were aggravated. The army was disorganised; trade and agriculture declined; the Alexandrian people grew more servile and vicious: even the Museum exhibited symptoms of decrepitude. Its professors continued, indeed, to cultivate science and criticism, but invention and taste had expired. It depended upon Rome whether Alexandreia should become tributary to Antioch, or receive a proconsul from the senate. The wars of Rome with Carthage, Macedon, and Syria alone deferred the deposition of the Lagidae. The influence of Rome in the Ptolemaic kingdom commenced properly in B. C. 204, when the guardians of Epiphanes placed their infant ward under the protection of the senate, as his only refuge against the designs of the Macedonian and Syrian monarchs. (Justin. xxx. 2.) M. Aemilius Lepidus was appointed guardian to the young Ptolemy, and the legend "Tutor Regis" upon the Aemilian coins commemorates this trust. (Eckhel, vol. v. p. 123.) | In B. C. 163 the Romans adjudicated between the brothers Ptolemy Philometor and Euergetes. The latter received Cyrene; the former retained Alexandreia and Egypt. In B. c. 145, Scipio Africanus the younger was appointed to settle the distractions which ensued upon the murder of Eupator. (Justin. xxxviii. 8; Cic. Acad. Q. iv. 2, Off. iii. 2; Diod. Legat. 32; Gell. N. A. xviii. 9.) An inscription, of about this date, recorded at Delos the existence of amity between Alexandreia and Rome. (Letronne, Inscr. vol. i. p. 102.) In B. c.97, Ptolemy Apion devised by will the province of Cyrene to the Roman senate (Liv. lxx. Epit.), and his example was followed, in B. C. 80, by Ptolemy Alexander, who bequeathed to them Alexandreia and his kingdom. The bequest, however, was not immediately enforced, as the republic was occupied with civil convulsions at home. Twenty years later Ptolemy Auletes mortgaged his revenues to a wealthy Roman senator, Rabirius Postumus (Cic. Fragm. xvii. Orelli, p. 458), and in B. c. 55 Alexandreia was drawn into the immediate vortex of the Roman revolution, and from this period, until its submission to Augustus in B. c. 30, it followed the fortunes alternately of Pompey, Gabinius, Caesar, Cassius the liberator, and M. Antonius. The wealth of Alexandreia in the last century B.C. may be inferred from the fact, that, in B.C. 63, 6250 talents, or a million sterling, were paid to the treasury port dues alone. (Diod. xvii. 52; Strab. p. 832.) Under the emperors, the history of Alexandreia exhibits little variety. It was, upon the whole, leniently governed, for it was the interest of the Caesars to be generally popular in a city which commanded one of the granaries of Rome. Augustus, indeed, marked his displeasure at the support given to M. Antonins, by building Nicopolis about three miles to the east of the Canobic gate as its rival, and by depriving the Greeks of Alexandreia of the only political distinction which the Ptolemies had left them the judicial functions of the senate. The city, however, shared in the general prosperity of Egypt under Roman rule. The portion of its population that came most frequently in collision with the executive was that of the Jewish Quarter. Sometimes emperors, like Caligula, demanded that the imperial effigies or military standards should be set up in their temple, at others the Greeks ridiculed or outraged the Hebrew ceremonies. Both these causes were attended with sanguinary results, and even with general pillage and burning of the city. Alexandreia was favoured by Claudius, who added a wing to the Museum; was threatened with a visit from Nero, who coveted the skilful applause of its claqueurs in the theatre (Sueton. Ner. 20); was the head-quarter, for some months, of Vespasian (Tac. Hist. iii. 48, iv. 82) during the civil wars which preceded his accession; was subjected to military lawlessness under Domitian (Juv. Sat. xvi.); was governed mildly by Trajan, who even supplied the city, during a dearth, with corn (Plin. Panegyr. 31. § 23); and was visited by Hadrian in A. D. 122, who has left a graphic picture of the population. (Vopisc. Saturn. 