country in a heavy debt, and now they the earth? Will they not fight in a just refused to contribute to it; in short, that cause? and may they not even be provoked the contest was whether New England or to face general Gage's army? In short, Sir, Old England should get the better; though has not the notorious fallacy of every arguI fear this will prove the most losing game, ment of administration, in the course of a on both sides, that ever was played; for very few months, been made manifest to the no penetrating eye yet can discern if the universe. But I am aware it will be said victors or the vanquished will eventually by some, that the Americans are neither be the greatest sufferers. Sir, a right hon. exonerated from the charge of ingratimember too, who enjoys a very beneficial tude, nor an attempt to become an indeemployment, told us, for our comfort, pendent state. To these, I answer, that that our fellow subjects in America were these are assertions weak and absurd as indiscriminately a race of cowards; that those I have recapitulated, and will equally they would not abide the resolves of the fail in proof; for you must either deny congress, nor ever be brought to face ge- that America is like any other mercantile neral Gage's army. Sir, with language nation, which derives its wealth and conlike this, dressed in the best attire of elo- sequence from commerce; or admit that quence to render it persuasive, and the without one ship of force to boast of, she temporary bait of 3s. land-tax, have ad- must for the present at least, and probably ministration endeavoured to lull gentle- for a century to come, seek the protection men into a political lethargy; if with suc- of some great maritime power, or be subcess, I hope they will awake at this criti- ject every day to have her coasts insulted, cal moment, and pause at least before they or her trade destroyed, by the most piraconcur farther in measures which must tical petty states that can boast a musrender us a nation bankrupt in men, in quetto fleet, in the like manner they now treasure, and in consequence. Now, Sir, unfortunately and unjustly experience from what did we learn from this side of the the formidable navy of England, whose inHouse, and from some gentlemen near me terest as well as duty it is to protect and of rank, property, character, and inte- defend them, Sir, on the score of ingra grity? Why, that administration were titude, I must observe, that where great either very ill informed themselves, or nations, like France and England, ever meant to deceive us; that the dispute jealous of the power of each other, was unfortunately of a more serious ten-themselves in a situation to take up arms, dency than probably any gentleman had they will not be long finding an occasion; formed an idea of; that it was by no means but it so happens that the first hostilities what the noble lord represented, a partial previous to the late war commenced in dispute between a single province and this Asia, not in America, the battle of Arcot country, but the manly, firm, laudable, was fought by lord Clive (then captain and constitutional efforts of free-born sub- Clive) against the French; that of Tritjects to preserve, at the risque of their chinopoly by major Lawrence, and lives, that liberty with which their fore- powerful fleet ordered to India, under fathers emigrated and which have been the command of the admirals Watson and hitherto (long may it continue so) the na- Pocock, before the French were known to tural produce of this soil; that the late have committed any encroachments on the acts of parliament respecting America Ohio; but, Sir, the ministers of those were reprobated from one end of that con- days, in every respect very unlike the pretinent to the other, as the most arbitrary sent, regarded America as a mine of ines violation of the liberties of mankind in ge- timable value to this country, and were neral, and of their rights and privileges therefore tenacious of every acre of that as English subjects in particular, which possession; they had spirit enough to rethey would never sacrifice to the pride, sent the insults of foreign powers, and wis ambition, or persecution of any set of mi- dom enough to see the importance of the nisters whatsoever. Now, Sir, by truth's contest; that it was not merely whether fair test let the foes as well as the friends you would suffer the French to harass our of America be judged. Was the dispute felllow subjects in America, which humaof the trifling nature government repre- nity or justice ought to have forbid their sented, and are the Americans so easily to acquiescence in, but that it was of no less be vanquished? Have they not hitherto moment, than whether the colonies should conformed to the resolves of the congress remain dependent upon England, or beas minutely as to any laws upon the face of come an appendage to the crown of France. feel satisfied to entrust the execution of their blood-thirsty measures to such as are better suited to the temper and disposition of their employers? I'mean their favourite army of bigotted Canadians and Roman Catholic marines, now raising in Ireland, and fitting for such laudable purposes. They, Sir, are the natural enemies of both countries, and if they prove successful, will be ready to obey the first beck of their masters, and return with swords stained in the blood of every American province to enforce either the Declaratory Act, a Popery Bill, or any arbitrary assessment of administration in Ireland. For we have been told by very