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public; and that unless they could contradict his statements, it was due to their own honour and to justice that they should make restitution to the country. If in an agreement between two individuals, any fact were withheld from the knowledge of one party, that would entitle him to a subsequent restitution of any benefit so unduly gained; and the same principle ought to operate in engagements of a public nature.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer observed, that as no account had been made out of the amount of Bank-of-England notes in circulation in 1799, he was at a loss to understand how his hon. friend had formed his calculation. With respect to the composition which the Bank were to pay by the Bill now in progress, it amounted very nearly to the sum which they would otherwise have had to pay for stamps.

1799 must have been a sum larger in proportion than the sum of 99,000l. or 100,000l. which he contended the Bank ought to pay for its existing circulation.

Mr. Manning thought that upon the present occasion the Chancellor of the Exchequer had done his duty; he had made an advantageous bargain for the public.

Mr. Tierney said, all that his hon. friend wished was, that the Bank of England should pay at the same rate with private bankers. It was of the utmost importance to fix the principle, that in all future bargains with the Bank, they should ascertain the amount of their circulation. The Chancellor of the Exchequer defended the transaction with the Bank.

Mr. A. Baring said, that if the matter were rightly inquired into, it would be found that compensation was rather due to the Bank.

Mr. Thornton defended the conduct of the Bank.

Mr. Grenfell said, that up to 1800 the Bank did pay a full and fair composition, and he could see no reason why this system should have been deviated from.

Mr. Preston complained of the severity of the Stamp-duty ad valorem on annuities. No person could borrow money at the legal rate of interest, when Government were competitors at a larger rate. Persons possessed of estates of 20,000l. or 30,000%. a year, were obliged to go to the annuity market. Why should they be obliged to pay for their necessities? The probate duty was also very unequal and oppressive.

Mr. Grenfell, in reply, stated, that his calculation of the composition which the Bank of England would pay, if the average of the three last years were taken, was 90,000l.; that of the governor of the Bank 91,000l. The amount of Bank paper in circulation was 28 or 29 millions; of which 9 millions were in one-pound notes. Calculating the duty of 5d. a pound on that sum of 9 millions, the amount would be 187,500l. Let that be divided by three (the number of years during which Bank notes were allowed to remain in circulation), and the result would be 62,500l. for stamps on one-pound notes only. In order to render the statement still more fair, he would take the amount which he calculated the composition, if on the average of three years, would produce, The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, the at 100,000l. It then appeared, that there observations of the hon. gentleman respectwould remain about 38,000l. as the coming annuities were deserving of considerapensation for all Bank-of-England notes above one pound in value. In the year 1799, the compensation fixed for the whole of the Bank-notes above five pounds in value was 20,000l. Since that period the Stamp-duties had been increased. In 1804 the Stamp-duty on notes of five pounds in value and upwards had been increased 50 per cent. Consequently, the 20,000l. would by that increase be made 30,000l. In 1808 a further increase of the Stamp-duties took place of 33 per cent. That would carry the original sum to 40,000l. But that was more than he wanted to establish his argument; as, in addition to the 62,500l. for notes of one pound in value, it would make above 102,000l. It was evident, therefore, that 20,000, in

tion.

Mr. Forbes made some obversations on the licences paid by the Scotch Banking Companies.

The Report was then agreed to.

MOTION RESPECTING THE PROFITS OF THE BANK OF ENGLAND.] The order of the day for the further consideration of the question relative to the public balances in the hands of the Bank having been read,

The Chancellor of the Exchequer suggested the expediency of deferring any further debate for the present. As the resolutions on both sides would be printed, and no new enactment was intended during the present session, it appeared more

were quite sufficient reasons, in his opi nion, to call for the vigilance of the House of Commons.

advisable to resume the discussion when there should be a fuller attendance, and the subject should have undergone the requisite previous consideration.

Mr. Grenfell readily acquiesced in the right hon. gentleman's suggestion. He had only wished to lay a foundation during the present session for some future legis. lative proceeding, and he was happy to reflect that so much valuable information had already been laid before the House.

Mr. Mellish was adverse to the postpone ment of the discussion.

Mr. Grenfell had no desire to shrink from immediate discussion. None of the delay that had taken place was attributable to him; and he was satisfied that the only result of discussion, come when it would, would be to secure a great saving of public money.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved, that the further consideration be deferred till Monday next.

Mr. Manning protested against leaving an impression on the public mind unfavourable to the Bank, arising out of so grave a charge as that preferred by the hon. member. Any gentleman by an easy calculation might see that the allowance to the Bank for the management of public business did not exceed 8d. in the 100%. Nothing could be further from the fact than that any collusion existed between the Executive Government and the Bank...