8.) The first important change in their polity was that introduced by the emperor Severus in A. D. 196. The Alexandrian Greeks were no longer formidable, and Severus accordingly restored their senate and municipal government. He also ornamented the city with a temple of Rhea, and with a public bath Thermae Septimianae. Alexandreia, however, suffered more from a single visit of Caracalla than from the tyranny or caprice of any of his predecessors. That emperor had been ridiculed by its satirical populace for affecting to be the Achilles and Alexander of his time. The rumours or caricatures which reached him in Italy were not forgotten on his tour through the provinces; and although he was greeted with hecatombs on his arrival at Alexandreia in A. D. 211 (Herodian. iv. 9), he did not omit to repay the insult by a general massacre of the youth of military age. (Dion Cass. lxxvii. 22; Spartian. Caracall. 6.) Caracalla also introduced some important changes in the civil relations of the Alexandrians. To mark his displeasure with the Greeks, he admitted the chief men of the quarter Rhacôtis — i. e. native Egyptians into the Roman senate (Dion Cass. li. 17; Spartian. Caracall. 9): he patronised a temple of Isis at Rome; and he punished the citizens of the Brucheium by retrenching their public games and their allowance of corn. The Greek quarter was charged with the maintenance of an additional Roman garrison, and its inner walls were repaired and lined with forts. From the works of Aretaeus (de Morb. Acut. i.) we learn that Alexandreia was visited by a pestilence in the reign of Gallus, A. D. 253. In 265, the prefect Aemilianus was proclaimed Caesar by his soldiers. (Trebell. Pol. Trig. Tyrann. 22, Gallien. 4.) In 270, the name of Zenobia, queen of Palmyra, appears on the Alexandrian coinage; and the city had its full share of the evils consequent upon the frequent revolutions of the Roman empire. (Vopisc. Aurelian. 32.) After this period, A. D. 271, Alexandreia lost much of its predominance in Egypt, since the native population, hardened by repeated wars, and reinforced by Arabian immigrants, had become a martial and turbulent race. In A. D. 297 (Eutrop. ix. 22), Diocletian besieged and regained Alexandreia, which had declared itself in favour of the usurper Achilleus. The emperor, however, made a lenient use of his victory, and purchased the favour of the populace by an increased largess of corn. The column, now well known as Pompey's Pillar, once supported a statue of this emperor, and still bears on its base the inscription, To the most honoured emperor, the deliverer of Alexandreia, the invincible Diocletian." Alexandreia had its full share of the persecutions of this reign. The Jewish rabbinism and Greek philosophy of the city had paved the way for Christianity, and the serious temper of the Egyptian population sympathised with the earnestness of the new faith. The Christian population of Alexan dreia was accordingly numerous when the imperial | similar corunn. But these, as well as other remielicts were put in force. Nor were martyrs wanting. nants of the capital of the Ptolemies, have disapThe city was already an episcopal see; and its bishop peared; although, twenty years ago, the intersection Peter, with the presbyters Faustus, Dius, and Am- of its two main streets was distinctly visible, at a monius, were among the first victims of Diocletian's point near the Frank Square, and not very far from rescript. The Christian annals of Alexandreia have the Catholic convent. Excavations in the Old so little that is peculiar to the city, that it will Town occasionally, indeed, bring to light parts of suffire to refer the reader to the general history of statues, large columns, and fragments of masonry: the Church. but the ground-plan of Alexandreia is now probably lost irretrievably, as the ruins have been converted into building materials, without note being taken at the time of the site or character of the remnants removed. Vestiges of baths and other buildings may be traced along the inner and outer bay; and numerous tanks are still in use which formed part of the cisterns that supplied the city with Nile-water. They were often of considerable size; were built under the houses; and, being arched and coated with a thick red plaster, have in many cases remained perfect to this day. One set of these reservoirs runs parallel to the eastern issue of the