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and good government fully established, his | were now aiming. He lamented the disMajesty might open the port on such con- graceful miserable state of the troops unditions as he thought proper; and appoint der general Gage, daily crumbling away such places for the landing and shipping with sickness and desertion, destitute of of goods within the said port and harbour covering and sustenance, and, what was as he pleased. Here he highly arraigned much worse, their spirits broken and themthe unconstitutional policy which dictated selves disheartened with the insolent that part of the Act, and wantonly lodged taunts and repeated provocations of a rea power in the King and council, which bellious surrounding rabble. He reflected parliament, if it regarded its own honour, severely on the conduct of those, that put should have never parted with. He con- him and kept him in so disgraceful a sidemned, in general, the madness, injustice, tuation. He said, he should be glad to and infatuation of coercing the Americans know by what secret power or over-ruling into a blind and servile submission; and influence the wishes of parliament had repeated, what had been been received in been defeated. On the other hand, if it the most ludicrous manner, on a former was from that gentleman's own suggesoccasion, that a tipstaff would execute the tions he acted, he freely declared, that Acts better than a military force consisting however prevalent it might be, from every of 100,000 men. side of the House, to bestow encomiums on him, he must continue to think his conduct extremely reprehensible, and deserv ing of censure. His lordship disclaimed all personal connection with administration. He said he supported them, because he imagined and believed them to be right.

Lord Lyttelton set out with complimenting the noble earl, who spoke first in the debate, on his great political wisdom, his extensive talents, and the fruits of both, the glorious successes of the late war, which must deservedly crown him with immortal laurels. He grounded his arguments chiefly on the legislative supremacy of the British parliament. He ridiculed the absurd idea of an inactive right, when there was the most apparent and urgent necessity for exercising it. It would be madness in the extreme, not directly to assert, or for ever relinquish it. He could not at all agree with the noble earl in his encomiums on the continental congress; for so far from applauding their wisdom, &c. he contended that the whole of their deliberations and proceedings breathed the spirit of unconstitutional independency and open rebellion. His lordship pointed to the particular language of some of their resolutions; and endeavoured to prove, that if Great Britain should give way on the present occasion, from mistaken motives of present advantages in trade, commerce, &c. such a concession would inevitably defeat its own object; for it was plain, that the Navigation Act, and all other regulatory Acts, which formed the great basis on which those advantages rested, and the true interests of both countries depended, would fall a victim to the interested and ambitious views of America. Now, therefore, was the time to assert the authority of Great Britain, for if we did not, he had not a single doubt but every concession on our side would produce a new demand on theirs; and in the end, bring about that state of traitorous independency, at which it was too plain they

Lord Camden said he would not enter into the large field of discussion, or collateral reasoning, applicable to the abstruse and metaphysical distinctions necessary to the investigation of the omnipotence of parliament; but this he would venture to assert, that the natural right of mankind and the immutable laws of justice, were clearly in favour of the Americans. He observed that great stress had been laid on the legislative supremacy of Great Britain; and as far as the doctrine was directed to its proper objects, it was a just one; but it was no less true in fact, that consonant to all the reasonings of all the speculative writers on government, that no man, either agreeable to the true principles of natural or civil liberty, could be divested of any part of his property without his own consent. He pledged himself, at a proper time, to prove that the law of England did not give the right, claimed by parliament, to tax America. That no book or record expressed such right; that he could not tell where to look for it; that he consulted law and history, and his search was equally fruitless in both. In what king's reign, he asked, could it be found? Was it in the old times, before our colonies existed; or when? He said that in the time of Charles the 1st, when that great constitutional lawyer Mr. Selden was pressed to declare on what legal grounds resistance was justi

benefit, while the former was inseparably connected with property, and must for ever suit itself to the true nature and disposition of property in general.

fiable, he replied it was by the custom of England, and that was part of the law of the land. And concluded by referring to the works of judge Blackstone, where avoiding to state the rule, when resistance is justifiable, he lays down the Revolution as the only precedent; but adds, though the various circumstances and incidents, which may justify resistance, cannot be exactly defined, it is plain, the people at large, who possess the original rights necessary to their own happiness and preservation, have the same right to recall it, whenever the power and authority, thus delegated by them, has been abused, and manifestly employed to their own ruin and destruction.

