have no identity to preserve, but what is common to the whole lump of humanity.

The subject before us, however, as it does not interfere with the immediate interests of such persons, will I trust not be prejudged by them without examination. It is one of vital importance to society; and though it is likely to be precipitately determined on by the sanguine, this circumstance does not warrant us in rejecting it as unfit to be dispassionately examined. Strange indeed would it be, if this science of governing the depraved were the only one that can make no progress; and while other knowledge has been enlarging its circles by daily additions, this alone should remain confined to the narrow circumference that restricted it in the darkest ages of our history, and the most degraded state of the human intellect. Many old doctrines, which agitated the political hemisphere in past centuries, are silently gone over; and, though the sky be not cloudless, we have more light than ever to examine into these questions, so interesting and so important to our well-being.

That political speculations should be abus ed, is only to remark what must inevitably

await every discovery bearing so closely upon human happiness. This objection against discussion really amounts to little more than saying, that all men are not endowed with an equal share of prudence. There will always be a large portion of shortsighted reasoners, who, from this very defect, will see the strongest all the objects within the compass of their vision; and, guided, as the majority of such persons usually are, unduly by their feelings, they will be ready to start for a promising point in the distance without regarding the obstacles in the road. Disappointment and chagrin usually follow from such adventures; and if political experiments could be tried with as little injury as chemical ones, such failures would be profitable,

But unfortunately for these projectors, the institutions of mankind have most of them grown out of the urgency of occasions, and have accommodated themselves practically to our varying opinions; by which means we become in a measure reconciled to them, though their leading principles may be founded in error. Thus the Americans, with all their love of liberty, and of equality among mankind, have never yet got rid

of negro slavery, which is absolute in some of the states, and exists practically in all. That they are sincere in wishing to rid themselves of this "broadest, foulest blot," cannot be doubted; but the difficulties arise from the habits of the people, which in this instance completely neutralize the spirit of their speculative constitution. That this reconciliation to our circumstances is natural, I cannot doubt, though I lament over the abuses to which it is exposed; but, if our transatlantic brethren, who have started with completely new social institutions, are not able to rid themselves of the inconveniences arising from established notions, some fears may justly be apprehended lest we, who have still more ancient attachments, should be found meddling with institutions before their nature is thoroughly understood, and the people are prepared for the introduction of better systems.

We are arrived at the point, from which the evils of old establishments are seen in all their magnitude; but it is no despondency to doubt whether, for many of our civil grievances, the remedy is yet discovered; or, if discovered, whether the public is sufficiently enlightened to admit of its applica

tion. They who would sweep away, for instance, our present criminal code, which after all has less practical evil in it than it has speculative, and would put in its place some other artificial system of the like nature, would only introduce more mischief into society. They would break up an Institution, which by an inherent tendency in artificial law, has accommodated itself as far as it can to what is right; and would put in its place another, with most of its defects as to principle, and none of its correctives as to practice.

Happily, the present question has been brought before the public by no political party so as to raise the opposition, or infuriate the zeal, of the respective partisans; but it has been introduced, and supported, chiefly by those whose philanthropic character ensures them a favourable reception; and who will always command the countenance and the sympathy of the wise and good throughout the country. Indeed it is a curirious fact well deserving the attention of philosophers, that they are generally preceded in their schemes of beneficence by a class of persons, whose labours and opinions they

do not sufficiently estimate, but, who adopt

a principle higher than reason, emanating from the pure dictates of a well regulated heart: and thus, they illustrate that remark of Lord Shaftesbury, who will not be suspected of fanaticism, that "True wisdom comes more from the heart than from the head."

The question, as must easily be perceived, borders on some of the most tender and disputable ground occupied by politicians and moralists; and though it stands at present unconnected with any party, it will require the utmost discretion on the side of the friends of improvement to hold it free of this pollution. Its contact with the extreme of either side would at once communicate a contagion, that would terminate in the defeat of the useful purpose for which the discussion is entertained. The author thinks he is quite aware how much candid attention is required fairly to review the difficulties of the subject; and is apt to suspect his own speculations on it, knowing how many contingencies there are to be provided against, and how frequently latent biasses, too remote perhaps to be detected, contribute to the formation of our opinions. To the public therefore he appeals as a test to try their sterling value. Nor is it to be disregarded, that in judging