furnished in this way than before the contracts were laid open. He recommended this, or some other similar plan to the minister, and assured him that very singular advantages would accrue thereby to the public, as the articles would be both cheaper, and of superior quality. He concluded with observing, that jobbers and contractors were at once the disgrace and curse of this country, a well-authenticated instance of which happened during the late war, of a person whose contract amounted only to 1,300,000l. but whose net profits were full 800,000.

Sir Joseph Mawbey bestowed almost every opprobrious epithet in the English language on the American war. He said it was cruel, unjust, villainous, and that he trusted God and man would unite in reprobating it. He was no less severe on its advisers and conductors. He observed, that the noble lord who lately presided in the department to which American affairs more peculiarly belonged, was too honest and conscientious to persist in so bloody and inhuman a business. He abhorred the thought of embruing his hands in the blood of his innocent unoffending fellow-subjects, and resigned his office sooner than co-operate in so flagitious a work. It is true, he was succeeded by a noble lord now sitting opposite, (lord G. Germaine) who, he presumed, imagined he was acting right, but whose schemes of unconditional submission, he hoped he would never be able to effect. He observed, that the majorities who daily sanctioned the present measures would sorely repent of it; and recommended the country gentlemen to seriously reflect on the consequences, when the additional shilling on the land would not half defray the account of extraordinaries, which was at present the subject of consideration. If, then, such an enormous expence was incurred for the maintenance of 6,000 men confined in Boston, would any person rise and say, that the whole of 6s. in the pound, instead of four, would defray even the extraordinaries of the army that was to be employed in the course of the ensuing campaign? It was plain it could not, for it was already confessed, that the extraordinaries would amount to four millions, and a land-tax of 6s. in the pound would be considerably short of three, perhaps not quite two and a half, after allowing for the deficiencies. Where then are the supplies to come from? You cannot devise a tax that will not cause a defalcation in some other.

The excise and customs will not produce a single shilling more: and if they should, your trade, manufactures, and commerce, will be ruined, if you attempt to lay on any new duties. He then addressed himself to lord Howe and general Burgoyne, and after giving testimony to their personal worth, expressed his astonishment that such men would be concerned in so infamous and diabolical a business; and owned, that however he might esteem them as men, he wished that they might not succeed; but that the cause of justice, humanity, freedom, and the constitution, might prevail. Administration might pride themselves in their great majorities; but he trusted the day was not far off, when they would be brought to a severe account for the destruction in which they were wantonly involving their country, in order to accomplish a detestable plan of despotism.

Governor Johnstone was very severe on contracts and contractors, particularly in relation to two articles in the account paid to Mr. A. Bacon, for the hire of negroes in the ceded islands. This, he said, was a most shameful squandering of public money. He observed, likewise, on an article of 4,000l. drawn by the superintendant of Indian affairs, upon the receiver general of Canada.

Sir Grey Cooper said, this was the usual mode. The only difference it made, was, that instead of drawing on the treasury, where the account was audited, and sent back with an order to the receiver-general; in the present instance, the money was drawn immediately from the receiver. general, but the superintendant's account was still open to inspection; and he re mained subject to be made accountable for the expenditure of any sums thus ob tained.

Lord North answered governor Johnstone respecting the negro contract. He said, this expence was incurred mostly in the ceded islands, and was near expiring, as the purposes for which the negroes were employed, that of clearing the crown lands, and opening communications from one part of the islands to the other, were nearly completed.

Mr. Pownall gave a further explanation relative to the expence of the superintendant of Indian affairs. He said, that presents were made to several Indian tribes, to the six nations, and other western Indians; that the articles of which those presents consisted were usually purchased here; that he was the person who formerly

provided them, but on account of the present situation of affairs in America, it was I thought more convenient to have them provided on the spot; and that was the true cause of that article making its appearance in the account. The presents commonly consisted of glass beads, cutlery, &c.

Mr. Vyner replied to the address made to the country gentlemen, and said, as being included in that number, he was much obliged to the hon. gentleman (sir J. Mawbey) for his advice: but for his own part, though the land tax next year should be 6s. in the pound, or double, he was willing to contribute his share, as on a former occasion; for if the supremacy of this country was to be preserved fully in its constitutional extent, no means proper to effect it, ought to be left untried. As to the question, what did those gentlemen expect in return? He, for one, fairly and openly declared, that he expected America would be taxed for the purpose of raising a revenue, both to defray the expences of a war this country was wantonly forced into in the assertion of her own rights, and towards relieving us of the burdens incurred by protecting the colonies during the late war. He insisted besides, that the legislative power of this country, independent of the reasons now stated, could never be maintained, if the exercise of it was not to be coupled with a tax submitted to by America, as the clearest acknowledgment of the general controlling power of Great Britain.

