan, “ the giver of life,” was adopted in all the Turanian languages; so that the word and the idea underlying it spread E. as far as Kamchatka. The exact identity of the ideas concerning (and the methods of using) jade suggest that they must be derived from the pearl-symbolism, and the tentative explanation suggests itself that the people of Mesopotamia exploited the area in the neighbourhood of the Tian Shan mountains for gold and jade, and so transmitted to the people of Chinese Turkestan ideas of the magical properties of jade which in course of time spread due E. to the head-waters of the Hwangho river.

“ The mountains south of Si-ngan-fu in Shensi Province produced jade, gold, silver, copper and iron in the first century B.C., as expressly stated in the Annalso the Former Han Dynasty . . the distinguished ph sician T'ao ting-King (4 2—536 A.D.), the author of a treatise on atcria .lfedica (Ming i pie)? lu), states that the best jade comes from (Lan-t'ien): he mentions also the occurrence of jlade in Nan-yang, Honan Province, and in the Lu-jung river of

onking, also that brought from Khotan and Kaskgar " (Laufer’s Jade, p. 24).

Laufer denies that jade was imported into China from Turkestan before the commencement of the Christian era; and also seems to be opposed to the idea that the magical value attached to jade in China was suggested by the West.

“ While from about the Christian era Turkestan became the chief source for the supply of jade to China, to which Yunnan and Burma were later added, neither Turkestan norYunnan came into question in very early times. The 'ades used in the period of the Chou, and most of those of the Han ynasty, were quarried on the very soil of China pro r. It was doubtless the Chinese themselves who, being acquaintedfvith jade in their country, probably for millenniums, gave impetus to the jade fishing and mining industries of Turkestan. Also this case may throw a side-light on the nephrite question of Europe: home-sources do not exclude imports, and scarcity or exhaustion of sources may favor them ” (Laufer, Jade, pp. 23 and 24).

But Laufer’s hypothesis of the origin in China of the special appreciation of jade will not bear examination. The search for gold in Turkestan was certainly begun by people from the South. There can be no doubt that the same people who washed the sands of these rivers of Turkestan for alluvial gold and freshwater pearls also inaugurated the practice of “ fishing for jade.” The proof of this inference is provided by the fact that jade acquired precisely the same reputation and had attributed to it the same remarkable repertory of magical properties as these southern miners associated with pearls and gold.

Dr. Laufer himself puts the matter in its true perspective when he is discussing the problem of European jade (p. 5). His argument is so apt and incisive that it is tempting to use it to demolish his own hypothesis:—

" Nothing could induce me to the belief that primitive man of central Euro incidentally and spontaneously embarked on the laborious taslzeof quarrying and working jade. The ps 'cholo ical motive for this act must be supplied, and it can be deduced only mm the source of historical facts. From the standpoint of the general development of culture in the Old World, there is absolutely no vestige of originality in the rehistoric cultures of Europe, which a pear as an appendix to_As|a. Originalit is certainly the rarest t ing in this world, and in the history 0 mankind the original thoughts are appallingly sparse. There is, in the light of historical facts and experiences, no reason to credit the prehistoric and early historic populations of Europe with any spontaneous ideas relative to jade; they received these, as everything else, from an outside

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source; they gradually learned to appreciate the value of this tough and compact substance, and then set to hunting for natural supplies."

Substitute “ China ” for “ central Europe ” in this admirable statement, and it applies with equal force. For the Chinese had no reasons for attaching a special value to jade until they were inspired to do so by ideas which came to them from elsewhere. Laufer claims that the question can only be settled on the basis of historical fact. His argument also implies that the idea of working jade spread from one centre. In other words, if we accept his teaching, the use of jade in Europe during the early Bronze Age was inspired by events in the Shensi province of China! What historical evidence is there, first, for assigning such a remote date for the exploitation of jade in China, and, secondly, for the transmission of the knowledge of these events from China to Switzerland nearly 40 centuries ago?