prevailing authority (Mr. Rigby and Mr. Jenkinson) that the establishment of their parliament does not preclude us from taxing them, which we may, and ought to do whenever we judge proper; for that the Irish had the power to make bye laws, but nothing more. Indeed, the minister of that House of Commons insists that this is but the rash opinion of some individuals, not that of government; I wish he may be right, for I fear the Whigs and Protestants of that country would be able to make but a faint resistance against such an army. Which way they might proba-bly be next disposed of, I will not venture to foretell. But however pleasing or beneficial the smiles or friendship of ministers may be, it is with a heartfelt satisfaction I reflect that I differ as widely in principle as in politics from a set of men, whose aim, I am afraid, is the subversion of the constitution, whose delight appears to be in blood, and in destroying the peace of millions. Sir, the French at that time were not only masters of the best fortresses and most accessible harbours in America, but of a vast tract of territory there, exclusive of the great possessions of the Indians, whom they had artfully, politicly, and industriously gained over to their religion and interest, by whose assistance they defeated your army under general Braddock, and would probably have become masters of the country, had you not fortunately intercepted their reinforcements and beat them at sea. Sir, the advantages you derived from that victory, to the fatal hour in which you madly threw them away, I will not take up the time of the House to enumerate, though they are very many that fall within the scope of my superficial knowledge; I will only say, that in addition to the increase of some millions annually to your public stock, the wealth, prosperity and consequence of your West India islands are all derived from America; she, Sir, has furnished them with the necessaries of life, and with almost every kind of store fitting to carry on their works. She has taken in barter their rum and molasses; the sugars have been mostly sent to this country, and the net produce of them circulated amongst us. Now, Sir, the planter may seek a distant market for his commodities; he must purchase his stores with specie at vast disadvantage; part of his plantation will be turned into provision grounds, and the losses he daily sustains by this unfortunate dispute will inevitably increase every hour it continues. But I expect to be told, as we were last year, that these are imaginary grievances, temporary inconveniences, and short lived distresses. Here, Sir, admitting that the late war was undertaken merely for the support and advantage of the Americans, then, Sir, to them we fortunately owe the great and flourishing state of this nation at its conclusion. How unlike was that war to the present! It was constitutional, honourable, popular, prosperous, and glorious. This, Sir, is unnatural, unjust, unprofitable, cruel, and revengeful. It commenced in ignorance and despotism, and is pursuing with a rancour bordering upon madness, which can end, at best, but in the destruction of your colonies, with the loss of your troops. Then, Sir, are the lives of the bravest officers and soldiers this or any other country ever produced, the only tribute that can satiate the blind passion and revenge of administration ? Why will they not relax a little, and be Colonel Barré entered minutely into the particulars and consequences of the summer campaign, described the situation of the King's forces as on a wen, or little excrescence of land, blocked up within the town of Boston, and the fleet not even master of the river in which it lies; he drew a conclusion, that if an army of 22,000 of our forces, with 20,000 provincials, and a fleet of 22 sail of the line, with more than as many frigates, were three years in subduing Canada, though completed every spring-what little prospect could there be for 10,000 men to effect the conquest of all America. He told the minister, that as he expected but little information from him, he would give him some: that he had received a letter from a major Caldwell who was settled on a large estate in Canada, who assured him, that the Canadians were not by any means to be driven into the war; that he had tried the arts of persuasion in vain; that he assembled about 1,200 of them together, who came with large sticks, but had concealed 400 firelocks in the woods, which they were determined to make use of against the English, if they forced them to take either side. He said, that general Carleton and lord Pitt, were within a quarter of an hour of falling into the hands of Jeremiah Duggan, a barber, who was now a major in the provincials. He laid the blood of his gallant friend colonel Abercrombie at the minister's door; a man, whom whom particular circumstances (which he could not then mention, but which the noble lord was well acquainted with) should have secured from such a fate. He added, as to himself he stood there, it was true, an humble individual, brought into parliament with reluctance on his own part, by the hand of friendship; that his Majesty thought proper to call him into his service; but when the matter of General Warrants was discussed in the House, and his conscience directed him to oppose the measure, which he modestly did by a silent vote, a younger officer was purposely put over his head, as an intimation that his services were no further necessary: he retired, without repining, on a scanty pittance, as he would have