Mr. Tuffnell spoke of several articles in the account: so much for sour crout; so much for small beer; and several thousand pounds for pepper and vinegar alone. Such a waste of public money was to the last degree shameful; and it was no way wonderful that the minister should have the great majorities he had, when he had it in his power, by so many different means, to influence the representatives of the people. He then took a view of the intended operations, and shewed, that nothing decisive could possibly be effected in the course of the ensuing campaign, as the troops would not arrive at their respective places of destination till at the end of two, four, and perhaps six months. That posts must be secured, and communications opened; and that consequently the expence of the present year would be lost, or at least only lay a foundation for the operations of the succeeding. Then, taking the matter purely on the ground

laid down by the promoters of the present measures, it would amount to this; that after the expence of this campaign, which 'was already allowed to be ten, though he had strong reason to believe it would be fifteen millions, we should commence operations in the year 1777 effectually; and supposing the success predicted should be the case, and that no event should happen to interrupt our designs, that America should be reduced to the unconditional submission contended for by the noble lord lately come into office (lord G. Germaine) the consequence would be, that we should incur a debt of between 30 or 40 millions, a sum he prophesied, much more than ever we should be able to reimburse ourselves, by all the taxes we could ever expect to draw from that country.

Lord Irnham said, it was really shameful that members of that House should have the contracts that now appeared. He alluded in particular to that of the negroes, and the sour crout. He wished sincerely, that the account was printed, that the nation might see how they were plundered and fleeced, in order to enrich a set of rapacious contractors, who were raising immense fortunes, drawn from the very vitals of the people; and that he was not surprised to hear a certain set of men, the preceding evening, express themselves so warm for coercive measures, and so eager to grant away the public money. He did not know by what appellation to describe them. They were not country gentlemen, nor placemen, nor pensioners, nor king's friends; but they were worse than all they were at present the disgrace, and would in the end occasion the total ruin of this country.

Mr. Burke said a few words respecting the caution expressed by an hon. gentleman, who professed himself a country gentleman; and said he was surprised to hear him adopt the very language used by the people of America; that is, we will grant you aids or supplies, but we will reserve to ourselves a controul over the expenditure, and be the judges of the quantum to be granted, and the mode of application. He believed, therefore, the gentleman was very snug and secure in his offer of a 13s. in the pound land tax, on this condition: for it amounted to just nothing, while he reserved to himself the power of refusing it whenever he thought proper. He said, that as by the curious items in the account, he imagined the army in Boston had a sufficient supply of broccoloes, cab

bages, sour-crout, and a few asparagus, there was no occasion for keeping open a begging subscription for the purpose of procuring those necessaries, when the nation had already made such ample provision. On this ground he should submit two resolutions to the consideration of the House, which would, he presumed, put this matter in a clear light. They were, 1. "That the extraordinary expences amounting to 845,165l. 14s. 84d. have been incurred, for the far greater part, for services within the town of Boston. 2. That ample provision has been made by the public for the accommodation and comfort of the troops in Boston, which made the levying any further money, or begging any from the subject, on that pretence, unnecessary." They both passed in the negative. After which the Resolutions of the committee were agreed to,

DEBATE IN THE LORDS ON THE DUKE OF GRAFTON'S PROPOSITION FOR CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.] March 14.* The order of the day being read,

The Duke of Grafton said: My lords, before I explain to your lordships the intention of the present motion, and the grounds on which I propose to maintain it, I shall, with your lordships' permission, explain something which passed in this House the last day I had the honour to address your lordships, respecting my supposed conduct, relative to the Tea Act in the year 1769, when it was proposed in the cabinet to procure a repeal of it, along

* «This day will perhaps hereafter be con

sidered as one of the most important in the English history. It deeply fixed a new colour upon our public affairs. It was decisive, on this side of the Atlantic, with respect to America; and may possibly hereafter be compared with, and considered as preliminary to that, on which, unhappily, in a few months after, the independence of that continent was declared on

the other. Administration now, and their nu

merous friends, totally changed their style and language upon that subject. All modifications were laid aside; all foriner opinions and declarations done away; conciliation, they said, was little less than impracticable; and that if any thing could be added to the difficulties of such a scheme, it would be by concession. The tone of the House of Lords was much higher than that of the House of Commons had ever been, although the language was grown than it had been at the beginning of the session. No alternative now seemed to be left between absolute conquest and unconditional submission." Annual Register.