Lord Townshend desired several Acts of his present Majesty might be read. He endeavoured to prove that some of them were nearly connected with the Act of Navigation passed in the reign of Charles the 2nd. The resolutions of the American congress condemning those Acts, shewed, he said, that the views of America are not confined to the redress of grievances, real or imaginary, but are immediately directed to the total overthrow of that great palladium of British commerce, the Act of Navigation: The question was not now barely a question of revenue; but whether that great commercial system, on which the strength and prosperity of Great Britain, and the mutual interests of both countries, vitally depended, should be destroyed, in order to gratify the foolishly ambitious temper of a turbulent ungrateful people. He contended strongly if concessions of that nature were to be made, restrictions taken off, and trade allowed to flow, in what was called its na

our fleets and armies; who had contributed so generously and freely to the common support; who had so cheerfully assisted in alleviating our burthens; was much better entitled to it than America.

The Earl of Chatham, in reply, observed, that if the noble lord (Lyttelton) who suggested, that the views of America were ultimately pointed to the defeating the Act of Navigation, and the other regulatory Acts, so wisely framed and calculated for that reciprocity of interests, so essentially necessary to the grandeur and prosperity of the whole empire, was right, there was no person present, however zealous, would be readier than himself, to resist and crush any attempt of that natural channels, Ireland, who helped to man ture in the first instance; but to come at any certain knowledge of their real sentiments, it would be proper first to do them justice; to treat them like subjects, before they were condemned as aliens, or traitors. He entirely acquiesced in the sentiments of his noble friend (lord Camden), that the present was not a subject proper for nice, metaphysical discussion; that property was a simple subject, distinct and unconnected with the variously complex ideas in which other questions relative to policy were inevitably involved; that he still remained, and ever should continue of opinion, that the right which God, and nature, and the constitution, had given a British subject to his property, was invariably inalienable, without his own consent; and that no power under heaven could touch it without that consent, either implied, or expressly and directly given. He treated the idea of taxation, being included in legislation, in the most ludicrous terms. He contended, that they were two operations in our constitution totally distinct and foreign to each other; that the latter plainly originated from the power vested in the legislative great council, to controul, direct, and watch over the interests of the whole society, by way of regulation and coercion, for the common

The Earl of Rochford was for firm and decisive measures. To retreat, he insisted, was to be vanquished: and condemned those who were for conceding at this critical juncture. The unity of the British empire should, in his opinion, supersede every inferior consideration, because on that its prosperity, stability and external grandeur immediately depended. He disclaimed, in the name of the King's ministers, all imputations and insinuations thrown out by a noble lord. He said he believed the general was as little censurable as they were, and that it was next to impossible to decide on that gentleman's conduct at so great a distance, and without knowing the motives that led to it.

Earl Gower was well informed, that the language now held by the Americans, was the language of the rabble and a few factious leaders; that the delegates at the congress, were far from expressing the true sense of the respectable part of their constituents; that in many places they were chosen by a kind of force, in which the people of consequence were afraid, un

famous charge laid against him; that as to disarming first, the count was mistaken; for that long before he (lord Rochford) had made the proposal of disarming, he had received a letter from lord Harcourt, informing him, that the French had began to disarm; that the proposal he made about disarming, was to do it reciprocally, at a given time; that the object of the ar

protected as they were, to interpose; and The Earl of Rochford declared, that i where it was otherwise, they were borne upon his honour and conscience, he be- & down by faction in some instances, and per-lieved count de Guines innocent of the inverted by the most false misrepresentations in others; that taking it in either light, the measures proper to be pursued by Great Britain were plain, and did not admit of the least controversy; for either, said his lordship, they are disposed as I have now represented, or they are not if they are, they deserve our utmost protection; if they are not, we should exert and strain every nerve to make them sub-mament being at an end, form was not mit. I have all along been of that opinion. I now avow it; and be the event what it may, I never mean to shrink from the consequences of an advice which I am proud to own.

The Marquis of Rockingham observed, that as ministry had avowed an intention of sending out inore troops to Boston, and as that was a measure totally repugnant to his plan of reconciliation, he was glad of an opportunity of resisting that mischievous and dangerous design of governing the colonies by force. He said that the troops which had so idly been sent thither, were by their instructions left in so disgraceful a state, that he wished them recalled with the utmost possible dispatch; and consequently he must be averse to the designs administration entertained, of further exposing our troops to shame and disgrace; and of course he joined the motion for their recall. He expressed pretty strongly his adherence to his old opinion of the propriety of the Declaratory Act, which he seemed to consider as necessary to the dominion of this country, and no way hurtful to the freedom of America; but he reserved himself to a more proper season for debating that principle, only insisting that the congress had expressed no dissatisfaction with the Declaratory Act; and he thought it needless to give them more than they desired.

