being the offspring of chance; in love with universal disorder; whose happiness is involved in the belief of there being no witness to their designs, and who are at ease only because they suppose themselves inhabitants of a forsaken and fatherless world Having been led by the nature of the subject to consider chiefly the manner in which sceptical impiety affects the welfare of states, it is the more requisite to warn you against that most fatal mistake of regarding religion as an engine of policy; and to recall to your recollection that the concern we have in it is much more as individuals than as collective bodies, and far less temporal than eternal. The happiness which it confers in the present life comprehends the blessings which it scatters by the way in its march to immortality. That future condition of being which it ascertains, and for which its promises and truths are meant to prepare us, is the ultimate end of human societies, the final scope and object of present existence; in comparison of which all the revolutions of nations, and all the vicissitudes of time, are light and transitory. Godliness has, it is true, the promise of the life that now is; but chiefly of that which is to come.' Other acquisitions may be requisite to make men great; but, be assured, the religion of Jesus is alone sufficient to make them good and happy. Powerful sources of consolation in sorrow, unshaken fortitude amidst the changes and perturbations of the world, humility remote from meanness, and dignity unrestrained by pride, contentment in every station, passions pure and calm, with habitual serenity, the full enjoyment of life, undisturbed by the dread of dissolution or the fear of an hereafter, are its invaluable gifts. To these enjoyments, however, you will necessarily continue strangers, unless you resign yourselves wholly to its power; for the consolations of religion are reserved to reward, to sweeten, and to stimulate obedience. Many, without renouncing the profession of Christianity, without formally rejecting its distinguishing doctrines, live in such an habitual violation of its laws, and contradiction to its spirit, that, conscious they have more to fear than to hope from its truth, they are never able to contemplate it without terror. It haunts their imagination, instead of tranquillizing their hearts, and hangs with depressing weight on all their enjoyments and pursuits. Their religion, instead of comforting them under their troubles, is itself their greatest trouble, from which they seek refuge in the dissipation and vanity of the world, until the throbs and tumults of conscience force them back upon religion. Thus suspended betwixt opposite powers, the sport of contradictory influences, they are disqualified for the happiness of both worlds; and neither enjoy the pleasures of sin, nor the peace of piety. Is it surprising to find a mind thus bewildered in uncertainty, and dissatisfied with itself, courting deception and embracing with eagerness every pretext to mutilate the claims and enervate the authority of Christianity; forgetting that it is of the very essence of the religious principle to preside and control, and that it is impossible to serve God and mammon?' It is this class of professors who are chiefly in danger of being entangled in the snares of infidelity. The champions of infidelity have much more reason to be ashamed than to boast of such converts. For what can be a stronger presumption of the falsehood of a system, than that it is the opiate of a restless conscience; that it prevails with minds of a certain description, not because they find it true, but because they feel it necessary; and that in adopting it they consult less with their reason than with their vices and their fears! It requires but little sagacity to foresee that speculations which originate in guilt must end in ruin. Infidels are not themselves satisfied with the truth of their system: for had they any settled assurance of its principles, in consequence of calm dispassionate investigation, they would never disturb the quiet of the world by their attempts to proselyte; but would lament their own infelicity, in not being able to perceive sufficient evidence for the truth of religion, which furnishes such incentives to virtue, and inspires such exalted hopes. Having nothing to substitute in the place of religion, it is absurd to suppose that, in opposition to the collective voice of every country, age, and time, proclaiming its necessity, solicitude for the welfare of mankind impels them to destroy it. To very different motives must their conduct be imputed. More like conspirators than philosophers, in spite of the darkness with which they endeavour to surround themselves, some rays of unwelcome conviction will penetrate, some secret apprehensions that all is not right will make themselves felt, which they find nothing so effectual to quell as an attempt to enlist fresh disciples, who, in exchange for new principles, impart confidence, and diminish fear. For the same reason