much more firm and determined there also

with the other duties laid on in 1767. I am within your lordships' recollection, that I then asserted, that when the matter was debated in council, I was over-ruled and out-voted, but was contradicted by a noble viscount (lord Weymouth) whom I now see in his place. Having spoken from memory, though I was certain I was right, joined to the very late hour of the night, when the matter alluded to was mentioned, I declined to answer the noble viscount, or to corroborate my first assertion, with any further facts or particulars. Being, however, uneasy till I had enquired further into the circumstances of that impor tant transaction, I searched among my papers, and there found a note of it, sent me by a noble lord then at the head of the American department, (lord Hillsbo rough) by which it appears, that the num bers in the cabinet were not equal, as the noble viscount asserted, but that I was over-ruled and out-voted by a majority on the proposition of repealing that tax, which, as I then foresaw, would be productive of the worst consequences; and which now is the occasion of the present unhappy disputes, that threaten to overwhelm this country in ruin and destruc tion. I thought it my duty to submit this true state of that momentous business to your lordships, lest any of you should think that I had either negligently as serted, or designedly misrepresented it. If the noble viscount should differ from me on the fact, as I now have stated it, I wish it may be understood, that he will fore I proceed further, or that his silence rise immediately and contradict me, be may be construed into an acquiescence. As to the measure now proposed, I trust you will perceive the necessity of adopting it; and that you will believe me, when I most solemnly and earnestly assure you, that nothing but a thorough conviction on my part, that it, or some other measure of a similar nature, is the only possible means now left, of averting the destruction which seems suspended over the heads of the people of this devoted unhappy country. It is formed on the principles of humanity, equity, and sound policy, and opens & door for settling the differences now subsisting between both countries, on terms of lasting amity, founded in reciprocal af fection, and cemented by mutual interest. It will be the means of sheathing the swords now drawn, perhaps never again to be returned to the scabbard, till a deluge of blood is spilt, and either Great Britain

or America, or both, are brought into such a state as may inevitably produce their separate or total destruction. I contemplate with horror the consequences of the bloody conflict, should matters be pushed to extremities; in the event of so many thousand men being drawn up against each other, when, on whichever side victory may declare, all true friends of their country, will have the most just and melancholy cause of grief and mourning. I would therefore appeal to your lordships' humanity, on this supremely critical and important occasion; and implore your interference, for the purpose of averting such dire calamities, particularly when your lordships shall take the additional circumstance into consideration, that the most complete success on our part, will produce no other effect, than wasting our own strength; and that the blood thus shed will not be that of your natural enemies, but of your fellow-subjects, of your brethren, of Britons, of a people united with you by every tie of fraternal affection, every motive of common interest, and every principle of common defence, protection, and support.

In point of equity, my lords, I believe, since the new doctrine of an unconditional submission has been broached by a noble lord (George Germaine) in another House; (for I affirm, till he was called to office, it was never openly maintained in parliament) your lordships will be of opinion, that it would be but equitable to let the people of America know what are now the sentiments of this country; because, by knowing our ultimatum, they will have it in their power either to agree to it, or to risk the consequences of resistance. I remember, at the opening of this session, a very different language was held. The idea of taxation was denied or modified. A noble lord in the other House, who presides at the head of the national finances, disclaimed any such intention. A noble lord in this House, whom I now see in his place (lord Dartmouth) who then filled a responsible office in administration, and who, perhaps, for the reason I am going to assign, was not thought so proper a person to carry the designs of government into execution, repeatedly assured this House, that no intention was entertained by administration of "subduing America." I would appeal to your lordships, if the newly adopted system has not an appearance full of mischief, and big with that over-ruling secret influence, [VOL. XVIII.]