Mahmoodeh Canal, which nearly represents the old Canobic Canal; others are found in the convents which occupy part of the site of the Old Town; and others again are met with below the mound of Pompey's Pillar. The descent into these chambers is either by steps in the side or by an opening in the roof, through which the water is drawn up by ropes and buckets. It is more interesting to turn from the Arian and Athanasian feuds, which sometimes deluged the streets of the city with b'ood, and sometimes made necessary the intervention of the Prefect, to the aspect which Alexandreia presented to the Arabs, in A. D. 640, after so many revolutions, civil and religions. The Pharos and Heptastadium were still uninjured: the Sebaste or Caesarium, the Soma, and the Quarter Rhacôtis, retained almost their original grandeur. But the Hippodrome at the Canobic Gate was a ruin, and a new Museum had replaced in the Egyptian Region the more ample structure of the Ptolemies in the Brucheium. The Greek quarter was indeed nearly deserted: the Regio Judaeorum was occupied by a few miserable tenants, who purchased from the Alexandrian patriarch the right to follow their national law. The Serapeion had been converted into a Cathedral; and some of the more conspicuous buildings of the Hellenic city had become the Christian Churches of St. Mark, St. John, St. Mary, &c. Yet Amrou reported to his master the Khalif Omar that Alexandreia was a city containing four thousand palaces, four thousand public baths, four hundred theatres, forty thousand Jews who paid tribute, and twelve thousand persons who Bold herbs. (Eutych. Annal. A. D. 640.) The result of Arabian desolation was, that the city, which had dwindled into the Egyptian Quarter, shrunk into the limits of the Heptastadium, and, after the year 1497, when the Portuguese, by discovering the passage round the Cape of Good Hope, changed the whole current of Indian trade, it degenerated still further into an obscure town, with a population of about 6000, inferior probably to that of the original Rhacôtis. Ruins of Alexandreia. These may be divided into two classes: (1) indistinguishable mounds of masonry; and (2) fragments of buildings which may, in some degree, be identified with ancient sites or structures. "The Old Town" is surrounded by a double wall, with lofty towers, and five gates. The Rosetta Gate is the eastern entrance into this circuit; but it does not correspond with the old Canobic Gate, which was half a mile further to the east. The space inclosed is about 10,000 feet in length, and in its breadth varies from 3200 to 1600 feet. It contains generally shapeless masses of ruins, consisting of shattered columns and capitals, cisterns choked with rubbish, and fragments of pottery and glass. Some of the mounds are covered by the villas and gardens of the wealthier inhabitants of Alexandreia. Nearly in the centre of the inclosure, and probably in the High Street between the Canobic and Necropolitan Gates, stood a few years since three granite columns. They were nearly opposite the Mosque of St. Athanasius, and were perhaps the last remnants of the colonnade which lined the High Street. (From this mosque was taken, in 1801, the sarcophagus of green breccia which is now in the British Museum.) Until December, 1841, there was also on the road leading to the Rosetta Gate the base of another The most striking remains of ancient Alexandreia are the Obelisks and Pompey's Pillar. The former are universally known by the inappropriate name of "Cleopatra's Needles." The fame of Cleopatra has preserved her memory among the illiterate Arabs, who regard her as a kind of enchantress, and ascribe to her many of the great works of her capital,-the Pharos and Heptastadium included. Meselleh is, moreover, the Arabic word for "a packing Needle," and is given generally to obelisks. The two columns, however, which bear this appellation, are red granite obelisks which were brought by one of the Caesars from Heliopolis, and, according to Pliny (xxxvi. 