be such dupes to consent to so monstrous and unreasonable a proposition.

Sir Adam Fergusson insisted, that Scotland had as good a right to have her militia paid out of the taxes, as England. He was astonished how any man could seriously propose to tax them locally, for the purpose of paying their own militia, when they had for so many years contributed towards the payment of the militia in this part of the kingdom, though partially deprived of such an establishment themselves.

Sir Gilbert Elliot expressed his astonishment that gentlemen should think of making their militia a provincial affair; it was not intended as a partial benefit to a particular part of this island, but as a plan of general utility, and a means of security to the nation at large. He agreed to the hon. mover's account of the Scotch revenue; but contended, that great sums were spent in England by Scotch gentlemen, whom he would call resident absentees, and by persons who resorted to London for amusement or on business. Great stress had been laid on the circumstance that Scotland did not contribute proportionably to the land-tax with England; for his part he had no objection to the removing that impediment, nor did he doubt, if an equal land-tax took place, that Scotland, instead of being a loser by such a regulation, would be a very considerable gainer.

Mr. Townshend replied, that the arguments of the right hon. gentleman proved too much, or proved nothing; they proved that Ireland and America were taxed, because they purchased certain commodities in this country, nay, that every foreign nation in Europe, contributed to our burdens, because they are the consumers of some of our manufactures. In point of absentees and residents, the same argument held good; for he knew no part of the dominions of the British crown from which there were not persons constantly residing in London and other parts of England. He went further; he contended, that he did not know a county in England that might not urge the same plea with equal weight and plausibility. We pay duties, for we are the consumers. Our gentlemen of landed property are absent for nearly six months in the year; the produce of their estates is spent in Middlesex, therefore as we do not pay any thing like a proportionable share of the land-tax, give us a militia, but do not oblige us to contribute to its support. He TVOL. XVIII. Į

insisted, that the militia would be better exercised, better disciplined, and in every respect more properly regulated, by making the tax local, as it would be a controul on the spot, and would thereby prevent those abuses which pass by unnoticed, when the support was to be drawn out of a general fund, in which no body of men could claim a distinct property. He spoke of the Highland independent companies, and observed what little service they were of, for at one time, when general Wade received them, they were found to be deficient at least one half, on which he reprimanded lord Lovat, and complained to his lordship by message, how very incomplete his corps in particular happened to be; to which Lovat replied, That signifies very little, I can have 1,200 men to turn out upon any service, whenever I please.

Lord North was against the motion. He said he never entertained an idea that a local tax would be proposed instead of a national one. He was of opinion that the proposed national establishment would be an additional security to the united king. dom, and as such should be taken up and supported on the most liberal ground.

The House divided: For the motion 54. Against it 67. The Bill was then committed.

March 20. On the order of the day for taking into consideration the report of the Scotch Militia Bill,

Mr. T. Townshend moved to put it off to this day four months. He said, it was to the last degree unreasonable to expect that England should bear the expence of a land-tax in so monstrous a disproportion. If Scotland wants a militia, in God's name let her have it, but let her pay for it. If she shuns the expence, either by way of a county rate, or contributing proportionably with this part of the united kingdom, to the very tax which is particularly appropriated to defraying the charge of the militia, what is that but in other words telling us, we want such an establishment, but we have the modesty to expect that you will agree to be at the expence ?

Mr. Powys seconded the motion, and observed, that North Britain does not pay above the one-fortieth part of the landtax, though the value of the lands is about one-sixth. The present Bill kept the last proportion in view, but made no provision for the maintenance of the militia, thus to be raised and embodied. Therefore, in his opinion, Scotland should have the option [4K]

of contributing her full share to the land. tax and to have a militia according to that proportion, or of paying the militia by a local tax. If she refused to consent to either of those propositions, he trusted there was not one Englishman in that House, who could so far forget the duty he owed to his constituents, or the interests and honour of his country, as to vote for the Bill.

part

Lord Mountstuart, who brought in the Bill, supported it. He said, a national militia was the great constitutional bulwark of this kingdom, and why exclude any of the united kingdom from contributing to the general security? He observed, that the people of England were trained to the use of arms, while Scotland was left weak and defenceless; that the land-tax was no fair criterion of what Scotland really contributed towards the common support, for her consumption of commodities, which paid duties here, was very considerable, and one half of the produce of the lands of that country, he believed, was expended in this. As a proof of the weakness of government there, he said a smuggling cutter with a few guns and 20 men, had last year come into the Firth of Forth, and landed her cargo in the middle of the day; that the excise officers applied for a serjeant and 12 men, but none were to be had, but such as were at so great a distance, that the smugglers had time to dispose of their cargo, and to retire unmolested, before the detachment arrived. Sir P. J. Clerke was against the Bill. He said he could not imagine, however confident of their great power and influence the Scotch nation might be, how they could possibly expect, that besides paying their land-tax for them, we should likewise be at the expence of paying their

militia.