it is seldom they attack Christianity by argument: their favourite weapons are ridicule, obscenity, and blasphemy; as the most miserable outcasts of society are, of all men, found most to delight in vulgar merriment and senseless riot. JESUS CHRIST seems to have his fan in his hand, to be thoroughly purging his floor;' and nominal christians will probably be scattered like chaff. But has real Christianity any thing to fear? Have not the degenerate manners and corrupt lives of multitudes in the visible church been, on the contrary, the principal occasion of scandal and offence? Infidelity, without intending it, is gradually removing this reproach: possessing the property of attracting to itself the morbid humours which pervade the church, until the christian profession, on the one hand, is reduced to a sound and healthy state, and scepticism, on the other, exhibits nothing but a mass of putridity and disease. În a view of the final issue of the contest, we should find little cause to lament the astonishing prevalence of infidelity, but for a solicitude for the rising generation, to whom its principles are recommended by two motives, with young minds the most persuasive; the love of independence, and the love of pleasure. With respect to the first, we would earnestly entreat the young to remember that, by the unanimous consent of all ages, modesty, docility, and reverence to su perior years, and to parents above all, have been considered as their appropriate virtues, a guard assigned by the immutable laws of God and nature on the inexperience of youth; and with respect to the second, that Christianity prohibits no pleasures that are innocent, lays no restraints that are capricious; but that the sobriety and purity which it enjoins, by strengthening the intellectual powers, and preserving the faculties of mind and body in undiminished vigour, lay the surest foundation of present peace and future eminence. At such a season as this, it becomes an urgent duty on parents, guardians, and tutors, to watch, not only over the morals, but the principles of those committed to their care; to make it appear that a concern for their eternal welfare is their chief concern; and to imbue them early with that knowledge of the evidences of Christianity, and that profound reverence for the Scriptures, that, with the blessing of God (which, with submission, they may then expect), may keep them from this hour of temptation that has come upon all the world, to try them that dwell on the earth.' To an attentive observer of the signs of the times it will appear one of the most extraordinary phenomena of this eventful crisis, that, amidst the ravages of atheism and infidelity, real religion is evidently on the increase. The kingdom of God,' we know, 'cometh not with observation;' but still there are not wanting manifest tokens of its approach. The personal appearance of the Son of God was announced by the shaking of nations; his spiritual kingdom, in all probability, will be established in the midst of similar convulsions and disorders. The blasphemous impiety of the enemies of God, as well as the zealous efforts of his sincere worshippers, will doubtless be overruled to accomplish the purposes of his unerring providence: while, in inflicting the chastisements of offended Deity on corrupt communities and nations, infidelity marks its progress by devastation and ruin, by the prostration of thrones and concussion of kingdoms; thus appalling the inhabitants of the world, and compelling them to take refuge in the church of God, the true sanctuary; the stream of divine knowledge, unobserved, is flowing in new channels, winding its course among humble valleys, refreshing thirsty deserts, and enriching with far other and higher blessings than those of commerce, the most distant climes and nations, until, agreeably to the prediction of prophecy, the knowledge of the Lord shall fill and cover the whole earth.' Within the limits of this discourse it would be impracticable to exhibit the evidences of christianity, nor is it my design; but there is one consideration, resulting immediately from my text, which is entitled to great weight with all who believe in the one living and true God as the sole object of worship. The Ephesians, in common with other Gentiles, are described in the text as being, previous to their conversion, 'without God in the world; that is, without any just and solid acquaintance with his character, destitute of the knowledge of his will, the institutes of his worship, and the hopes of his favour; to the truth of which representation who ever possesses the slightest acquaintance with pagan antiquity must assent. Nor is it a fact less incontestable, that, while human philosophy was never able to abolish idolatry in a single village, the promulgation of the gospel overthrew it in a great part (and that the most enlightened) of the world. If our belief in the unity and perfections of God, together with his moral government, and exclusive right to the worship of mankind, be