9), were set up in front of the Sebaste or Caesarium. They are about 57 paces apart from each other: one is still vertical, the other has been thrown down. They stood each on two steps of white limestone. The vertical obelisk is 73 feet high, the diameter at its base is 7 feet and 7 inches; the fallen obelisk has been mutilated, and, with the same diameter, is shorter. The latter was presented by Mohammed Ali to the English government: and the propriety of its removal to England has been discussed during the present year. Pliny (l. c.) ascribes them to an Egyptian king named Mesphres: nor is he altogether wrong. The Pharaoh whose oval they exhibit was the third Thothmes, and in Manetho's list the first and second Thothmes (18th Dynasty: Kenrick, vol. ii. p. 199) are written as Mesphra-Thothmosis. Rameses III. and Osirei II., his third successor, have also their ovals upon these obelisks. Pompey's Pillar, as it is erroneously termed, is denominated by the Arabs Amood é sowari; sari or sowari being applied by them to any lofty monument which suggests the image of a "mast." It might more properly be termed Diocletian's Pillar, since a statue of that emperor once occupied its summit, commemorating the capture of Alexandreia in A. D. 237, after an obstinate siege of eight months. The total height of this column is 98 feet 9 inches, the shaft is 73 feet, the circumference 29 feet 8 inches, and the diameter at the top of the capital is 16 feet 6 inches. The shaft, capital, and pedestal are apparently of different ages; the latter are of very inferior workmanship to the shaft. The substructions of the column are fragments of older monuments, and the name of Psammetichus with a few hieroglyphics is inscribed upon them. The origin of the name Pompey's Pillar is very doubtful. It has been derived from Пoμraîos, "conducting," since the column served for a land-mark. In the inscription copied by Sir Gardner Wilkinson and Mr. Salt, it is stated that " Publius, the Eparch of Egypt," erected it in honour of Diocletian. For Publius it has been proposed to read " Pompeius." The Pillar originally stood in the centre of a paved area beneath the level of the ground, like so many of the later Roman memorial columns. The pavement, however, has long been broken up and carried away. If Arabian traditions may be trusted, this now solitary Pillar once stood in a Stoa with 400 others, and formed part of the peristyle of the ancient Serapeion. Next in interest are the Catacombs or remains of the ancient Necropolis beyond the Western Gate. The approach to this cemetery was through vineyards and gardens, which both Athenaeus and Strabo celebrate. The extent of the Catacombs is remarkable: they are cut partly in a ridge of sandy calcareous stone, and partly in the calcareous rock that faces the sea. They all communicate with the sea by narrow vaults, and the most spacious of them is about 3830 yds. SW. of Pompey's Pillar. Their style of decoration is purely Greek, and in one of the chambers are a Doric entablature and mouldings, which evince no decline in art at the period of their erection. Several tombs in that direction, at the water's edge, and some even below its level, are entitled "Bagni di Cleopatra." Iskenderun), a town on the east side of the Gulf of Issus, and probably on or close to the site of the Myriandrus of Xenophon (Anab. i. 4), and Arrian (Anab. ii. 6). It seems probable that the place received a new name in honour of Alexander. Stephanus mentions both Myriandrus and Alexandreia of Cilicia, by which he means this place; but this does not prove that there were two towns in his time. Both Stephanus and Strabo (p. 676) place this Alexandreia in Cilicia [AMANUS]. A place called Jacob's Well, in the neighbourhood of Iskenderun, has been supposed to be the site of Myriandrus (London Geog. Journ. vol. vii. p. 414); but no proof is given of this assertion. Iskenderun is about 6 miles SSW. of the Pylae Ciliciae direct distance. [AMANUS.] The place is unhealthy in summer, and contained only sixty or seventy mean houses when Niebuhr visited it; but in recent times it is said to have improved. (Niebuhr, Reisebeschreibung, vol. iii. p. 19; London Geog. Journ. vol. x. p. 511.) 6. OXIANA. [SOGDIANA.] 7. In PAROPAMISUS. [PAROPAMISADAE.] 