Mr. H. W. Hartley declared his disapprobation of the Bill. He insisted, that the whole matter lay within a narrow compass. Is Scotland willing to support her own militia by a local tax, or by contributing proportionably to the land-tax; or is she not? If she be, I see no reason why she should be debarred that privilege. If she be not, I take it, she is not really in earnest, or she thinks that England is as forgetful of her own honour as she is blind to her interests, by even listening to such a proposition.

Mr. Turner said he lived near the sea, and had always observed that the militia were the greatest smugglers in the whole

country, except another description of men the noble lord mentioned, the customhouse officers, and such as they secretly permitted, who were sharers in the profits. Mr. Stanhope condemned the Bill throughout. He spoke of the expence, and the poverty of the nation, of the complexion of the Bill, and the unconstitutional power it would put into the King's hands, of disarming the militia at his pleasure, perhaps when their aid was most wanted. Is it possible that the noble lord on the Treasury-bench can come into this House, and give a Bill his countenance and support, by which such an expence is to be incurred, and at the same time assure his Majesty that we could not pay a civil list debt of 500,000l.? Or does his lordship think that the clause where the 3 guineas per man may be given, will recruit the army, and save the trouble and expence of sending a body of foreign mercenaries to America, to cut the throats of our fellow-subjects in that country? He then enumerated several of the expences incurred last year, and predicted that we must either lay on new taxes, or submit to pay a premium of 50 per cent. on our contracts, to the whole tribe of money jobbers, contractors, &c.

Mr. Sawbridge condemned militias in general. He said they could be no longer deemed a constitutional defence, under the immediate controul and direction of the people; for by the Bill passed before Christmas, they were rendered a standing army, as much as the body of men which passed under that name, the King having it in his power to call them out on the most frivolous occasions, and when they were embodied, of employing them in any ser vice and for what purpose he pleased. He said he knew many of the gentlemen of Scotland, who were as warm assertors of freedom as any in that House; but the body of the people were in general tinc tured with notions of despotism; their laws and education inclined them that way; he should therefore be unwilling to trust them with such an establishment; for when they once got arms in their hands, their dispositions uniting with their inte rests, might render them fit instruments in the hands of a treacherous, tyrannic and unprincipled administration. He instanced this in the spirit shewn in the addresses, which came from that country, where, though they did not say that they were ready to cut the throats of every man America, they hinted pretty roundly that

in

they were ready and willing, whenever his Majesty thought proper, to cut the throats of their fellow subjects at home. He observed, likewise, that the exception he made in favour of individuals, did not contradict his general assertions, for there were worthy valuable men in the most despotic countries; and that he believed more addresses were presented from Scotland, than there were towns, villages, and hamlets in the whole kingdom.

Lord North supported the Bill on the ground of constitutional defence. He could not agree in the construction put on the Scotch addresses. He could see nothing contained in them which would admit of such an interpretation. He imagined the hon. gentleman read and run, or otherwise he could not have possibly hit on such a construction as that they offered to cut the throats of their fellowsubjects, either at home or in America.

The House divided: For Mr. Townshend's motion 112; Against it 93. So the Bill was lost.

Debate in the Commons on a Bill for shortening the Duration of Parliaments.] March 6. Mr. Sawbridge made his annual motion, that leave be given to bring in a Bill for shortening the duration of parlia

ments.

Mr. Turner seconded the motion. Mr. Alderman Bull. As I consider the question now before us of infinite importance, I cannot content myself with giving it a silent vote. The frequent instructions our constituents have given, to attempt in this instance a restoration of the constitution, is to me an additional recommendation of it. The livery of London, Sir, are the most numerous body of electors in the kingdom; and I can with confidence assert, that on this point the greatest unanimity prevails amongst them. In this respect they are by no means singular; for if you refer to the opinions of all parties, as delivered in an almost infinite number of instructions and recommendations from the year 1716, when that violation of the people's rights, the Septennial Act, passed, to the present time, you will find, that the utmost dread and apprehension of the evil consequences of that Act are expressed, accompanied with the most earnest recommendations to their representatives, to obtain a repeal of it, that the people may be thereby restored to their ancient right of frequently electing new parliaments. The concurring testimony of all sorts of men,