founded in truth, they cannot reasonably be denied to be truths of the first importance, and infinitely to outweigh the greatest discoveries in science; because they turn the hopes, fears, and interests of man into a totally different channel from that in which they must otherwise flow. Wherever these principles are first admitted, there a new dominion is erected, and a new system of laws established. But since all events are under divine direction, is it reasonable to suppose that the great Parent, after suffering his creatures to continue for ages ignorant of his true character, should at length, in the course of his providence, fix upon falsehood, and that alone, as the effectual method of making himself known; and that what the virtuous exercise of reason in the best and wisest men was never permitted to accomplish, he should confer on fraud and delusion the honour of effecting? It ill comports with the majesty of truth, or the character of God, to believe that he has built the noblest superstructure on the weakest foundation; or reduced mankind to the miserable alternative either of remaining destitute of the knowledge of himself, or of deriving it from the polluted source of impious imposture. We therefore feel ourselves justified on this occasion, in adopting the triumphant boast of the great apostle: Where is the wise, where is the scribe, where is the disputer of this world? Hath not God made foolish the wisdom of this world? For after that, in the wisdom of God, the world by wisdom knew not God, it pleased God by the foolishness of preaching to save them that believe.-R. HALL. INFANTICIDE, the murder of infants, although one of the most horrible and unnatural of crimes, has (to the disgrace of our species) been found to exist as a regular and systematic custom among whole tribes of the eastern nations. The exposure of deformed children among the Spartans, indeed, the sacrifices to Moloch among the Ammonites, the 300 young nobles to Saturn at Carthage, and various other similar occurrences, are abundant evidences of the existence of infanticide in the ancient world. But it was reserved for the discoveries of modern times to find tribes of human beings regularly destroying all their female children, the mothers themselves being generally their executioners. Some years ago it was reported by Mr. Duncan, then resident at Benares, that a sect of Hindoos in that neighbourhood, called Rajkùmàrs, were in the habit of destroying all their female infants. Mr. Duncan at length succeeded in persuading this deluded tribe to relinquish their barbarous habit; and so effectually that no instance has since been discovered of an infringement of the written penal obligation that the chiefs and other individuals of that tribe then voluntarily entered into. As well as the Raj-kùmàrs, other sects of Hindoos, in the vicinity of Benares, were found to have been in similar habits, though to a less extent, and they executed a similar deed of renunciation. Among the military tribe of Jàrejàhs infanticide was found so common, that a Jarejàh female was very rarely seen or heard of. The men of this tribe procured wives from others who reared their daughters. The number of infants, thus sacrificed, amounted, by one computation, to 30,000 annually, in the peninsula of Guzerat alone but this colonel Walker deemed an exaggeration. To render the deed more horrible, the mother was commonly the executioner of her own offspring; for, although women of rank had attendants and slaves to perform the office, the far greater number executed it with their own hands. Colonel Walker at length, however, prevailed on this tribe formally to relinquish and renounce by deed the practice of infanticide. INFANTRY. This word is said to take its origin from one of the infantas of Spain, who, finding that the army commanded by the king, her father, had been defeated by the Moors, assembled a body of foot soldiers, and with them engaged and totally routed the enemy. In memory of this event, and to honor the foot soldiers, who were not before held in much consideration, they received the name of infantry. Dr. Robertson, however, well observes, in his View of the State of Europe prefixed to the History of Charles V., that it is to the Swiss discipline that Europe is indebted for the early establishment of infantry in her armies. The arms and discipline of the Swiss, he observes, were different from those of other European nations. During their long and violent struggles in defence of their liberties against the house of Austria, whose armies, like those of other considerable princes, consisted chiefly of heavyarmed cavalry, the Swiss found that their poverty, and the small number of gentlemen residing in their country, at that time barren and ill cultivated, put it out of their power to bring into the field any body of horse capable of facing the enemy. Necessity compelled them to place all their confidence in infantry; and, in order to render it capable of withstanding the shock of cavalry, they gave