Mr. Tierney was glad to find something at last extracted from the Bank directors. He lamented, however, that they should have taken so long a time to consider what they had to say. Ample time and various opportunities had occurred for entering into a general explanation, and the Resolutions themselves presented the means of conveying the sentiments of the Bank to the public, and in an authentic shape. Now, however, at the close of the session, the directors were full of anxiety for statement and discussion. He had heard of people whom it was difficult to get to sing, but once prevailed on, it was difficult to make them desist. He must for his own part protest against the doctrine, that because a settlement as to the composition between the public and the Bank was made eight years ago, Parliament ought not to interfere with, or to revive that settlement. There had been a greatly increased expenditure since that period, and a large accumulation of public balances in the hands of the Bank; and these

Mr. Grenfell said, that if the Chancellor of the Exchequer would declare it to be his intention to make the composition with the Bank depend in some degree on the basis of their circulation, he should not wish to press his proposition: but when the Bank already made about 300,000l. a year on account of their management, and also 800,000l. a year on account of the increase of their issues, it appeared reasonable, that the public should have some farther participation in their profits. He proposed that the discussion should be resumed on Thursday next.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer thought there would be no use in fixing the discussion for Thursday, as there was no probability of any considerable attendance of members.

Mr. Baring thought that the great responsibility to which the Bank subjected itself, entitled it to the profits that it received.

Mr. Hammersley was afraid that these perpetual discussions with respect to the affairs of the Bank would disincline gentlemen of the respectability of those who were now Bank directors from accepting the office.

After some further consideration, the further discussion was adjourned to this day se'nnight.

PETITION OF MRS. PEARSON respecting HER DISCOVERY FOR THE CURE OF SCROFULA, or King's-evil.]—Sir Gerard Noel, in presenting the Petition of Mrs. Elizabeth Pearson, of Alfred-place, Bedfordsquare, respecting her discovery for the cure of Scrofula or King's-evil, said, that he took much blame to himself for not having earlier introduced to the attention of the House, a subject so interesting to humanity, as an effectual remedy for a complaint so general, so afflicting, and hitherto deemed so hopeless. He held in his hand documents which most fully confirmed the allegations of the Petition. He had by him testimonials of eminent individuals of the faculty, respecting the efficacy of Mrs. Pearson's discovery; and he had himself seen a number of such astonishing cures effected by that lady, as he would not have believed, had he not had ocular evidence of them. He should, at an early period next session, bring the subject more fully under the considera

tion of the House, but he should at present do no more than present the Petition.

and Liverpool, ordered to lie on the table. Earl Stanhope adverted to a Petition which he presented some time ago from a person who had been confined above three years on the ground of bankruptcy. This person had applied in vain to the Lord Chancellor to be heard personally, but the learned lord expressed doubts of his authority to have the petition brought up, in consequence of which he (lord Stanhope) had it in contemplation to bring in a Bill to have those doubts removed,

The Petition was then read, and ordered to lie on the table. It sets forth, "That your petitioner having, upwards of 33 years back, been forcibly struck with the deplorable effects, and great and increasing prevalence of Scrofula or King's-evil, which had baffled the skill of the most eminent professors of physic, applied herself with unremitted assiduity to discover an efficacious remedy for that melancholy disease; and from long and laborious ex-with a view to have justice done to the periments of herbs and their medicinal powers, was happy enough to compound and prepare a poultice of vegetable, and an extract of vegetable juice, which she has fully proved, in an extensive practice of upwards of the last 20 years, completely to eradicate the said complaint, and restore to a healthy and vigorous state the constitution, where not entirely exhausted, or labouring under other disorders."

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Tuesday, July 4.

Earl Grey presented a Petition from Mr. Mallison, complaining that he had not been duly compensated for his invention for saving the lives of shipwrecked seamen, and that he had applied in vain to the Admiralty. The noble lord said that he could not speak to the merits of this invention, but that he felt it his duty to present the Petition; which was ordered to lie on the table.