8. TROAS (Aλežávdpeia † Tpúas), sometimes called simply Alexandreia, and sometimes Troas (Acts Apost. xvi. 8), now Eski Stambul or Old Stambul, was situated on the coast of Troas, opposite to the south-eastern point of the island of Tenedos, and north of Assus. It was founded by Antigonus, one of the most able of Alexander's successors, under the name of Antigoneia Troas, and peopled with settlers from Scepsis and other neighbouring towns. It was improved by Lysimachus king of Thrace, and named Alexandreia Troas; but both names, Antigoneia, and Alexandreia, appear on some coins. It was a flourishing place under the Roman empire, and had received a Roman colony when Strabo wrote (p. 593) which was sent in the time of Augustus, as the name COL. AVG. TROAS on a coin shows. the time of Hadrian an aqueduct several miles in In A more particular account of the Ruins of Alexandreia will be found in Sir Gardner Wilkinson's Topography of Thebes, p. 380, seq., and his Hand-length was constructed, partly at the expense of Book for Travellers in Egypt, pp.71-100, Murray, 1847. Besides the references already given for Alexandreia, its topography and history, the following writers may be consulted: - Strab. p. 791, seq.; Ptol. iv. 5. § 9, vii. 5. §§ 13, 14, &c. &c.; Diod. xvii. 52; Pausan. v. 21, viii. 33; Arrian, Exp. Alex. iii. 1. § 5, seq.; Q. Curtius, iv. 8. § 2, x. 10. § 20; Plut. Alex. 26; Mela, i. 9. § 9; Plin. v. 10, 11; Amm. Marc. xxii. 16; It. Anton. pp. 57, 70; Joseph. B. J. ii. 28; Polyb. xxxix. 14; Caesar, B. C. iii. 112. [W. B. D.] ALEXANDREIA († 'Aλe§ávdpela). Besides the celebrated Alexandreia mentioned above, there were several other towns of this name, founded by Alexander or his successors. 1. In ARACHOSIA, also called Alexandropolis, on the river Arachotus; its site is unknown. (Amm. Marc. xxiii. 6.) 2. In ARIANA (èv 'Apíois, or Alexandreia Arion as Pliny, vi. 17, names it), the chief city of the country, now Herat, the capital of Khorassan, a town which has a considerable trade. The tradition is that Alexander the Great founded this Alexandreia, but like others of the name it was probably only so called in honour of him. (Strab. pp. 514, 516, 723; Amm. Marc. xxiii. 6.) 3. In BACTRIANA, a town in Bactriana, near Bactra (Steph. Byz.). 4. In CARMANIA, the capital of the country, now Kerman. (Amm. Marc. xxiii. 6.) 5. AD ISSUM ( Kaт' "Iσσov: Alexandreum, Herodes Atticus, to bring water to the city from Ida. Many of the supports of the aqueduct still remain, but all the arches are broken. The ruins of this city cover a large surface. Chandler says that the walls, the largest part of which remain, are several miles in circumference. The remains of the Thermae or baths are very considerable, and doubtless belong to the Roman period. There is little marble on the site of the city, for the materials have been carried off to build houses and public edifices at Constantinople. The place is now nearly deserted. There is a story, perhaps not worth much, that the dictator Caesar thought of transferring the seat of empire to this Alexandreia or to Ilium (Suet. Caes. 79); and some writers have conjectured that Augustus had a like design, as may be inferred from the words of Horace (Carm. iii. 3. 37, &c.). It may be true that Constantine thought of Alexandreia (Zosim. ii. 30) for his new capital, but in the end he made a better selection. 9. ULTIMA ('Αλεξάνδρεια ἐσχάτη, or Αλεξαν Spéσxara, Appian, Syr. 57), a city founded among the Scythians, according to Appian. It was founded by Alexander upon the Jaxartes, which the Greeks called the Tanais, as a bulwark against the eastern barbarians The colonists were Hellenic mercenaries, Macedonians who were past service, and some of the adjacent barbarians: the city was 60 stadia in circuit. (Arrian, Anab. iv. 1. 3; Curtius, vii. 6.) There is no evidence to determine the exact site, which may be that of Khodjend, as some suppose. [G. L.] ALEXANDRI ARAE or COLUMNAE (oi ̧ been lower down, on the southern slope of the hill; Aλežávôpov ßwμoi). It was a well-known custom and was probably a growth of later times. It was of the ancient conquerors from Sesostris downwards situated on the Via Latina; and the gorge or narrow to mark their progress, and especially its furthest pass through which that road emerged from the hills limits, by monuments; and thus, in Central Asia, is still called la Cava dell' Aglio, the latter word near the river Jaxartes (Sihoun), there were shown being evidently a corruption of Algidus. (Nibby, altars of Hercules and Bacchus, Cyrus, Semiramis Dintorni di Roma, vol. i. p. 123.) and Alexander. (Plin. vi. 16. s. 18; Solin. 