the soldiers breast-plates and helmets, as defensive armour, together with long spears, halberts, and heavy swords, as weapons of offence. They formed them into large battalions, ranged in deep and close array, so that they might present on every side a formidable front to the enemy. The men at arins could make no impression on the solid strength of such a body. It repulsed the Austrians in all their attempts to conquer Switzerland. It broke the Burgundian gendarmerie, which was scarcely inferior to that of France, either in number or reputation; and, when first called to act in Italy, it bore down, by its irresistible force, every enemy that attempted to oppose it. These repeated proofs of the decisive effects of infantry, exhibited on such conspicuous occasions, restored that service to reputation, and gradually re-established the opinion which had been long ex ploded, of its superior importance in the operations of war. But the glory the Swiss had acquired having inspired them with such high ideas of their own prowess and consequence as frequently rendered them mutinous and insolent, the princes who employed them became weary of depending on the caprice of foreign mercenaries, and began to turn their attention towards the improvement of their national infantry. The German powers, having the command of men whom nature has endowed with that steady courage and persevering strength which form them to be soldiers, soon modelled their troops in such a manner that they vied with the Swiss both in discipline and valor. The French monarchs, though more slowly and with greater difficulty, accustomed the impetuous spirit of their people to subordination and dis. cipline; and were at such pains to render their national infantry respectable, that, as early as the reign of Louis XII., several gentlemen of higa rank had so far abandoned their ancient ideas as to condescend to enter into their service. The Spaniards, whose situation made it difficult to employ any other than their national troops in the southern parts of Italy, which was the chief scene of their operations in that country, not only adopted the Swiss discipline, but improved upon it, by mingling a proper number of soldiers, armed with heavy muskets, in their battalions; and thus formed that famous body of infantry which, during a century and a half, was the admiration and terror of all Europe. The Italian states gradually diminished the number of their cavalry, and, in imitation of their more powerful neighbours, brought the strength of their armies to consist in foot-soldiers. From this period the nations of Europe have carried on war with forces more adapted to every species of service, more capable of acting in every country, and better fitted both for making conquests, and for preserving them. INFANTRY, HEAVY-ARMED, among the ancients, were such as wore a complete suit of armour, and engaged with broad shields and long spears. They were the flower and strength of the Grecian armies, and had the highest rank of military honor. INFANTRY, LIGHT, among the moderns, have only been in use since the middle of the seventeenth century. They have no camp equipage to carry, and their arms and accoutrements are much lighter than those of the infantry. Light infantry are the eyes of a general, and wherever there is found light cavalry, there should be light infantry. They should be accustomed to the pace of four miles an hour, as their usual marching pace, and be able to march at five miles an hour upon particular occasions. Every regiment has a company of light infantry, whose station is on the left of the regiment, the right being occupied by the grenadiers. INFARCTION, n. s. Stuffing; constipation. Lat. in and farcio. INFATUATE, adj. Į Lat. infatuo, from in INFATUATION, P. . ( and fitnus; Fr. intatuer. To strike with folly; to deprive of understanding; deprivation of reason. INFAUSTING, n. s. Lat. infaustus. The act of making unlucky. An odd and inelegant word. INFEA'SIBLE, adj. In and feasible. Impracticable; not to be done. INFECT, v. a. Fr. infecter; Lat.in INFECTION, n. s. fectus. To act upon INFECTIOUS, adj. by contagion; to afINFECTIOUSLY, adv. fect with communiINFECTIOUSNESS, n. s. cated qualities; to INVECTIVE, adj. hurt by contagion; to tant; to poison; to pollute; to fill with something contagious. Infection, taint; poison; morbid miasma. Infectious, influencing by communication. Infective, having the quality of acting by contagion. INFECTION, in medicine. See CONTAGION. INFECUND, adj. Lat. infœcundus. UnINFECUNDITY, n. s. fruitful; unproductive; infertile. INFELICITY, n. s. Fr. infelicité; Lat. infelicitas. Unhappiness; misery; calamity. INFER', v. a. Fr. inferer; Lat. infero. IN'FERENCE, n. s. To induce; to bring on; INFER'IBLE, adj. to offer, or produce. In ference, a conclusion drawn from previous arguments. Inferible, deducible from the premises. INFERIÆ, sacrifices offered by the Greeks and Romans to the Dii manes, or the souls of deceased heroes (See MANES), or even any relation or person whose