The Marquis of Lansdowne stated, that he had two Petitions; one from the Surgeons and Medical Practitioners of Waterford, praying to be put upon the same footing as gentlemen of the same profession in this country; and the other from the practising Solicitors of the county of Ross, against the additional Stamp-duties. To the admission of the latter he was aware that a certain objection was urged, to the principle of which he could not by any means subscribe: but the former was of course unexceptionable, and he should consider it his duty to call the attention of the House to it on some future occasion. The noble lord added, that he should also feel it right to bring the principle which applied to the admissibility of the other petition distinctly under the consideration of the House.

petitioner, who denied the validity of the bankruptcy; but he was now glad to learn that the doubts alluded to were found to be unwarrantable, and therefore he did not feel it necessary to press the Bill.-The noble lord then gave notice of his intention to move to-morrow the second reading of the Vaccination Bill, with a view to have it rejected. This measure proposed to have half-a-crown given to every pauper who had a child vaccinated, while the matter used in vaccination was, according to the statement of its own advocates, of three different descriptions-the first good, the second indifferent, and the third good for nothing. Such a measure, he had no hesitation in pronouncing the most ridiculous ever introduced into that House.

IRISH SPIRITS DUTY BILL.] On the committal of the Irish Spirits Additional Duty Bill,

The Earl of Donoughmore animadverted upon this measure, which he conceived peculiarly grievous to those upon whom it was intended to operate. This Bill, which, from some omission or misunderstanding of its character, passed sub silentio in the Commons, proposed not only 6d. upon every gallon of spirits distilled, after the passing of the Act, but to impose that addition upon all the stock on hand, with such an addition also upon malt as would serve to produce an additional tax of 14d. per gallon on spirits. But to subject the stock of spirits and malt on hand to the additional duty he thought extremely unjust, and the more so, as it was inconsistent with the English principle of taxation upon spirits, which in no instance, when any advance of duty took place, extended to the stock on hand. / Such a measure, then, as the present obThe Petition from the Medical Practi-viously required further consideration ; tioners was, after a few observations from and when the consolidation of the two the Lord Chancellor, and lords Limerick Treasuries should take place, which mea

sure was expected, he hoped the result [pursuance of his notice, to move for an would be the extension of the English principle of taxation to Ireland, at least upon this subject.

Address to the Prince Regent, praying that his Royal Highness would be pleased to institute a commission of inquiry into The Earl of Liverpool observed, that it the nature and character of certain sociewas a principle uniformly recognized in ties, called Orange Lodges, in Ireland. taxation, when the duty upon any article He was induced to make this motion in was advanced, to extend that advance to consequence of several Petitions for this the stock on hand, because upon such ad- inquiry having been put into his hands, vance the holder of such stock had the by respectable bodies in the North of Irepower (which he never failed to exercise) land, who were extremely anxious for a of charging that advance upon the con- consideration of this question last session; sumer; and it was the obvious duty of but he at that time preferred that the subthe Legislature to provide that what the ject should be allowed to rest with his consumer paid in consequence of the in- Majesty's Government, in the expectation creased tax should come into the pocket of their interference to prevent any neof the public. Such, for instance, was cessity of that kind. Nothing, however, the case with regard to every augmenta- had been done by ministers; and it was tion of the tax upon wine. This principle now full time that the matter should rewas no doubt never acted upon with re- ceive fair and ample discussion. The spect to spirits in England, because here House was aware that the system of the tax was not imposed as in Ireland Orangeism in Ireland, comprehended upon the spirit itself, but upon the wash. nearly the whole of the Protestants in the As to the noble lord's concluding obser- northern counties; in those parts all the vation, he trusted that when the consoli- higher and middle classes were Protes-> dation of the two Treasuries should take tant, and all the lower order were Cathoplace, such a measure arranged with due lics. The Orange Lodges were here dicaution would be found exceedingly ad- vided into districts of five lodges each, vantageous to all parties, and that the Irish appointing masters, and their several public would be peculiarly benefited by other officers. These were united togeits operation. Care would, no doubt, be ther by an oath to defend King George taken, in regulating the taxation, to pay the Third and his successors, as long as due regard to local circumstances, and he or they maintained the Protestant asthat the principle of the measure in con-cendancy; their secretary was also sworn templation should be equally fair towards England and Ireland.

The Earl of Donoughmore said, that the quantity of wash to make a certain quantity of spirits being duly ascertained, he could see no reason to justify the distinction maintained by the noble Secretary, between the taxation of English and Irish spirits. When, however, the great measure alluded to by the noble Secretary should be adopted, he trusted that this distinction would be done away, and the present would be the last deviation from the English principle of taxation which Ireland would be condemned to experience. The noble lord concluded with stating, that he would not divide the Committee upon the subject; but he hoped that his suggestions would be considered. The Report was ordered to be received

to-morrow.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Tuesday, July 4.