those dark and dangerous designs, which every now and then betray themselves to public view, and which create the justest jealousies and suspicions in the breast of every man who is not callous to the inte rests of this devoted country. When I framed the motion with which I shall conclude, I avoided all specifications, because I meant it as a general resolution, to be taken up and considered by your lordships in a committee, in order, if you should think necessary, that you might decide on particulars, agree upon some specific terms, some ultimatum to be proposed to the colonies, or determine on some general resolution to be communicated to the other House of Parliament for their concurrence, as a basis for conciliation or concession. By this means America might know what she had to depend on, and decide accordingly. You would remove that cause, which she assigns for her present want of confidence in general assurances, in ministerial promises, in loose and undefined claims, which every successive administration have explained their own way, and scarcely any two of the members of the present seem to be agreed in. As the doctrine of unconditional submission is avowed by the noble lord alluded to, as the same doctrine has been since repeated in this House by persons who, though not in responsible offices, are nearly connected with those in power, another view I had in submitting the present motion, was to induce ministers to speak out, to say fairly whether their long harangues or intended reconciliation, their determinations to concede in some particulars, are all forgotten, or laid aside; and whether they have any measures, short of unconditional submission, to propose. Should they chuse to be silent on this head, and in consequence thereof reject this proposition, I shall then understand them as clearly as if they had spoken out. I shall then be fully convinced that unconditional submission is what they have ultimately in view; that the bloody conflict, I fear, long determined on, will follow; and that the present dispute between both countries is to be decided by the force of arms. Before I conclude this head, I should wish to be understood that I cannot pay the least attention to any explanation, purporting that the objects pursued by administration have been the same from the beginning; that they are still willing to sheathe the sword, and listen to the terms of accommodation. Such a conclusion is absurd and impossi [4 L]

ble in the nature of things. The speech, I allow, held out this idea; the proposition called the Conciliatory Proposition, framed by a noble lord in the other House, was, it is plain, short of unconditional submission. The Bill for interdicting all commerce with America, known by the name of the Capture Act, had a clause towards the end of it, which corresponded with the intentions declared in the speech. By this clause a power was vested in the King to appoint commissioners to treat with the colonies to receive submissions and to grant pardons. I was not present at the time this Bill was debated on the second reading; but though the system which appears now to govern administration, was not then openly avowed, it is plain that the person [supposed to mean ford Mansfield] who advised or framed this clause, and who, I presume, has had the chief hand in directing and advising the present measures from their commencement, by his personal influence, though not called by his office to a participation of this species of power, had a view to that unconditional submission which is now contended for. I was in the country when this Act first came to my hands, and on comparing the King's speech with the clause, I must own I was astonished. What does the clause say? That commissioners are to be appointed, and that is all. What are they to do? To receive submissions. Does it state what conditions, or indeed provide for any condition at all? Have the commissioners the least shadow of power by this Act, to make any concession whatever? None; the alternative is resistance, or unconditional submission; an eternal war and resistance on one hand, till both or either party are destroyed; or that America shall instantly disarm, surrender, and submit. On this ground, my lords, I thought it proper to give an opportunity to your lordships, to effectuate his Majesty's gracious intentions declared in his speech; and the great ostensible object of the Capture Bill, which was to coerce America by destroying her trade, if she obstinately persisted not to agree to such terms of accommodation as the British parliament, in conjunction with his Majesty, might think most conducive to the securing the claims of this country, the subordinate constitutional rights of America, and the future permanent happiness and interests of both. It is solely to obtain those very desirable objects, that I

have this day troubled your lordships. If your lordships should not think proper to propose any ultimatum, my motion will have this very salutary effect; it will furnish America with an opportunity of preventing the present calamities, which they must in all events unavoidably feel; it will give them an opportunity of averting that cloud which hangs suspended over their heads and threatens them with destruction; it will be but a fair and equitable experiment, by way of warning; and if they should refuse to offer any proposition, or tender such only as are inconsistent with the dignity and rights of this legislature, and the interests of the empire at large, it will produce this other very beneficial consequence; it will unite this country in support of measures, which are far from being universally approved; and vindicate the justice and honour of the nation, not only in the opinion of its own subjects, but in that of all Europe.

I

As to the policy of the present conflict, shall say very little, having before so frequently expressed myself on the subject. But I think administration should have the most unequivocal proofs of the disposition of foreign powers before they blindly rushed into a civil war. I have been a considerable time conversant in matters of this kind. I know the stress that ought to be laid on the language usually held by ambassadors. I know what credit ought to be given to the general assurances of foreign courts. I am convinced that they are very little to be relied on, if not accompanied by confidential engagements, and a thorough knowledge of the state of those countries, from which we have most to dread: not from their pacific declarations so much as from their known inability to injure. The former may serve, nay, experience in all ages has proved too. frequently, has served only to amuse and deceive. The latter, therefore, in my opinion, can only promise that kind of secu rity, which a wise minister will always demand before he undertakes any measure which may render the nation vulnerable to its natural enemies. The powers, my lords, which I allude to, are those of France and Spain. None of your lordships can be ignorant that they are now collecting a great naval and military force to be employed somewhere; and I think it my duty to state to your lordships a piece of information which I have little reason to doubt, and which, if true, must be the subject of great and just alarm to