memory was held in vene ration. Fr. inferieur; Lat. inferior. Lower state of dignity, place, or or INFERIOR'ITY n. s. INFERIOR, adj. & n. s. INFERNAL, adj. INFERNAL-STONE, n.s. cellence; subordinate; inferior, one in a lower rank: infernal, hellish; detestable. Infernalstone, or the lunar caustic, is prepared from an evaporated solution of silver, or from crystals of silver: it is a very powerful caustic, eating away the flesh and even the bones to which it applied. INFERNAL REGIONS. See ELYSIUM, HELL, and TARTARUs. INFERTILE, adj. Į Fr. infertile; Lat. in INFERTILITY, 7. S. and fertilis. Unfruitful; unproductive: want of fertility. INFEST, v. n. Fr. infester; Lat. infesto. To harass; to disturb; to plague. INFESTIVITY, n. S. In and festivity. Mournfulness; want of cheerfulness. INFESTRED, adj. In and fester. Rankling; inveterate. Obsolete. INFEUDATION, n. s. Lat. in and feudum. The act of putting one in possession of a fee or intimates the intention of affirming, which is one use of the indicative; but then it does not do it absolutely.-Clarke. Infinitude, .infinity; immensity; boundlessness: used in an hyperbolical sense for an endless number. INFINITE signifies that which has neither beginning nor end; in which sense God alone is infinite. Infinite is likewise applied to that which has had a beginning, but will have no end, as angels and human souls. This makes what the schoolmen call infinitum a parte post. INFINITE QUANTITIES. The very idea of magnitudes infinitely great, or such as exceed any assignable quantities, does include a negation of limits; yet if we nearly examine this notion, we shall find that such magnitudes are not equal among themselves, but that there are really, besides infinite length and infinite area, three several sorts of infinite solidity; all of which are quantitates sui generis, and that those of each species are in given proportions. Infinite leng h, or a line infinitely long, is to be considered either as beginning at a point, and so infinitely extended one way, or else both ways, from the same point; in which case the one, which is a beginning infinity, is the one-half of the whole, which is the sum of the beginning and ceasing infinity; or, as may be said, of infinity a parte ante, and a parte post, which is analogous to eternity in time and duration, in which there is always as much to follow as is past, from any point or moment of time; nor does the addition or subduction of infinite length, or space of time, alter the case either in infinity or eternity, since both the one and the other cannot be any part of the whole. INFINITESIMALS, n. s. Among mathematicians, are defined to be infinitely small quantities. In the method of infinitesimals, the element by which any quantity increases or decreases, is supposed to be infinitely small; and is generally expressed by two or more terms, some of which are infinitely less than the rest; which being neglected, as of no importance, the remaining terins form what is called the difference of the proposed quantity. The terms that are neglected in this manner, as less than the other terms of the elements, are the very same which arise in consequence of the acceleration or retardation of the generating motion during the infinitely small time in which the element is generated; so that the remaining terms express the elements, that would have been produced in that time, if the generating motion had continued uniform: therefore those differences are accurately in the same ratio to each other, as the generating motions or fluxions. And hence, though in this method infinitesimal parts of the elements are neglected, the conclusions are accurately true, without even an infinitely small error, and agree precisely with those that are deduced by the method of fluxions. See FLUXIONS. INFIRM', adj. & v. a. INFIRMARY, n. s. INFIRMITY, n. s. INFIRM'NESS, n. s. Sble Fr. infirme; Latin infirmus. Weak; feeble; disabled in body; weak of mind; not stable or solid: to weaken, or enfeeble. Infirmary, a house for the reception of the sick. Infirmity, weakness of sex, age, or temper; failing; fault; disease or malady. Infirmness, weakness. Lat. infirus. To drive in; to to INFIX', v. a. set; to fasten. INFLAME', v. a. & v. n. Lat. inflammo. INFLAMER, n. s. In its literal sense, INFLAMMABILITY, n. s. to kindle or set on INFLAMMABLE, adj. fire to heat the INFLAMMABLENESS, n s. body morbidly; INFLAMMATION, n. s. figuratively, INFLAMMATORY, adj. kindle any passion; to enrage; provoke; aggravate; to grow hot: an angry inflamer, the thing or person that inflames: inflammable, inflammability, having the quality of catching fire: inflammation, the act of setting on fire; the state of being on fire; fervor of mind: inflammatory, having the power of inflaming. In chirurgery inflammation is when the blood is obstructed so as to crowd in a greater quantity into any particular part, and give it a greater color and heat than usual.