In Turkestan we find definite reasons for the appreciation of and the commencement of the working of jade. We have also found some evidence to justify the hypothesis that the making of bronze was invented in close proximity to Turkestan. The people who introduced the knowledge of bronze-making into Europe, also introduced the appreciation of jade.

If, however, we accept Laufer’s view that Chinese culture inspired the appreciation of jade in central Europe in the second millennium 8.0., or even earlier, presumably the channel passed via Turkestan. Part of his argument (see above) was based upon the fact that the Chinese jade traffic with Turkestan was unknown before the beginning of the Christian era But if there was this early intercourse with Turkestan, the fact that the Babylonians or whoever was exploiting the wealth of that country, attached a special value to gold, pearls and jade can hardly be left out of account in considering the origin of Chinese ideas. Is it likely that the exact coincidence between these wholly arbitrary ideas in China and Babylonia respectively were independent the one of the other? Dr. Laufer himself rightly scouts the idea of such independent development. If so he must admit that the Chinese ideas concerning jade must have been inspired by the West. .

Light is thrown upon these problems by the study of the metal implements found in Siberia and elsewhere. In his admirable Guide to the Antiquities of the Bronze Age (British Museum, 1904), Sir Hercules Read summarizes the evidence in an impartial manner‘:—

“ At the extremities of the vast area stretching from Lake Baikal through the southern Siberian steppes across the Ural Mountains to the basin of the Volga, and even beyond to the valleys of the Don and Dnieper, there have been found, generally in tombs, but occasionally on the surface of the ground, implements and weapons marked by the same peculiarities of form and by a single type of decoration. These objects exhibit an undoubted afl‘inity with those discovered in China; but some of their distinctive features have been traced in the Bronze indust of Hunga and the Caucasus: for example, pierced axes and sic 'les have a c ose resemblance to Hungarian and Caucasian forms. The Siberian bronzes have thus relationships both in the East and West; but their kinship with Chinese antiquities being the more obvious, it is natural to assume that the culture which they represent is of East Asiatic origin. The prcsumable antiquit of Chinese civilization (which after all is only a presumptionj'; the continued westward tendency of migration in historical times (which, however, were started by the disturbances in the gold region of the Altai,’ and therefore tell against Sir Hercules Read's argument); and the fact that the greatest centre of discove lies far away to the East in the basin of the Yenisei, in the istricts of Minusinsk and Krasnoiarsk, are all points which may be urged in support of this view."

To the objections which we have interpolated in this quotation, Sir Hercules Read himself adds others. The Chinese implements are “ not of primitive forms ”:——

“ Their prototypes are found neither in the Ural-Altaic re ion itself, where some objects may indeed be simpler in design than or ers but cannot be described as uite primitive; nor as yet within the limits of China itself " (p. rojh

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The true solution of the problem will be reached when it is recognized that the basin of the Yenisei and China represent the two termini of a stream of culture which passed N. from the southern end of the Caspian Sea and divided at the Tian Shan range into two branches, one of which passed more immediately to the Yenisei and the other via Khotan and Kashgar ultimately to China. Sir Hercules Read hints at the possibility of this explanation without, however, definitely committing himself to it :—

“ The similarities existing between the Far Eastern and Hungarian groups will not be full explained until the Bronze Age of southern Asia as a whole is far etter known than it is at present (1904). According to a view which has found some acceptance, the common elements may have been derived from some centre in southern or south-western Asia, from which issued two streams of influence, one passing to the N. of the Caucasus, the other to China by a southerly

route ' (p. 109). Further, in his account of the Siberian implements, Sir Hercules Read adds:—

"The most characteristic ornament represents animals of local species, bears, reindeers, wild goats, etc., the monsters characteristic of the later Iron A e tombs being absent. Sometimes the heads of animals are placed ack to back so as to form the guards of daggers, a disposition which has some resemblance to those of daggers represented upon Assyrian monuments " (p. I to).

Correlating all the facts and suggestions brought together by de Morgan, Pumpelly, Laufer, Read, Hawes and Minns, and interpreting them in the light of Perry’s illuminating demonstration of the vital part played by the search for gold, copper, pearls and precious stones, we find the general explanation seeming to emerge quite definitely, even if the details still remain to be worked out.

