about among men of weight and authority;
and it was this, that as the stockholders were
taxed, every other species of property or
industry must be taxed. But that argu-
ment was absurd in the view which he had
of it. The ground of it was, that unless
every other species of property were
taxed, it would be a breach of public
faith to tax the fund-holders. Now, the oc-
cupiers of land only paid 18 pence, whereas
the fund-holders were taxed two shillings
in the pound; so that if there was a breach
of faith, it took place upon the present
plan, completely as if the occupier of
land were relieved. Such being the state
of the case, he saw no reason why they
should not be relieved; for as the tax was
at present framed and collected, it was
unequal and inquisitorial, and the remedy
ought without delay to be applied. Till
that remedy was applied, he could not
give a cordial assent to the passing of the
Bill.

dustry, which ought always to be encou- |
raged. The part of the present Bill to
which he particularly objected was that
which related to the occupiers of land,
who were obliged to pay 18 pence on the
amount of the rent, and who would, in
order to reimburse themselves, be under
the necessity of raising the price of corn
and bread. As far as this tax related to
proprietors, such as he himself was, he
thought it a most proper measure; as far as
it related to stockholders, he did not mean
to object to it; and as far as it related to
places, offices, and pensions under and
from the Crown, he could state no objec-
tion to it. In the last case, he thought it
worthy of approbation. But with respect
to the occupiers of land, and other classes
in similar circumstances, the operation
was most mischievous; for the farmer was
forced to raise the price of corn and
bread, and the tax then fell heavily on
the poor in the increased prices of the
necessaries of life. These taxes, which
could be thus shifted, always fell most

avily on the consumer. If a tax were
imposed on a soap-boiler, it was not paid
by him, for he increased the price of soap
in proportion; but it was paid by the
consumer, though the soap-boiler likewise
suffered, as, owing to the increased price,
he could not sell so much soap. So it was
with the farmer, who shifted the greatest
part of the burthen on the consumer, while
he himself must suffer from the decrease
of ability to purchase, owing to the in-
creased prices. In consequence, too, of
the increased prices of the necessaries of
life, the farmers' workmen as well as
others would demand an increase of
wages, and the farmer would be obliged
still further to increase the price of corn
to indemnify himself. So it would be
with the workmen in the manufactories.
The advanced price of the necessaries of
life would raise the price of labour, and
this again would raise the prices of the
manufactured articles, both for home con-
sumption and exportation, and thus the
commerce of the country, and its indus-
try throughout, would be most prejudi-
cially affected.
The expenses, too, of
supplies of provisions for the army and
navy would be considerably increased;
so that, on every account, these taxes
which so immediately bore upon the
prices of the necessaries of life, ought to
be avoided. But there was an argument
in favour of this mode of taxation, which,
though not openly stated, was whispered

The Earl of Liverpool did not feel himself called upon to trouble their lordships at any great length on the subject of this Bill, but he thought it incumbent on him to say a few words in consequence of what had fallen from the noble earl. That this tax or any tax must be attended with more or less pressure upon some or all classes of the community, could not be doubted; but when the necessity clearly existed of imposing a heavy burthen on the nation in the way of taxation, the only question was, in what way it could be raised with the least possible inconvenience and pressure. Now, he conceived it was a great recommendation to a tax, that it spread as generally as possible over the community, and every species of property; and he considered this as upon the whole the most equal and the fairest method by which so large a sum could be collected. He knew there were some who thought that a tax on capital would be by far the best method.

That, he confessed, was not by any means his opinion. He believed the tax on capital would be attended with all the difficulties and disadvantages which had been urged as objections against this tax, and also with a great many others to which this tax was not liable. It was impossible to invent any system of taxation which would not fall unequally on some sorts of property or industry; for there were some descriptions of property much more visible and tangible than others, so that the means of evasion did not exist, which certainly did

exist more or less with respect to some the tax was most unequal, vexatious, and descriptions of properly. But upon the oppressive; and he believed it be so in whole, afier all the consideration he bad that particular to which his noble friend given to the subject, and after all the ob- near bim (earl Stanhope) adverted. His servations which be had been enabled to noble friend was mistaken when he supmake respecuing the operation of the tax, posed that the farmer paid only 18 pence it was the least unequal and the least op- in the pound on his profits, for he paid 18 pressive way in' which so great a sum pence out of the whole rent, as a criterion could be collected ; and perhaps there by which to estimate the two shillings in was no other way in which it could be the pound on his profits. Now that was, raised with so litile comparative pressure in very many cases, a most unfair criterion upon the poorer classes of the community. by which to judge of the farmer's profits, In this last view of it, therefore, there was and when the Bill came into the committee, no tax which ought to excite less objeche trusted that some remedy would be tion in the mind of the noble earl. With applied in that particular.

There was out going into the subject further, he another point which he wished to press trusted that

upon due consideration of the upon the attention of the noble earl opposituation in which the country stood, and site, and that was, tbat every care ought the necessity of a large supply, upon all to be taken by that noble earl, and those the different views which might be taken concerned in the proper execution of this of what was the proper policy of the Act, that the tax should be collected with country under the present circumstances, as much equality as possible. It appeared this Bill would be permitted to proceed from a schedule which had been laid on without any very serious opposition. The the table, that out of the fourteen millions necessity of preparation was admitted on raised by this tax, only about two millions all hands; for that purpose a large supply were raised from trade, and the other was necessary, and there was no way in twelve millions chiefly from land. He which that supply could be raised in a knew that the tax had been collected on way so little objectionable as the present. different principles in different places.