MOTION RESPECTING ORANGE SOCIETIES IN IRELAND.] Sir Henry Parnell rose, in (VOL. XXXI.)

not to give a copy of their secret rules, except to a member. By this the House would see that the parties consisted of a set of men bound to the state by a sort of conditional allegiance to be construed by themselves, and also with a set of secret rules which were not to meet the light, except among their own body. In the present session no less than fourteen Petitions had been presented to Parliament by himself and his right hon. friend (sir John Newport) who was then absent, all of which ardently implored the attention of the Legislature against those associations. Those Petitions, amongst other allegations, contained the following"That to the existence of Orange Lodges in Ireland, was mainly attributable the disturbance of the public peace, particularly by the celebration of processions with certain insignia, &c.-that besides the agitation which those necessarily produced, they begot a counter spirit among the people, that led to wide animosities, which, in their consequences, produced riots, murder, and other fatal acts, and (4 A)

also to the formation of fresh and equally illegal associations. They also paralised the administration of justice in the country, by prejudicing, and in some instances involving the integrity of the magistracy, and extending, even to the minds of jurors, a bias which was most injurious to the cause of justice-fatal instances of the operation of such feelings were practically known."

would re-echo the feeling of Parliament, and prefer the empire of the law to the domination of clubs and factious associations. Such were the opinions expressed in that debate; but to show how inoperative they were in Ireland, he had to state, that within a few days after such sentiments were expressed in Parliament, a meeting of the Grand Orange Lodge took place in Dublin, which issued a sort of proclamation to its brethren, calling upon them virtually to resist this feeling, and to rally for the preservation of their existence. The hon. baronet stated, it would be unnecessary for him to trespass further upon the attention of the House. With reference to the subject before them, he trusted he had said enough to show that the law was quite clear on the point, and also that their own opinion was equally manifest. The right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Peel) would not, he hoped, give the motion any opposition; for he, of all men, from his official station, must be exposed to a variety of bickerings from the existence of this spirit in Ireland, which, of course, he must wish to suppress. The hon. baronet concluded by moving,

"That an humble Address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, requesting that he will be graciously pleased to appoint a Commission to inquire into the proceedings of the Orange Societies in the north of Ireland."

This, resumed the hon. baronet, is the general character of those associations. Formerly, doubts were entertained of the legality of such bodies; but those were now happily removed; for, in an objection taken to a juror at the trial of Dr. Sheridan, the Catholic delegate, which took place two years ago in Dublin, it was distinctly laid down by the learned Judge Day, who presided, that Orange Societies, bound together by secret oaths, were illegal. It was also the opinion of Judge Fletcher, one of the most upright and enlightened men on the bench, that those meetings were unquestionably illegal. That learned judge had expressed himself as follows:-"I have found that those Orange Lodges have produced the most mischievous effects in society; that they have induced magistrates to violate their duty; and I do not hesitate to affirm, that they ought to be suppressed, for there can be no doubt that all combinations of this kind are contrary to law." ⚫. These concurrent judicial opinions entitled him (sir H. Parnell) to say, that the Orange Societies were illegal; and he was therefore induced to call upon the House to institute a commission to inquire into the allegations of petitioners upon such a subject. It would not, he trusted, refuse an inquiry into the truth of the alleged griev-rious. ances, which would bring the whole subject to issue. It was unnecessary for him to press upon their attention, that when, two years ago, an attempt had been made to introduce the Orange system into this country, Parliament interfered, and, in the course of the discussion which then took place, the member for Liverpool (Mr. Canning) declared, that it was unnecessary to press the question to a division, as a distinct declaration of the illegality of such meetings, made by his Majesty's ministers, would produce the desired effect. A noble lord (Castlereagh) said, upon that occasion, that he entirely admitted the opinion which prevailed as to the illegality of such institutions; and trusted that the good sense of the country

Mr. Peel said, it would be unnecessary to detain the House long in showing that, even if the facts were true which the bon. baronet stated, no good could possibly arise from the agitation of the present subject. It was wholly inexpedient, and its introduction at this moment highly inju

He gave full credit to the consistency of the hon. baronet, in thus bringing forward his motion; at all events, the charge of precipitation would be the last which he would adduce against him, for it seemed to be a part of his system to make this motion at so late a period of the session, as to enable him to make a speech, without, at the same time, incurring the risk of creating the injurious effect which the adoption of his motion was calculated to produce. This had been the practice of the hon. baronet during the last three years, for he allowed the House almost to terminate its sitting before he gave notice of his usual motion on this subject. But what good could arise from the adoption of his proposition? What effect could it produce? The House

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