From the third millennium the mines on the S.E. of the Caspian were being exploited and contact was established between Babylonians, Elamites and the population of Turkestan. The northerly extension of Mesopotamian cultural influence established further contact with the Mediterranean in the West, and both directly and indirectly with the strip of rich metalliferous country stretching along the Caucasus from the eastern coast of the Black Sea to the Caspian. At the same time, from the eastern and south-eastern shores of the Caspian there was a further extension of mining activities E. and N .E. to the Oxus, to Samarkand and Ferghana, and to the S.E. of Lake Balkash. From the great southern Caspian centre of the Bronze industry there were drifts of cultural influence to the Aegean and the Black Sea, to Turkestan and China itself.

The invention of the alloy bronze was an event of most momentous importance in the history of civilization; the determination of the exact place whence the knowledge of this procedure was diffused to the ends of the earth is therefore a point of exceptional significance: hence the facts and arguments which point to the neighbourhood of the Caspian early in the third millennium as the place and time of this event have been set forth here in some detail.

Social Organization and Tolemism—One of the most potent factors in shaping the beliefs and customs of the world at large was the result of an ingenious device on the part of the priesthood of Heliopolis to attain their own selfish aims, namely, of increasing their political power and influence and enhancing their social status. Until the period of the Fourth Dynasty in Egypt the royal family controlled the‘ whole of the priestly and administrative functions of the State. The king was the high priest and his eldest son the grand vizier. Each of the administrative districts of the State—the names—was governed by a member of the royal family. Hence the whole government of the State was concentrated in the hands of one family. But from the earliest times the priesthood of Heliopolis had played an important part in Egypt. They were responsible for the astronomical calculations necessary for the prediction of the annual flood of the Nile, on which‘ the welfare of the whole country depended. At Heliopolis the first nilomcter‘was set up, and in all probability the first solar calendar was devised there. In course of time it became the centre of the solar cult which superseded (or rather adopted andprofoundly modified) the Gsin'an-belief in the river as the _soume:of all. life. r1Having built

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up the solar theology at the end of the Fourth Dynasty the priesthood of Heliopolis made a bold bid for power by putting forward the prophecy that Re, the sun god, would be the father of the first king of the Fifth Dynasty by the wife of the high priest of Heliopolis. Hence arose the custom of regarding the chosen people as “children of the sun ” and believing in the virgin birth of kings and gods—arbitrary elements of culture the widespread distribution of which throughout the world is a striking token of Egyptian influence in the upbuilding of civilization. The ingenious device of the Heliopolitan priesthood to seize control of the State was not wholly successful, but resulted in a dual organization of the Government, the Heliopolitan family controlling the priestly duties and the Memphite (the old royal) family the civil administration. This splitting of responsibility and control led to a rapid disintegration of the governing power and at the end of the Sixth Dynasty the State was reduced to a condition of anarchy. But the effect of this remarkable experiment in government became widely diffused beyond the boundaries of Egypt; and the dual organization of the community and the use of such phrases as “ son of the Sun ” were carried far afield, even to Oceania and America. In the whole extent of the regions from Egypt to America we find traces of two well-marked phases of civilization. The earlier represents a form of social organization essentially identical with that of Egypt of the Fifth Dynasty:-——sun-cult; a dual kingship, one ruling family being concerned with secular and another with priestly functions; and a dual division of the State, which even extends to individual villages. It seems probable that the priesthood which originally devised this dual organization realized the danger of the cleavage and the risk of disintegration inherent in it, and introduced the principle of exogamy to maintain the coherence of the community that was split into two conflicting moieties by compelling the members of the divisions to intermarry.

In many places this phase of culture gave place to another derived directly from it by a process of inevitable disintegration following on the splitting off of daughter settlements. In this secondary process the sun-god became known as a war-god: the kingship ceased to be dual, and the dual organization of the State and the village tended to disappear with greater or less rapidity according to local circumstances.