done to the most mortifying state, without a murmur. His Majesty again thought proper to call him into his service, and made him one of the joint vice-treasurers of Ireland, which he held but a short time, owing to change of both men and measures. Since that time, he had retired with the name indeed of colonel; yet, in truth, simply but Mr. Barré. He desired the noble lord before him, to say if he had ever solicited the smiles of government; nay, ministers had empowered him since the last session to say more;-but he should be silent. In touching on the war-office arrangements in America, he said, though he had lost one eye in America, he had still one military eye left, which did not deceive him. The Americans had been called cowards; that the noble lord at the head of the Admiralty had wantonly raked up the ashes of a deceased admiral, to confirm his hasty assertion; but now he had sent for a living admiral home, to give the departed one the lie; as to cowards, they were certainly the greatest to his knowledge; for the 47th regiment of foot, which behaved so gal lantly at Bunker's-hill, (an engagement that smacked more of defeat than victory) the very corps that broke the whole French column, and threw them in such disorder, at the siege of Quebec, were three parts composed of these cowards. He would not say much of himself in a military capacity, to give weight to this account; yet it could not but be flattering to him to reflect, that the dead Wolfe, and the living Amherst, honoured him with their esteem. He animadverted with great severity on the minister having said some time ago, that if parliament would give him the men and money he asked, be would immediately pilot them safe through this American storm. He then ridiculed the absurdity of general Gage's signing the flowery answer to general Washington's clear and manly letter: affirming that the letter was not the composition of the commander in chief, but that he was compelled to father it by superior powers. He was a good officer, but a plain man. He recommended to the minister, to embrace the present, the only mo ment tolerated by Heaven for an accom. modation with the Americans: if they were driven a step farther in resistance, the whole American continent was lost for ever. He said, as he had mentioned general Gage's letter, a quotation from it might now supply him with a general inference, with which he would conclude, as a seasonable memento to administration. "Be temperate in political disqui sition: give free operation to truth, and punish those who deceive and misrepre sent; and not only the effects, but the causes, of this unhappy conflict will be removed." Lord Barrington denied the disaffec tion of the officers, &c. and assured the House, that they would receive satisfactory accounts to the contrary in seven or eight days. Mr. Solicitor General Wedderburn accused colonel Barré of drawing false inferences from his own premises; and defended vigorous measures against Ame rica. He said that 60,000 men ought to be sent to re-conquer that country: it was a system that must be pursued with spirit, even though we lost all the towns and provinces upon that continent, to put us upon a proper footing to negociate with them. Mr. Burke repeated some expressions of lord North, on American affairs, some time since; such as, that he would bring the younger part of the House by their appeals to the spirit of Englishmen to enforce vigorous measures, and asked whether that spirit was discernible in the pitiful party of the military sent to Boston, or in the vigorous measures of that party; declaring, that if the spirit the ministry had appealed to was still in existence, it would not be possible for them to keep their places. After severely re the Americans to his feet, &c. and con- | shewing the weakness, the error, and the trasted them with the late events in Ame- imprudence of the former, and the firmrica; which caused a good deal of laughter.ness, the spirit, and the just pursuits of He afterwards compared the Americans the latter. He combated the argument to a people who had emancipated them- in the King's Speech which inferred that selves, and described the mother-country America aimed at independency; and by as a piratical disturber of the ports and a chain of reasoning, he shewed, that to trade of the colonies. He spoke largely be popular in America it was necessary to on the disgrace brought upon the British talk of dependance on Great Britain, and arms, by being cooped up a whole cam- to hold that out as the object in pursuit. paign in Boston, by those who had been He rallied lord North on the rapid procalled an undisciplined cowardly rabble. gress he had made in misfortune, having He strongly represented the danger to expended nearly as large a sum to acGreat-Britain in carrying on the Ame- quire national disgrace as that most able rican war; and concluded with advising minister lord Chatham had expended in the ministers to meet America with a gaining that glorious lustre with which he friendly countenance, nor longer let Eng- had encircled the British name. He did land appear like a porcupine, armed all not approve of every thing done by lord over with acts of parliament, oppressive Chatham, but all must confess his great to trade and America. and surprizing talents as a minister. He Mr. Fox described lord North as the declared opposition to be cordially united blundering pilot who had brought the na- in every part. He retorted on administion into its present difficulties. Admi-tration for their having