The Duke of Richmond supported lord Chatham's motion with firmness, and answered his adversaries with accuracy and precision. He contrasted very happily the stubborness of ministry in refusing to have the least feeling for the miseries and complaints of British subjects, while they were all awake and full of attention to the most arrogant expectations of foreign powers; and then mentioned the fact stated by count de Guines in his Memorial, that the English ministry, in the question of the Falkland Islands, had agreed to disarm first.

necessary as to the period of disarming, more especially, as from all his advices from the King's ministers abroad, both the French and Spaniards had first began to disarm.

Lord Weymouth opposed the motion. He was for sending troops to America; but held himself disengaged from co-operating with administration, till he was fully acquainted with the whole train of measures they proposed to adopt, digested into one perfect system; adding, that in his present state of mind, and want of proper knowledge, he did not know if he should even be for augmenting the present military force under general Gage.

The House divided; 18 contents, and 68 non-contents. The minority were, Dukes of Cumberland, Richmond, Portland, Manchester. Marquis of Rocking ham. Earls Thanet, Abingdon, Fitzwilliam, Tankerville, Stanhope, Spencer, Chatham. Bishop of Exeter. Lords Camden, Wycombe, Ponsonby, Sondes, Grosvenor.

Debate in the Commons on the Petitions of the Merchants of London and Bristol Jor Reconciliation with America.] Jan. 23. Mr. Alderman Hayley said he had a petition from the merchants of the city of London concerned in the commerce to North-America, to that honourable House, and desired leave to present the same, which being given, it was brought up and read, setting forth;

"That the petitioners are all essentially interested in the trade to North-America, either as exporters and importers, or as venders of British and foreign goods for exportation to that country; and that the petitioners have exported, or sold for exportation, to the British colonies in North-America, very large quantities of the manufacture of Great Britain and Ireland, and in particular the staple articles of woollen, iron, and linen, also those of

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cotton, silk, leather, pewter, tin, copper, and brass, with almost every British manufacture; also large quantities of foreign linens and other articles imported into these kingdoms, from Flanders, Holland, Germany, the East Countries, Portugal, Spain, and Italy, which are generally received from those countries in return for British manufactures; and that the petitioners have likewise exported, or sold for exportation, great quantities of the various species of goods imported into this kingdom from the East-Indies, part of which receive additional manufacture in Great Britain; and that the petitioners receive returns from North-America to this kingdom directly, viz. pig and bar iron, timber, staves, naval stores, tobacco, rice, indico, deer and other skins, beaver and furs, train oil, whalebone, bees wax, pot and pearl ashes, drugs, and dying woods, with some bullion, and also wheat flour, Indian | corn and salted provisions, when, on account of scarcity in Great Britain, those articles are permitted to be imported; and that the petitioners receive returns circuitously from Ireland (for flax seed, &c. exported from North America) by bills of exchange on the merchants of this city trading to Ireland, for the proceeds of linens, &c. imported into these kingdoms from the West Indies; in return for provisions, lumber and cattle, exported from North America, for the use and support of the West India islands, by bills of exchange on the West India merchants, for the proceeds of sugar, molasses, rum, cotton, coffee, or other produce, imported from those islands into these kingdoms; from Italy, Spain, Portugal, France, Flanders, Germany, Holland, and the East Countries, by bills of exchange or bullion in return for wheat flour, rice, Indian corn, fish, and lumber, exported from the British colonies in North America, for the use of those countries; and that the petitioners have great reason to believe, from the best informations they can obtain, that on the balance of this extensive commerce, there is now due from the colonies in North America, to the said city only, 2,000,000l. sterling, and upwards; and that, by the direct commerce with the colonies, and the circuitous trade thereon depending, some thousands of ships and vessels are employed, and many thousands of seamen are bred and maintained, thereby encreasing the naval strength and power of Great Britain; and that, in the year 1765, there was a great stagnation of