In the early phase of dualism the two rulers were assisted in the administration by a council, the members of which were the representatives of local groups (the Egyptian nomes), usually clans associated with some animal from which they claimed descent. (The reason for this remarkable belief, known as totemism, is probably to be found in the fact that the earliest Egyptians regarded the milk-giving cow not merely as a fostermother but as the actual Great Mother of mankind. When the nomes adopted as badges a series of distinctive animals, these maternal functions were attributed to all of them.) Like the kingship this totemic council was also dual, one section being concerned with peace and the other with war. It often happened that the ruling power disappeared and then we find that the people deliberately maintained the council as the proper means of preserving the constitution with which they are familiar. Thus is produced a state of affairs commonly called the dual organization in which the country is divided into two parts with different characteristics. Just as in Egypt one kingdom was known as the white crown and the other as the red, so in many parts of the world one moiety is connected with the colour white (or a light colour) and the other with red (or a dark colour). One is associated with the sky and with peace and is regarded as superior, the other with the earth, the underworld, and war and is regarded as inferior.

A feature of the dual organization is the council of old men—the gerontocracy—which is regarded as of the utmost importance. The various groups of the dual organization in its pure form appear to be what are called totemic clans. Theebasis of this system is to be found in the doctrine of theogamy, which as we have seen was invented by the priests of Heliopolis to serve their own personal ends. - . . . .. -- . ,ir)

There was a vast amount of speculation during 1910-20 as to the meaning of totemism. an impartial and full summary of which has recently been published by Dr. Arnold van Gennep (L’Eta! Actual du Probléme Tolémique, Paris, 1920). But recent research (and especially the unpublished researches of W. J. Perry, which the present writer has been permitted to see and use) makes it abundantly clear that, wherever it is found, totemism has been derived directly or indirectly from the beliefs and practices associated with the ruling classes in Egypt during the Pyramid Age, to which reference has already been made. When one investigates the more primitive forms of totemism and realizes the part played in them by such ideas as matrilineal descent from animals, virgin birth, children of the sun, and the belief in the protective value of animal crests, there can no longer be any doubt as to the derivation of these conceptions from Egypt of the Fifth Dynasty.

In the foregoing account it has been claimed that a very intimate connexion exists between the dual organization and the system of totemic clans. This is not an accidental circumstance, as is often assumed, but is the inevitable result of the conditions under which the dual system arose in Egypt. No doubt this will be regarded as a very heterodox claim; but the facts in proof of it are certain and their meaning quite conclusive. Although the dual organization now survives only in India, Oceania and America, there are marriage customs with a much wider distribution, notably in Africa, which point to the influence of this social system in earlier times. In Australia there are very complicated systems of rules to regulate marriage: but in many tribes they afl‘ord a very striking demonstration of the original connexion between the dual system and the totemic clans. The dual chieftainship still persists in Polynesia and New Guinea, as it did in Japan until the Shogunate became virtually extinct a few years ago. According to Géza Roheim (Man, 1915, p. 26) there are very definite traces of the same customs among the Ural-Altaic peoples. He refers especially to the double kingship of the Khazars as being essentially similar to the Mikado-Shogun system of Nippon.

The vast importance of the study of social organization has been emphasized by Dr. W. H. R. Rivers within recent years (Kinship and Social Organization, London, 1913; H islory of M clonesian Society, Cambridge, 1914), and in his hands the use of the data relating to marriage regulations and relationship has become a most valuable instrument for investigating the problems of ethnology and the diffusion of culture. (G.E.S.)

ANTISEPTICS (sea a.146).—During recent years the study of antiseptics has proceeded mainly along two lines—attempts have been made to produce more efiicient antiseptics for use in the ordinary way by external application, and chemical substances have been elaborated which when injected into the circulation destroy the microbes with which they come in contact. At the same time many studies have been made on the natural antiseptics by which the body I‘ldS itself of infection.