Earl Grey said, he did not rise to oppose In some places, such as the county with the second reading of this Bill, though he which he was more peculiarly connected, had by no means the same favourable the tax was collected on the actual rent opinion of it as a plan of taxation which with the utmost severity, while in other appeared to be eniertained by the noble places the assessments for rates, or county earl opposite: but the country had been rates, or something of that description, unexpectedly placed in circumstances were taken as the criterion. He did not, in which considerable preparations were as he had before stated, mean at this time certainly necessary, and perhaps as this to press any objection to the Bill altogetax was only to last for one year, it was, ther, being sensible that under the present provided some amendments were made, circumstances any objections stated by the least objectionable mode of raising so him would be unavailing, and being aware large a sum which could be immediately also of the necessity of a prompt and imdevised. He considered the Government, mediate supply; but he trusted the noble however, as pledged to the people, that it earl would not object to its going into a should not last beyond the year, unless committee, that some of the worst features the circumstances should be such as abso. of the tax might, if possible, be softened lutely and indispensably called for it, and and amended. But with respect to the that at all events it was not to last beyond nature of the tax itself, be must repeat, the occasion which called for it; and if that it was in his opinion most unequal he should have the opportunity, he would and vexatious in its operation, and one certainly think it his duty to call for the which, of all other modes of taxation, apredemption of that pledge. But what he peared to be most repugnant to the nature chiefly wished to advert to at present, was and genius of the British constitution. the argument or statement of the noble The Earl of Liverpool stated, that he earl, that this tax was fair and equal in its had not said that the tax was perfectly operation. He differed most widely equal, and free from objection in its opefrom the noble earl in that respect; for ration. He had only said, that of all the from what he himself bad witnessed, ways in which so large a sum could be he could say with confidence, that in its raised, it was upon the whole the least un. operation at least, if not in ils principle, equal and oppressive.

referred, an individual might be indicted f for the non-commission of an offence against the Act, as well as for the commission of one; and to obviate this glaring defect, as he considered it to be, he moved for the omission of certain words in that part of Bill.

The Bill being read a third time, the question was formally put on the amendment proposed by the noble earl, which was negatived, and the Bill was then passed.

persons whom he, with the noble duke, thought were so pressed upon by the Bill, he expressed his hope that justice would be afforded to a class of men always remarkable for their loyalty and exertions, and who were at all times ready to bear their due proportion of the public burthens.

The Marquis of Douglas thought the tax most unjust and impolitic in its principle and in its operation. It was unjust in its principle because it took a certain proportion of the whole income of the country, and when they once came to take 10 per cent. in this way, they might,

PROPERTY-TAX BILL..] On the motion for the third reading of this Bill, The Duke of Norfolk repeated his ap-on the same principle, take 99 per cent. probation of the principle of the Bill, and his conviction that the clamours and outcries which had been raised against it were unfounded. The Executive Government ought not to suffer itself to be influenced improperly by such means, and the firm. ness which they had displayed during the outcry against the Corn-bill was much to their credit; for, whether that measure was right or not, the decision ought not to be influenced by such clamours. But while he approved of the principle of the Bill, he was aware that it required much modification in the details. There could not be a more equal and proper tax than this, if it were confined to property secured he meant land, property in the funds, mortgages, bonds, &c.: but income derived from trade and personal exertion, which was uncertain in its nature, ought not to be so taxed. The Bill required amendment, too, in the case of the occupiers of land, who paid according to a very uncertain and unfair criterion. He recommended it, therefore, to ministers to consider whether several very material amendments and modifications might not be made in this plan of taxation, in case it were necessary to continue it beyond the year. He considered the situation of the country to be such as to require this great financial measure, and he hoped the eventual use of the extensive powers entrusted to his Majesty's Government, would be the establishment of a secure peace upon fair and honourable terms, such as a nation like this had a right to expect. Upon these grounds it was that he now voted for the third reading of the Bill.

It was unjust in its operation, because it imposed the burthen most unequally and unfairly on the different kinds of property. He considered this, therefore, as an unjust and unconstitutional tax. Articles of luxury and matters of that kind were the proper objects of taxation, because they limited themselves. He objected, also, to the tax, because he considered it as amounting to a declaration of war. He could not agree that it was to be regarded merely as the means of enabling the Government to place the country in a proper state of preparation with a view to negociations for peace, but as the means of commencing hostilities, to which he was adverse, if peace could be preserved. He was the more convinced of this when he considered it in connexion with the Declaration of the Allies, the Treaty of Vienna, and the Declaration of the King of France. This last Declaration stated, that war was ready to be commenced to replace that King on his throne, and the Declaration of the Allies contained words, which appeared very like giving a sanction to assassination. He regretted that this Declaration had been signed by the duke of Wellington, who certainly did not understand it in any such sense. The Declaration, too, was monstrously absurd, because it put all the adherents of Buonaparté out of the pale of law; and by this means outlawed thirty millions of people. If any other noble lord wished to divide, the House against the tax, he should be ready to join in giving a negative to the Bill.

The Earl of Darnley explained, that the vote he should give on this occasion had no reference to the question of peace or war; nor would it go to imply any thing like approbation on his part of the Declaration of Vienna, or that of Louis 18; (R)

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