the commerce between Great Britain and her colonies, in consequence of an Act for granting and applying certain stampduties, and other duties, in the British colonies and plantations in America, by which the merchants trading to North America, and the artificers employed in the various manufactures consumed in those countries, were subjected to many hardships; and that, in the following year, the said Act was repealed, under an express declaration of the legislature, that the continuance of the said Act would be attended with many inconveniences, and might be productive of consequences greatly detrimental to the commercial interests of these kingdoms; upon which repeal, the trade to the British colonies immediately resumed its former flourishing state; and that in the year 1767, an Act passed for granting certain duties in the British colonies and plantations in America, which imposed certain duties, to be paid in America, on tea, glass, red and white lead, painters' colours, paper, pasteboard, mill board, and scale-board, when the commerce with the colonies was again interrupted; and that in the year 1770, such parts of the said Act as imposed duties on glass, red and white lead, painters' colours, paper, paste-board, mill-board, and scale-board, were pealed, when the trade to America soon revived, except in the article of tea, on which a duty was continued, to be demanded on its importation into America, whereby that branch of our commerce was nearly lost; and that, in the year 1773, an Act passed, to allow a drawback of the duties of customs on the exportation of tea to his Majesty's colonies or plantations in America, and to empower the commissioners of the Treasury to grant licences to the East India Company, to export tea, duty free; and by the operations of those and other laws, the minds of his Majesty's subjects in the British colonies have been greatly disquieted, a total stop is now put to the export trade with the greatest and most important part of North America, the public revenue is threatened with a large and fatal diminution, the petitioners with grievous distress, and thousands of industrious artificers and manufacturers with utter ruin; under these alarming circumstances, the petitioners receive no small comfort, from a persuasion that the representatives of the people, newly delegated to the most important of all trusts, will

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labour, and every possible assistance to it; but hoped, such an enquiry might not be made use of to defeat every good intention, and clog every salutary measure that might be proposed in the present committee; he should therefore recommend it to the House to appoint a separate committee for the consideration of the merchants' petition, and for that purpose move an Amendment, to leave out, between the word 'of' and the word 'committee,' the word the,' and insert 'a' instead thereof; and to leave out the words to whom it is referred to consider of the several papers which were presented to the House by the lord North, upon Thursday last, by his Majesty's command.'

take the whole of these weighty matters into their most serious consideration; and therefore praying the House, that they will enter into a full and immediate examination of that system of commercial policy, which was formerly adopted, and uniformly maintained, to the happiness and advantage of both countries, and will apply such healing remedies as can alone restore and establish the commerce between Great Britain and her colonies on a permanent foundation; and that the petitioners may be heard by themselves, or agents, in support of the said petition." Mr. Alderman Hayley expressed his wishes for a speedy reconciliation with America, and moved, "That the said Petition be referred to the consideration of the committee of the whole House, to whom it is referred to consider of the several papers which were presented to the House, by the lord North, upon Thursday last, by his Majesty's command, and that the petitioners be admitted to be heard by themselves or agents, before the said committee, upon the said petition, if they think fit."

Sir W. Meredith said, that as the worthy alderman, whose rank stands so high, and whose character is so honourably distinguished in the list of merchants, had expressed his wishes not only for a reconciliation, but for a speedy reconciliation with America, he submitted to his judgment, whether a speedy reconciliation was practicable or consistent with such a length of enquiry as his motion led to; that of all the evils American merchants now suffer, suspense is the greatest; that he trusted the committee already appointed would make the removal of that suspense the first object of their consideration and their care; at least he hoped, that the hands of government might not be tied up, nor the powers of parliament restrained from giving that speedy relief which the pressure of affairs requires; that there is still some hope left, that the flames in America may be quenched, if proper and effectual means are speedily applied; but the task will every hour become more and more difficult, and if protracted to the long period, which the proposed enquiry may lead to, impracticable. He should be very sorry to take upon himself the consequences of exposing the situations of private merchants to public view, especially at this juncture; but, if they really desired an enquiry into their affairs, he himself would give his time, his

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Mr. Burke was glad to hear the right hon. gentleman talk of a speedy reconciliation, and therefore must conclude that the price of his bargain with the minister when he went over to his party, was a speedy reconciliation; yet at the same time he was sorry to see how knavish the noble lord had been, for instead of putting into his hand the reconciliatory measures, he had slipped into his hand a wand, which wand was now become one of the main pillars of administration. He proceeded to shew how materially the trade and commerce with America ought to be considered before any decisive steps were taken, and declared himself totally ignorant that the committee appointed for the 26th, were to take into consideration the papers only which lay on the table; he insisted that every information possible would add to the dispatch, and not to the delay of a reconciliation; that as the noble lord (North) had denied them the opinions of persons on the spot, the committee could not receive more material information than from the merchants trading thither, who were greatly interested in the welfare of the colonies; that if there was not time sufficient to settle the American business, was not the noble lord in fault in adjourning a month to eat mince pies and drink Christmas ale, when so material a question was depending? He called the proposed committee a Coventry Committee, in allusion to a well known practice, by which a troublesome person is voted to be sent to Coventry, whereby, without turning him out of company, he is wholly excluded from all attention; he may be ridiculed and laughed at, and cannot interfere in his own defence. He also called it a Committee of Oblivion, consigning every thing the merchants could

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