Antiseptic: N alurally Occurring in the Human Body—It is well known that we are constantly coming in contact with diseaseproducing microbes and yet only comparatively rarely does an infection result. It is also well known that an individual who has been living in a secluded spot which was comparatively free from infection, when brought into a. city where infection is common, is very much more liable to infection than an individual who had been living in the city. The latter by coming in contact with the microbes has developed a partial immunity to the common infections, so that, while the stranger will rapidly succumb to the infecting microbe, the partially immune person will be able in many cases to resist it. This immunity is due to an increase in the amount of anti-bacterial substances of the body fluids, and to a better organization for the mobilization of the defences of the body towards the point of attack.

In the simplest cases, where microbes are introduced into the body by the instrument which inflicts the wound, there is very quickly produced a dilatation of the surrounding blood-vessels which increases the blood supply to the infected region. This is

ollowed by an increased transudation of the fluid portion of the

[graphic]

blood from the vessels into the infected tissues, and by an emigration from the blood of the white corpuscles or leucocytes, which are amoeboid bodies capable of ingesting the microbes and destroying them.

With some infecting agents such as the typhoid bacillus the fluids of the blood have a great power of killing the microbes, but in most of the commoner infections this power is not so manifest and the leucocytes are the chief agents in their destruction. The quality of the fluids even in these cases is, however, of great importance in preventing the increase of the microbes, and in acting on them so that the leucocytes can readily take them up and complete their destruction. Almroth Wright has shown that in cases of severe infection the power of the blood serum to neutralize tryptic ferments (the antitryptic power) is much increased, and by virtue of this increased antitryptic power the growth of the microbes is greatly hindered in the serum. He has shown also that the alkalinity of the blood is of great importance in retarding the growth of some microbes such as those which cause gas gangrene. He has also shown that the serum will act on the microbes by virtue of its opsonic action so that they can be taken up by the leucocytes and destroyed. These observations on the opsonic power of the serum form the basis for modern vaccine-therapy, which has been of such benefit in combating many infections.

It has been shown that the leucocytes of the blood, and also the leucocytes which exude from the blood into an infected wound and constitute pus, have a very powerful action in destroying the ordinary septic microbes, and these natural antiseptics have the great advantage over the chemical antiseptics that they act mainly on the microbes which are imbedded in the tissues, and not merely on the microbes on the surface of the wound. In all wounds in which an infection has been established the majority of the microbes are in the tissues well below the surface of the wound, and are quite inaccessible to chemicals applied to the surface.

During recent years research has been directed to the action of chemical antiseptics on the natural defences of the body, and it has been shown that the cells of the body are more susceptible to the chemicals and are more easily killed by them than are the microbes, so that it is clearly impossible to kill by means of one of the ordinary chemical antiseptics the microbes imbedded in the tissues, unless at the same time the tissues are destroyed.

Chemotherapy—The ideal method of using an antiseptic is to introduce it into the circulation so that it reaches every portion of the infected focus and destroys the microbes. For the ordinary bacteria this ideal had not yet been attained in 192 i, but remarkable advances had been made in this direction in certain infections. In 1910 Ehrlich prepared an organic arsenical product which when injected into the body rapidly destroyed the microbe of syphilis, and this product, salvarsan, or a later and more easily administered product of somewhat similar constitution, neo-salvarsan, has revolutionized the treatment of this disease. Following Ehrlich, Morgenroth prepared a chemical substance which had a remarkable afiinity for the pneumococcus (the microbe which causes pneumonia), and destroyed it in very high dilution, whereas it had little lethal action on other bacteria. It was found that Morgenroth's

. drug (optochin) lost much of its lethal power on the pneumococcus

when injected into the animal body, and also it had certain poisonous effects on the animal tissues, so that in practice it had not been useful. The fact, however, that drugs can be prepared that have a very specific action on one microbe offers some hope that in the future there will be produced chemicals which will be able to destroy the ordinary disease-producing bacteria, without damaging the tissues, and so give us an easy and certain remedy for the common infections.

Chemical Anliseptics for Application to the W 0und.—Prior to the World War the use of antiseptics in surgery had been largely discarded in favour of “ aseptic ” methods, in which the aim was to prevent the access of the microbe to the wound. During the war, however, it was found that all wounds were infected with septic microbes, and many antiseptic methods

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