49.) Pliny adds that Alexander's soldiers supposed the Jaxartes to be the Tanaïs, and Ptolemy (iii. 5. § 26) actually places altars of Alexander on the true Tanaïs (Don), which Ammianus Marcellinus (xxii. 8), carrying the confusion a step further, transfers to the Borysthenes. (Ukert, vol. iii. pt. 2, pp. 38, 40, 71, 191, 196.) Respecting Alexander's altars in India, see HYPHASIS. [P. S.] A'LGIDUS ("AXyidos), a mountain of Latium, forming part of the volcanic group of the Alban Hills, though detached from the central summit, the Mons Albanus or Monte Cavo, and separated, as well from that as from the Tusculan hills, by an elevated valley of considerable breadth. The extent in which the name was applied is not certain, but it seems to have been a general appellation for the north-eastern portion of the Alban group, rather than that of a particular mountain summit. It is celebrated by Horace for its black woods of holm-oaks (nigrae feraci frondis in Algido), and for its cold and snowy climate (nivali Algido, Carm. i. 21. 6, iii. 23. 9, iv. 4. 58): but its lower slopes became afterwards much frequented by the Roman nobles as a place of summer retirement, whence Silius Italicus gives it the epithet of amoena Algida (Sil. Ital. xii. 536; Martial, x. 30. 6). It has now very much resumed its ancient aspect, and is covered with dense forests, which are frequently the haunts of banditti. At an earlier period it plays an important part in the history of Rome, being the theatre of numberless conflicts between the Romans and Aequians. It is not clear whether it was-as supposed by Dionysius (x. 21), who is followed by Niebuhr (vol. ii. p. 258) -ever included in the proper territories of the Aequians: the expressions of Livy would certainly lead to a contrary conclusion: but it was continually occupied by them as an advanced post, which at once secured their own communications with the Volscians, and intercepted those of the Romans and Latins with their allies the Hernicans. The elevated plain which separated it from the Tusculan hills thus became their habitual field of battle. (Liv. iii. 2, 23, 25, &c.; Dion. Hal. x. 21, xi. 3, 23, &c.; Ovid, Fast. vi. 721.) Of the exploits of which it was the scene, the most celebrated are the victory of Cincinnatus over the Aequians under Cloelius Gracchus, in B. C. 458, and that of Postumius Tubertus, in B. C. 428, over the combined forces of the Aequians and Volscians. The last occasion on which we find the former people encamping on Mt. Algidus, was in B. C. 415. In several passages Dionysius speaks of a town named Algidus, but Livy nowhere alludes to the existence of such a place, nor does his narrative admit of the supposition: and it is probable that Dionysius has mistaken the language of the annalists, and rendered “in Algido" by èv wóλei 'Aλyid. (Dionys. x. 21, xi. 3; Steph. B. 8. v. "AλYıdos, probably copies Dionysius.) In Strabo's time, however, it is certain that there was a small town (Toλixviov) of the name (Strab. p. 237): but if we can construe his words strictly, this must have We find mention in very early times of a temple of Fortune on Mt. Algidus (Liv. xxi. 62), and we learn also that the mountain itself was sacred to Diana, who appears to have had there a temple of ancient celebrity. (Hor. Carm. Saec. 69.) Existing remains on the summit of one of the peaks of the ridge are referred, with much probability, to this temple, which appears to have stood on an elevated platform, supported by terraces and walls of a very massive construction, giving to the whole much of the character of a fortress, in the same manner as in the case of the Capitol at Rome. These remains -which are not easy of access, on account of the dense woods with which they are surrounded, and hence appear to have been unknown to earlier writers -are described by Gell (Topography of Rome, p. 42) and Nibby (Dintorni di Roma, vol. i. p. 121), but more fully and accurately by Abeken (MittelItalien, p. 215). [E. H. B.] ALINDA (Αλινδα : Εth. Αλινδεύς), a city of Caria, which was