last year roused nistration, he said, exult at having brought us into this dilemma. They have reason to triumph. Lord Chatham, the king of Prussia, nay, Alexander the Great, never gained more in one campaign than the noble lord has lost-he has lost a whole continent. Although he thought the Americans had gone too far, and were not justifiable in what they had done, yet they were more justifiable for resisting, than they would have been had they sub-buking them for endeavouring to shift the mitted to the tyrannical acts of a British parliament-that when the question was, whether a people ought to submit to slavery, or aim at freedom by a spirited resistance, the alternative which must strike every Englishman was, the choice of the latter. He took occasion to speak of his father, and the fluctuation of ministers at the commencement of the last war. He declared his father was secretary of state only four months, and finding himself without power, and merely a nominal minister, he did as every man of spirit should do on such an occasion, he gave up his place. He then applied this observation to the noble lord on the Treasury-bench, and in a very pointed manner intimated that it was high time a change of men took place, that a change of measures might accompany it. He took occasion to mention the political distinctions of Whig and Tory, and describing the present ministers as enemies to freedom, declared they were Tories. He made a comparison between the conduct of administration and the conduct of America, [VOL. XVIII.] blame from themselves to general Gage, he concluded with advising administration to place America where she stood in 1763, and to repeal every Act passed since that period, which affected either her freedom or her commerce. Lord North said, he held the pity and contempt of the hon. gentleman (Mr. Fox) in equal indifference. He declared that the words quoted with so much humour by another hon. gentleman (Mr. Burke) had never been used by him in the sense to which he had applied them, and complained of the injustice done him both in the English and American newspapers, by printing false accounts of his speeches in parliament. Respecting the observations made by the last speaker on the changes in the ministerial departments at the commencement of the war, he begged the House to recollect, that though the men were changed, the same measures were pursued, but that for his own part he wished not to remain a day in office after he was thought inactive, inattentive, or inconsiderate. That if the [3D] scheme of repealing every American Act passed since 1763, was adopted, there was certainly an end to the dispute, for from that moment America would be independent of England. That many of the Acts were framed for the necessary support of the superiority of the mother country, on points in which her right of superiority had never been questioned till America was refractory; that all the Acts were rather acts of justice than of cruelty, and that the Act preventing the colonies from trading with other countries, which the gentlemen in opposition made so much rout about, was not passed till the colonies, by a non-importation agreement, had refused to trade with England, who had nurtured them to their present greatness, and had therefore, on the principles of gratitude and recompence, an exclusive right to the benefits of their commerce. His lordship then said, that if he understood the meaning of the words Whig and Tory, which the last speaker had mentioned, he conceived that it was the characteristic of Whiggism to gain as much for the people as possible, while the aim of Toryism was to increase the prerogative. That in the present case, administration contended for the right of parliament, while the Americans talked of their belonging to the crown. Their language therefore was that of Toryism, although, through the artful designs of the real enemies of freedom, the good sense of the people of England was endeavoured to be misled, and false opinions were industriously inculcated throughout the kingdom. The Speech and the proposed Address tied the House down to no point, it could not therefore be of ill consequence to carry the latter to the throne. The measures administration meant now to pursue, were to send a powerful sea and land force to America, and at the same time to accompany them with offers of mercy upon a proper submission. This will shew we are in earnest, that we are prepared to punish, but are nevertheless ready to forgive; this is, in my opinion, the most likely means of producing an honourable reconciliation. Mr. Dunning was against the Address. He had heard it was the intention of administration to send a large force to America to compel submission, and that foreign troops were introduced into the British dominions for that purpose. He said, the measure ought not to have been taken without the consent of parliament. With out such consent he peremptorily pronounced it to be illegal. To this was to be added, not only the disgrace, but the evil consequences of which this measure might be productive, if suffered to pass into a precedent. Mr. Attorney General Thurlow, in support of the Address, declared that in his opinion there was no illegality in the measure of sending Hanoverian troops to garrison the fortresses of Gibraltar and Ma hon, and therefore that no bad tendency or evil consequences could arise from it. At four in the morning the House divided upon the Amendment; for it 108, against it 278. List of the Minority. Ashe, gen. Acourt Anderson, Evelyn |