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“The gates are mine to open and the gates are mine to close.”
And yet with all that freedom-a freedom larger than is enjoyed by any state in this American Republic—those overseas nations are bound inseparably about one central Throne, swear allegiance to one sovereign king and proudly float one common flag. President Taft spoke truly when he said that the bond which binds Canada to Britain is light and impalpable as air. Yes, light as the bonds of faith, impalpable as the ties of love, but stronger than cords of steel, surer than tariff or tax, and we who were bred overseas stand by the ancient home because we are Sons of the Blood and call her Mother still.
That is the most marvelous thing, the unique, the unparalleled thing, in world organization on the basis of peace and good-will. And if that has been achieved, even greater things are possible. Possible is the English-speaking fraternity. Yes, the English-speaking fraternity! It is coming. In spirit it is here. These two flags, with their common colors, stand today for a common faith, a common purpose, and a common life. On this continent these two flags float over an international boundary line dividing sovereignty from sovereignty along 3,700 miles, but without a fort, without a battleship, without a gun, without a soldier on parade. Across that boundary line for a hundred years nation has not lifted up sword against
nation. And who knows but before another hundred years are gone the example set by Britain and America on this continent will have been learned by Europe and by Asia. The nations are tired, tired and sick, of their own mad and barbarous folly. When they have seen with open eyes what has been done by two proud peoples on this continent-a thousand miles up a great river, a thousand miles along inland seas, a thousand miles across open prairie, a thousand miles over mountain ranges and never a gun or a guard—when they have seen that unmatched witness to peace they will hang the trumpet in the hall and study war no more.
And that day of universal peace is coming. It is nearer than many of us suppose. The crowding of the world nations into one world neighborhood makes it needful. The progress of civilization makes it possible. The triumph of Christianity makes it sure. It is brought nearer by every victory of intelligence over ignorance, of law over force, of love over hate. It is helped forward by every heroism of peace, by every sacrifice of self, by every martyrdom to the cause of liberty and truth. Democracy calls to it, for only in the day of peace can the people reign supreme. The Prince of Peace was first to blaze the way for good-will to the world of men. And in His train followed bravely the great prophet of the dawn, whose name we speak with reverence, William Thomas Stead, that soldier-saint, “who never turned his back, but marched breast forward," whose going from the martyr-deck of the Titanic was not to the mournful dirge of the "Dead March," but to the triumph song of the "Hallelujah Chorus." He who meant to speak to us his word for universal peace entered gloriously the unseen holy, and is one more familiar face in that compassing cloud of witnesses whose radiant presence overshadows us tonight.
CONSTRUCTIVE CHRISTIANITY AND
THE NEGRO PROBLEM
W. J. NORTHEN
Ex-Governor of Georgia I am from Georgia, the heart of the middle south and the heart of the negro belt of America. My state has the largest negro population in all the states of the entire Union. The two adjacent states, Alabama and Mississippi, together with Georgia, contain three tenths of all the negroes in the United States, while all the Southern states combined have resident within their territory seventy-seven per cent of all the negroes in the nation, leaving only twenty-three per cent for the states north of the dividing line.
Using the figures of the census of 1900, the white people in my state number 1,181,000 and the negro people number 1,035,000. Determined by the report of the census for the same year, New York has a white population, numbering 7,100,000 and a negro population numbering 100,000, making 7,000,000 more white people in New York than negroes, while in Georgia there are only about 150,000 more white people than negroes. Suffer me to make this comparison, not at all in a spirit of criticism, but that local conditions may be fully understood. With these vastly different conditions locally existent in the two states, the problem can hardly be the same and the methods for solution will, doubtless, be as widely divergent. If therefore, in the discussion, it should appear that the Georgia problem is not the New York problem and Georgia methods for solution are not applicable to New York, I beg that you give me credit for honesty of statement and sincerity of purpose in an earnest desire to remove this vexing problem from our community life by wise and proper solution.
More than twenty years ago, Henry Grady was invited to deliver an address in Boston on the New South. On his way to Boston he stopped a day in New York where he met a staunch Southern friend, who asked, with interest, what he would say to the people in Boston about the South. Grady replied: "For the life of me I do not know. I can think of a score of things which if I do not say, the people in Georgia will lynch me when I return to the state, and which if I do say, the people in Boston will skin me alive before I can leave town." I find myself somewhat in Grady's predicament, and facing all the possible dangers to come from this discussion, I now throw myself absolutely, upon the sympathy and the mercy of the court.
At the outset, I desire to state three general but distinct and fundamental propositions upon which I trust we shall all agree.
First, it may bring news and information to the people of the North to state that there are large numbers of Christian white people and