surrendered to Alexander by Ada, queen of Caria. It was one of the strongest places in Caria (Arrian. Anab. i. 23; Strab. p. 657). Its position seems to be properly fixed by Fellows (Discoveries in Lycia, p. 58) at Demmeergee-derasy, between Arab Hissa and Karpuslee, on a steep rock. He found no inscriptions, but out of twenty copper coins obtained here five had the epigraph Alinda. [G. L.] ALIPHERA ('Aλionpa, Paus.; Aliphera, Liv.; 'Αλίφειρα, Polyb.: Eth. Αλιφηρεύς, Αλιφηραίος, ότι coins AAIPEIPEON, Aliphiraeus, Plin. iv. 6. s. 10. § 22), a town of Arcadia, in the district Cynuria, said to have been built by Alipherus, a son of Lycaon, was situated upon a steep and lofty hill, 40 stadia S. of the Alpheius and near the frontiers of Elis. A large number of its inhabitants removed to Megalopolis upon the foundation of the latter city in B. C. 371; but it still continued to be a place of some importance. It was ceded to the Eleans by Lydiades, when tyrant of Megalopolis; but it was taken from them by Philip in the Social War, B. C. 219, and restored to Megalopolis. It contained temples of Asclepius and Athena, and a celebrated bronze statue by Hypatodorus of the latter goddess, who was said to have been born here. There are still considerable remains of this town on the hill of Neróvitza, which has a tabular summit about 300 yards long in the direction of E. and W., 100 yards broad, and surrounded by remains of Hellenic walls. At the south-eastern angle, a part rather higher than the rest formed an acropolis: it was about 70 yards long and half as much broad. The walls are built of polygonal and regular masonry intermixed. (Paus. viii. 3. § 4, 26. § 5, 27 §§ 4, 7; Polyb. iv. 77, 78; Liv. xxviii. 8; Steph. B. s. v.; Leake, Morea, vol. ii. p. 72, seq.; Ross, Reisen im Peloponnes, vol. i. p. 102; Curtius, Peloponnesos, vol. i. p. 361, seq.) ALI'SO or ALI'SUM (Exlowv, Aλeiσov: perhaps Elsen, near Paderborn), a strong fortress in Germany, built by Drusus in B. c. 11, for the purpose of securing the advantages which had been gained, and to have a safe place in which the Romans might maintain themselves against the Cherusci and Sigambri. It was situated at the point where the Eliso empties itself into the Lupia (Lippe, Dion Cass. liv. 33.) There can be no doubt that the place thus described by Dion Cassius under the name 'Exlow, is the same as the Aliso mentioned by Velleius (ii. 120) and Tacitus (Ann. ii. 7), and which in A. D. 9, after the defeat of Varus, was taken by the Germans. In A. D. 15 it was reconquered by the Romans; but being, the year after, besieged by the Germans, it was relieved by Germanicus. So long as the Romans were involved in wars with the Germans in their own country, Aliso was a place of the highest importance, and a military road with st.ong fortifications kept up the connection between Also and the Rhine. The name of the place was probably taken from the little river Eliso, on whose bank it stood. The Aλeσov (in Ptolemy ii. 11) is probably only another form of the name of this fortress. Much has been written in modern times upon the site of the ancient Aliso, and different results have been arrived at; but from the accurate description of Dion Cassius, there can be little doubt that the village of Elsen, about two miles from Paderborn, situated at the confluence of the Alme (Eliso) and Lippe (Lupia), is the site of the ancient Aliso. (Ledebur, Das Land u. Volk der Bructerer, p. 209, foll.; W. E. Giefers, De Alisone Castello Commentatio, Crefeld, 1844, 8vo.) [L. S.] A'LIUM. [ACROREIA.] ALLA'RIA ('Aλλapía: Eth. 'AXλapiárns), a city of Crete of uncertain site, of which coins are extant, bearing on the obverse the head of Pallas, and on the reverse a figure of Heracles standing. (Polyb. ap. Steph. B. s. v.) COIN OF ALLARIA. MATHIAMA A'LLIA or A'LIA* (¿'Axías, Plut.) a small river which flows into the Tiber, on its left bank, about 11 miles N. of Rome. It was on its banks that the Romans sustained the memorable defeat by the Gauls under Brennus in B. C. 390, which led to the capture and destruction of the city by the barbarians. On this account the day on which the battle was fought, the 16th of July (xv. Kal. Sextiles), called the Dies Alliensis, was ever after regarded