-Quincy. INFLAMMATION, in medicine. See MEDICINE. INFLATE', v. a. Lat. inflatus. To swell with INFLATION, n. s. wind; to fill with air; the state of being swelled with wind; flatulence; applied figuratively to a turgid style of composition. INFLECT, v. a. Lat. inflecto. To bend; INFLECTION, n. s. to turn: to modulate the INFLECTIVE adj. voice; to vary a noun or verb in its terminations: inflective, having the power of bending or turning. INFLEXIBILITY, n. s.` INFLEX'IBLENESS, n. s. INFLEXIBLE, adj. INFLEXIBLY, adv. quality of resisting flexure; obstinacy: inflexible, unyielding; immoveable; not to be turned or changed: inflexibly, inexorably; without relaxation or inter mission. Fr. inflexibilite; Sbilis. INFLEXION. Point of, in the theory of lines that point in which the direction of the curve changes from concavity to convexity, and vice versa. It is particularly called punctum inflexionis, at the first turning, and punctum regnessionis, when the curve returns. These points are of much interest in the theory of functions. INFLICT', v. a. Fr. infliger; Lat, infligo. INFLICT'ER, n. s. To impose as a punishINFLICTION, n. s. ment: inflicter, he who INFLICTIVE, adj. punishes: infliction, the act used; the punishment itself: inflictive, that mposes a punishment. INFLUENCE, n. s. & v. a.` Fr. influence; IN'FLUENT, adj. Lat. infuo, inINFLUENTIAL, adj. >flurus. Power IN FLUX, n. s. of the celestial INFLUXIOUS, adj. aspects operatang upon terrestrial bodies and affairs. Ascendant power; power of directing or modifying. It was anciently followed by into; now, less properly, by upon. To act upon with directive or impulsive power; to modify to any purpose; to guide or lead to any end. Influent, flowing in: influential, exerting power: influx, the act of flowing in; infusion; influence; power: influxious, influential: the force of influence, in its figurative sense, appears to arise from the idea of something flowing in with irresistible force and carrying all before it. INFOLD', v. a. In and fold. To involve; to inwrap; to inclose with involutions. INFO'LIATE, v. a. Lat. in and foliam. To cover with leaves. Not much used, but elegant. Fr. informer; Lat. informo, in and forma. To animate; to actuate by vital powers; to instruct; to supply with new knowledge; to acquaint. Before the thing communicated was anciently put with; now generally of; sometimes in. It also signifies to offer an accusation to a magistrate; to give intelligence, Informal, without rule; irregular. Informant, informer, one who gives information or accusation; a teacher. Information, intelligence given; charge or accusation exhibited; the act of informing. Informity, shapelessness. Informous, shapeless. INFORMATION, in law, is nearly the same in the crown office as what in other courts is called a declaration. See PROSECUTION. Informations are of two sorts, first, those which are partly at the suit of the king and partly at that of a subject; and secondly, such as are only in the name of the king. The former are usually brought upon penal statutes, which inflict a penalty upon conviction of the offender, one part to the use of the king, and another to the use of the informer. By the statute 31 Eliz. c. 5, no prosecution upon any penal statute, the suit and benefit whereof are limited in part to the king and in part to the prosecutor, can be brought by any common informer after one year is expired since the commission of the offence; nor on behalf of the crown, after the lapse of two years longer; nor, where the forfeiture is originally given only to the king, can such prosecution be had after the expiration of two years from the commission of the offence. The informations that are exhibited in the name of the king alone are also of two kinds: first, those which are truly and properly his own suits, and filed ex officio by his own inmediate officer, the attorney-general; second, those in which, though the king is the nominal prosecutor, yet it is at the relation of some private person or common informer; and they are filed by the king's coroner and attorney in the court of king's bench, usually called the master of the crown office, who is for this purpose the standing officer of the public. The objects of the king's own prosecutions, filed ex officio by his own attorney-general, are properly such enormous misdemeanors as peculiarly tend to disturb or endanger his government, or to molest or affront him in the regular discharge of his royal functions. For offences (says Blackstone) so high and dangerous, in the punishing or preventing of which a moment's delay would be fatal, the law has given to the crown the power of an immediate prosecution, without waiting for any previous application to any other tribunal: which power is necessary, not only to the ease and safety, but even to the very existence, of the executive magistrate. The objects of the other species of informations, filed by the master of the crown office upon the complaint or relation of a private subject, are any gross and notorious misdemeanors, riots, batteries, libels, and other immoralities of an atrocious kind, not |