this evil, a committee of merchants, not in the American trade, might be appointed to examine into the difficulties which the North American merchants labour under. What they want is money, or a credit for it, to answer their present exigencies; and, I presume, they would be well satisfied with a sum equivalent to one half of what they are disappointed in. To effect this valuable purpose, I am persuaded, a less sum than one million would be sufficient. Government, for this end, might issue bills under the sanction of parliament, bearing 4 per cent. interest, to be lent to such merchants as may be found intitled to this aid, under the stipulation of their paying the interest on the bills so lent, half yearly, to the possessor of them. It being further understood, that the borrower shall, besides his own security, find two sufficient bondsmen to be answerable, by indorsing the bills, for the repayment of the loan at the end of two years after peace is re-established with America, or with the particular colony where any individual's effects may be detained. Still further, in order to give full satisfaction, both to the holders of said bills and to the public, they must be so qualified as to return on the merchant and his two securities, and be no longer passable after the two years are elapsed, from the time public notice has been given that peace is restored, and courts of law open for the recovery of debts. In this, or some such mode, a very necessary piece of business might be transacted, without much, if any loss, to the public; and, indeed, no loss can happen, unless not only the merchant, but likewise both his bondsmen, should become insolvent. This is no new thing in the commercial world, for within these few years, the empress of Russia, at a time of general distress, ordered a considerable sum of money to be lent to the merchants in her dominions, which prevented the ruin of several of them.

out exception, have discovered great partiality to the French islands, in preference to the British. If you give up your authority over the colonies, it is losing the substance for the sake of the shadow; it is sacrificing a lasting trade for a momentary, ill-judged tranquillity.

You have been told, with apparent gravity, that " peace is in your power; that you have only to embrace her to possess her;" but consider what kind of peace is meant, and from whose mouths the voice of peace proceeds. Does it come from the lips of bosom friends? Does it flow from those you have reason to believe sincere? Is it not rather the language of mockers, revilers, and deceivers, of men who wish your destruction? Peace is recommended by some right hon. gentlemen who tell you the Declaratory Act (an Act passed while they themselves were in office) means nothing. That Act certainly meant something at the time it was made; the intention of it must at least have been a deception on this country, to palliate the disgrace of repealing the Stamp Act. Those advocates for a paltry and inglorious peace, seem to depend too much on their rhetorical abilities; they wantonly sport with the constitution of this great nation, merely with the view to overturn the present ministry, under the pretence of rescuing their country from imminent danger. Supposing those mighty patriots were to prevail in the present struggle for power, and to have settled with the Americans upon their own terms, these honourable gentlemen, when in office, may again change their language, and tell the provincials, as they have told you, that they meant nothing. Let the Americans trust them, if they will; but as you have been already deceived by their dissimulation, it would be the height of folly in this country to put confidence in such men a second time.

You are upbraided with insolence, cruelty, and bloodshed. Ridiculous, false, unjust! Did not the rebels first begin the attack on the King's troops in both the engagements? Admitting the Tea Act

steps their lawless mobs took, to shew their resentment against it? Can any act of government, even a mistaken zeal for the authority of this country over her colonists, justify the raising of armies, the concerting and conducting every other device of war, to resist the legislature of this country? Have they not exercised

such cruelties over our loyal subjects as our most inveterate enemies would shudder at? Will you not resent such inhuman acts committed on your defenceless friends and subjects, who have been (men, women, and children) driven from their peaceful habitations? Did not the congress first, by their resolves, endeavour to starve your West-India islands, and also to deprive your industrious manufacturers of employment? Have they not, by every art, endeavoured to throw this kingdom into the utmost consternation and confusion? Can you bear such repeated insults? Can you, after so many and deliberate indignities offered you, treat with them, but as with revolted, rebellious subjects, who ought thankfully to submit to such conditions as you may think proper to give them? I hope, and trust, the ministry will continue firm, and that after ages shall not be able to say, that in the days of George the 3rd, America was lost to England. Let us be steady in pursuing the interests of this country, but at the same time merciful and forgiving. It is more than probable that the ringleaders in this mischief are but few in number; if they can be laid hold of, they deserve no mercy; convince the lower class of those infatuated people, that the imaginary liberty they are so eagerly pursuing, is not by any means to be compared to that which the constitution of this happy country already permits them to enjoy. Patience and perseverance in this great work are absolutely necessary, the time does not yet seem to have arrived for the Americans to acknowledge their error. The natural course of things will do more for you than great armies. Where is the necessity of haste? It is even better to risk a war also with your real enemies, than to end the present contest in a dishonourable, pitiful and disgraceful way. Some things require great dispatch, others mature deliberation; the more time you take to settle these controversies, you will obtain the better terms: negociations for peace resemble transac tions in trade; he who is the most eager to buy or sell, usually makes the worst bargain.

This country, when united, which it certainly must be in cases of necessity, where the well-being of the nation is at stake, is always able to defend herself against the whole world; consequently powerful enough to reduce her revolted colonies to obedience. Let the colonists know, that the longer they resist, the

heavier burden they will incur, as in justice they must be made to defray the expences of subduing the present rebellion. They have given you the opportunity, and now is the time, to insist on terms, safe and honourable for this country; inform them, in plain language, that you are determined to erect forts, and in future to keep up a sufficient force amongst them to maintain peace. Your naval power is great; your resources for military men, while you have riches, are immense; but above all, your cause is just: be not afraid, Heaven will support you.