as disastrous, and it was forbidden to transact any public business on it. (Liv. vi. 1, 28; Virg. Aen. vii. 717; Tac. Hist. ii. 91; Varr. de L. L. vi. § 32; Lucan. vii. 408; Cic. Ep. ad Att. ix. 5; Kal. Amitern. ap. Orell. Inscr. vol. ii. p. 394.) A few years later, B.C. 377, the Praenestines and their allies, during a war with Rome, took up a position on the Allia, trusting that it would prove of evil omen to their adversaries; but their hopes According to Niebuhr (vol. ii. p. 533, not.) the correct form is ALIA, but the ordinary form ALLIA is supported by many good MSS., and retained by the most recent editor of Livy. The note of Servius (ad Aen. vii. 717) is certainly founded on a misconception. were deceived, and they were totally defeated by the dictator Cincinnatus. (Liv. vi. 28; Eutrop. ii. 2.) The situation of this celebrated, but insignificant, stream is marked with unusual precision by Livy: "Aegre (hostibus) ad undecimum lapidem occursum est, qua flumen Allia Crustuminis montibus praealto defluens alveo, haud multum infra viam Tiberino amni miscetur." (v. 37.) The Gauls were advancing upon Rome by the left bank of the Tiber, so that there can be no doubt that the "via" here mentioned is the Via Salaria, and the correctness of the distance is confirmed by Plutarch (Camill.18), who reckons it at 90 stadia, and by Eutropius (i. 20), while Vibius Sequester, who places it at 14 miles from Rome (p. 3), is an authority of no value on such a point. Notwithstanding this accurate description, the identification of the river designated has been the subject of much doubt and discussion, principally arising from the circumstance that there is no stream which actually crosses the Via Salaria at the required distance from Rome. Indeed the only two streams which can in any degree deserve the title of rivers, that flow into this part of the Tiber, are the Rio del Mosso, which crosses the modern road at the Osteria del Grillo about 18 miles from Rome, and the Fosso di Conca, which rises at a place called Conca (near the site of Ficulea), about 13 miles from Rome, but flows in a southerly direction and crosses the Via Salaria at Malpasso, not quite 7 miles from the city. The former of these, though supposed by Cluverius to be the Allia, is not only much too distant from Rome, but does not correspond with the description of Livy, as it flows through a nearly flat country, and its banks are low and defenceless. The Fosso di Conca on the contrary is too near to Rome, where it crosses the road and enters the Tiber; on which account Nibby and Gell have supposed the battle to have been fought higher up its course, above Torre di S. Giovanni. But the expressions of Livy above cited and his whole narrative clearly prove that he conceived the battle to have been fought close to the Tiber, so that the Romans rested their left wing on that river, and their right on the Crustumian hills, protected by the reserve force which was posted on one of those hills, and against which Brennus directed his first attack. Both these two rivers must therefore be rejected; but between them are two smaller streams which, though little more than ditches in appearance, flow through deep and narrow ravines, where they issue from the hills; the first of these, which rises not far from the Fosso di Conca, crosses the road about a mile beyond La Marcigliana, and rather more than 9 from Rome; the second, called the Scolo del Casale, about 3 miles further on, at a spot named the Fonte di Papa, which is just more than 12 miles from Rome. The choice must lie between these two, of which the former has been adopted by Holstenius and Westphal, but the latter has on the whole the best claim to be regarded as the true Allia. It coincides in all respects with Livy's description, except that the distance is a mile too great; but the difference in the other case is greater, and the correspondence in no other respect more satisfactory. If it be objected that the little brook at Fonte di Papa is too trifling a stream to have earned such an immortal name, it may be observed that the very particular manner in which Livy describes the locality, sufficiently shows that it was not one necessarily familiar to his readers, nor does any |