on a great variety of occasions, it might reasonably be supposed, would obtain without difficulty a point so important to their interests; and but for the experience of many years, it would be thought incredi ble, that the bulk of the people should thus earnestly solicit, and yet solicit in vain. Short parliaments, Sir, are essential to the security of English liberty. Power cannot revert too often to those to whom it belongs; and the more frequent the appeal is made to the people, the more entire will be their confidence in the executive parts of government. I consider the many calamities which we at present labour under, as resulting from long parliaments; under their sanction and influence corruption has been reduced to a system; and it will be happy for posterity if it does not eventually sap the very foundations of our once glorious constitution, and overwhelm it in irretrievable destruction. Bad ministers confide in long parliaments, and consider them as their great security. Hence it is the people are surprized and betrayed, one parliament suddenly dissolved, and another speedily elected, and power thereby almost perpetuated. But for this security can it be supposed, that in our days we should have seen such undue exertions of ministerial power, as the people have complained of? Should we have seen the glories of a successful war obscured by a shameful and ignominious peace? The privileges of the members of this House sacrificed, in the person of an individual, to private resentment; the rights of the electors violated; enormous sums granted without enquiry, and without account; Popery established under a Protestant government; and a long black catalogue of other enormities? Should we, Sir, have had these things to complain of, but for the influence of corruption, and that increased and established by long parliaments?

I will venture to say we should not. I will only add, that if we have any regard for the virtue of the people; if we wish to preserve the constitution and all that is dear to a free nation; if we respect the opinions of a manifest majority of our constituents; and if we have any regard to our own reputation as independent men; and as uncontaminated by ministerial influence, we shall all give our most hearty Amen to this question.

Sir George Yonge spoke in favour of the motion.

There was no reply. The House divided. For the motion 64; against it 138,

Debate in the Commons on the Army Extraordinaries.] March 11. In the Committee of Supply, Lord Barrington moved, "That 845,1657. 14s. 84d. be granted to wards defraying the extraordinary expences of the land forces, and other services incurred, between the 9th of March 1775, and 31st of January 1776."

Colonel Barré said the annals of this country did not furnish another instance in which a nominal body of 11,000 men, never amounting at any time within the period mentioned in the resolution to above 8,500 effective men, had cost the nation so much money. The campaign of Bunker's-hill and Lexington was ludicrously compared with the glorious campaigns of the immortal John duke of Marlborough; and the forcing the lines thrown up by a mob in the course of a summer's night, opposed to the victories of Blenheim, Schellenburgh, the conquest of Gibraltar and Minorca, the traversing the vast circuit of the kingdom of Spain by lord Peterborough, and the renowned impressions made by the duke of Ormond at Vigo and Port St. Mary. Mystic river was compared to the Danube; and the operations of a war that pervaded half Europe, and in which a British army and foreigners in British pay, amounting to 70,000 men, had rendered the power and glory of the British arms immortal, was balanced against those carried on within a circuit of little more extent than what is taken up by the scite of this metropolis. The expence of the former was shewn to amount to a sum not more than two millions, while the other, including the expences of the fleet, cost nearly three millions, the very extraordinaries and ordnance service alone amounting to 1,300,000. He eulogyzed general Montgomery, the account of whose death in an attempt to take Quebec by escalade, had arrived but a few days before.

Mr. Burke drew several comparisons between the victories of Mr. Pitt and those of the noble lord, (North) and contended, that the campaign which gave the great continent of North America to this country, though the force consisted of 40,000 men, fell considerably short of the expence of maintaining 8,000 wretched men, starved, disgraced, and cooped up in the single town of Boston. He paid very high compliments to general Montgomery, who had conquered two-thirds of Canada, in one campaign.

Mr. Fox vied with Mr. Burke in his eulogium of general Montgomery.

Lord North censured what he called this unqualified liberality of the praises bestowed on general Montgomery, by the gentlemen in opposition, because they were bestowed upon a rebel; and said, he could not join in lamenting his death as a public loss. He admitted indeed, that he was brave, able, humane, generous; but still he was only a brave, able, humane, and generous rebel; and said, that the verse of the tragedy of Cato might be applied to him—

"Curse on his virtues, they've undone his country."

Mr. Fox rose a second time, and said, the term 'rebel,' applied by the noble lord to that excellent person, was no certain mark of disgrace, and therefore he was the less earnest to clear him of the imputation; for that all the great assertors of liberty, the saviours of their country, the benefactors of mankind, in all ages, had been called rebels; that they even owed the constitu tion, which enabled them to sit in that House, to a rebellion:

- sunt hic etiam sua premia laudi, Sunt lachrymæ rerum et mentem mortalia tangunt.'