General Conway said, that if administration meant any thing, they should have prosecuted the operations by sea. He condemned the whole of the arrangements proposed. He was certain that no force they could, with their utmost exertions, raise or maintain, would be adequate to the task: it was not only his own opinion, but that of several general officers, men of rank and eminence in their profession; nay, it was the opinion of one of the first general officers in Europe, whose name, if insisted on, he was ready to mention. But supposing the force to be adequate, suppose you could carry every thing according to your own expectations, what would it amount to? Do you think the other powers of Europe will sit silent and inactive at such a season? Do you think, though they should not take an open part, they will not encourage and spirit up these people? That they will not give that kind of assistance which America wants, and they can best spare? It is true, Holland has prohibited any communication with the British colonies. Has France or Spain issued any such public order? Or if they did, ought it to be depended on? I am sure it ought not. I have the strongest reason to believe, by information frem persons well acquainted with the matter, that none of them are to be relied on; and I have heard, from no mean authority, that at least one of the former powers has given, and will continue to give them every secret aid, till they no longer shall have an interest in concealing their real sentiments. For my part, I disapprove of the whole proceedings from the beginning to the end; the principles, the measures, the system, all claim my strongest disapprobation; I am therefore determined to set my face openly against them. The noble lord (North) tells you, that the Americans aim at independence. I defy the noble lord, or any other mem

men, who pledged themselves to support those measures, had altered their minds in one event, or had withdrawn their confidence from the King's servants, he saw no possible way to remedy matters but by a change of administration; observing, that at this very time, after going such lengths, how cowardly it would be to decline the contest almost at the very outset. Lord John Cavendish said this was treating parliament with every possible degree of disrespect. Measures are concerted in the cabinet; the King is made by his ministers to express his general intentions; the House of Commons is desired to support those measures by voting an enormous war establishment; and when Ha questions are asked and explanations desired, even by the friends of administration, the gentlemen who call for a plan are very laconically referred to the King's speech. The speech holds out generals, and refers you to particulars; when these particulars are called for, the speech is quoted, as the true standard of information. He trusted that Englishmen would never submit to slavery, much less to the tyranny of their own courtrymen and it was the peculiar business of all those in this country. who valued their own liberties, to defend those of their brethren in America; for they might depend, that the same system of government that was attempted there, would at length make its way hither, and the liberties of America and Great Britain be buried in one grave. His lordship observed, that we armed at the time of the affair of Falkland's Island, and put the nation to an enormous expence to no purpose, a peace having been secretly concluded.

Lord Frederick Campbell said, peace was not concluded; but that vigorous and seasonable armaments produced peace, as he hoped that we were proceeding to vote, would do on the present occasion.

Lord John Cavendish insisted he was right, though the fact might have been seemingly as the noble lord stated it; for the point in issue was, the disavowal of the court of Spain, which preceded the increased naval and military estimates; and the only matter which remained to be adjusted at the time the House voted the money, was barely_the_punctilio, who should disarm first. The House was therefore deceived. He remembered a prodigious naval establishment was voted in the year alluded to; we suddenly disarmed, and yet the demands on parliament, the

succeeding session, and ever since, were as high as if no such armament, accompanied by the circumstances now mentioned, had been ever voted.

Mr. Dempster complimented general Conway, both in his civil and military capacity. He replied to an observation of Mr. Jenkinson relative to the general's contending, that the Americans were justifiable in resisting the execution of an act he had himself, in his ministerial character, brought into that House. He contended, there was no manner of inconsistency in the general's conduct; for when the Bill asserted, that Great Britain was sovereign, and had right to make laws for the colonies in all cases whatsoever, the true construction of that law, the intention of those who framed and supported it was, that the parliament of Great Britain had a right to bind the colonies constitutionally, not arbitrarily; they had a right to secure their dependency on the mother-country, not to tax them unrepre- . sented, nor condemn them unheard; they had a right to rule them like Englishmen, not to oppress them like slaves.

Governor Johnstone was not surprised administration were unwilling to give information; for he believed they had none. A remarkable proof of it, he said, was, that Mr. Penn had not, since his arrival from the very city where the congress had twice assembled and deliberated, been asked a single question; not even when he presented the Petition from the American Congress to the noble secretary of state for that department.

Governor Pownall (who had been up several times before, but the chairman pointed to others) began with observing that still persevering, he arose to speak under every disadvantage and ill impression that a man could offer himself. He appeared, he said, like one determined to force his impertinences on the House, and to obtrude opinions which the committee were unwilling to hear, yet, that was not his turn of character; he very seldom troubled them, but at present, besides the desire he had to speak his mind, he had particular reasons respecting himself and his conduct in this business, which he wished to give, in explanation of what might be otherwise much misunderstood and much misrepresented. He said, he had been invariably an advocate for peace; was so at this hour, and ever should be; and yet, circumstanced as affairs now were between this country and America, he