Lord North said, whatever uneasiness this dispute with America might occasion, whatever consequences it might have, he hoped it would be recollected, he had not raised, had not disturbed the question. It was in agitation before he came into office. He found it there.

Governor Johnstone expressed his astonishment at this declaration, thus uttered in the face of his country! in the face of the House! He instanced the Tea Duty, and

Lord North suddenly said, should he answer that!-The duty was not laid on by him, he only carried it forward.

Governor Johnstone to explain, said, it was very disorderly to interrupt him in that very abrupt manner. However, he thought the noble lord's explanation or vindication of himself, made the matter ten times worse against him.

The House divided; For it 180; Against it 57.

March 12. Sir Charles Whitworth re ported the above resolution.

Mr. Hartley lamented the state of this oppressed and almost ruined country. He observed, it was not that the war was unjust, cruel, and unnatural; that the coun try was left naked and defenceless; that the expences were already enormous; that the fund which was appropriated for the

against the probable or possible benefits promised to accrue from the measures now pursuing.

Lord North observed, that the hon. gentleman gave a credit and appellation to the papers on the table which they did not deserve, for they were not vouchers. The vouchers were yet to come, and would contain a precise account of the expenditure, and then the House would have s full opportunity to examine them. As to the 100,000l. drawn by the commander in chief, for which no account of any kind appeared, that could be easily explained, for it was so much in advance to remain in his hands, and for which he must be accountable till he shews the particular services for which it was issued. The usual manner of conducting this business, was for the commander in chief to draw on the deputy paymaster-general; but it being found that it was much more advantageous to remit than draw, that mode was discontinued, and the present adopted in its stead, as it would be a considerable saving to the public. He said, the hon. gentleman was mistaken in asserting, that the permitting the commander in chief to draw was never known, for it was always the case in respect to extraordinaries. The very nature of the expence, and the manner it was incurred, made it necessary. It was uncertain; a previous credit was necessary, and the amount could not be known, nor the balance struck, till the several articles were brought into account, accompanied by the proper vouchers; that this had not been the case formerly in America, for as there were no extraordinaries till since the late war, by way of establishment, no previous credit of this kind consequently subsisted.

purpose of reducing the public debts, as a | security to our public creditors in case of deficiencies, and as a dernier resource in case of an attack from our natural enemies, was already anticipated for many years to come; these matters, however terrible in their appearance, or dreadful in their consequences, were already known or foreseen: but it was the confidence with which ministers asked, and the ready compliance of parliament with every requisition, without either examining the nature of the services, or afterwards enquiring into the expenditure, that astonished him. Such, in a great measure, was the nature of the account of extraordinaries now before them. He should not enter into a minute examination of the several items which had swelled that very extraordinary account, but he would be obliged to the noble lord (North) if he would give the explanation he declined to give the other night in debate, though often pressed. The matter he desired to have cleared up, was the requisition made by the commander in chief for 100,000l., and the credit taken for that sum without being accompanied by a single voucher. He observed, that there were vouchers for the rest, stating to whom the payments were made, but not one of the actual expenditure. He begged the noble lord would explain to the House the nature of the transaction; at present it bore a very strange appearance. He observed, that there was a circumstance attending money matters now, that was, he believed, never before known or practised even by the noble lord; that was, ministers refused to venture at a gross computation, what the expence of the extraordinaries of the succeeding campaign would amount to. He had heard it dropped in debate, that they would rise this year to the monstrous sum of four millions. Terrible as these tidings were, he should be glad to know the worst; not to come day after day to that House, and hear some new demand made, under a fresh pretence and another denomination, though all directed to the same service. If, therefore, the minister, as he must by this time know what his plan was, and the probable expences of carrying it into execution, would rise, and fairly and ingenuously state the gross computation, the House would then know what they had to expect, what they were to grant on one side, and what they were to get in return on the other, and of course be enabled to balance the certain expence

Mr. Dempster spoke of the consequences arising from the contracts in general. He said, every country where such a system was permitted to prevail, must, in the end, be undone; and he had little doubt that a very considerable part of the burthens we now labour under have been incurred through the means of jobs and contractors. When he had the honour of being in the direction of a certain great company, the evil was felt, and he and some other gentlemen in the direction determined to provide some means of removing it. The court of directors at length agreed to advertise the contracts, and the consequence was, that they not only made a very considerable saving, but the articles were much better that were