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Republic, but it was already a considerable town in the days of Strabo, and under the Roman Empire became one of the most flourishing and important cities of Liguria, a position which we find it retaining down to a late period. The inhabitants bear on an inscription the name Aquenses Statiellenses." It was the chief place of the tribe of the STATIELLI, and one of the principal military stations in this part of Italy. (Strab. v. p. 217; Plin. iii. 5. s. 7; Orell. Inscr. 4927; Inscr. ap. Spon. Misc. Ant. p. 164; Notit. Dign. p. 121.) It is still mentioned by Paulus Diaconus among the chief cities of this province at the time of the Lombard invasion: and Liutprand of Cremona, a writer of the tenth century, speaks of the Roman Thermae, constructed on a scale of the greatest splendour, as still existing there in his time. (P. Diac. ii. 16; Liutprand, Hist. ii. 11.) The modern city of Acqui is a large and flourishing place, and its mineral waters are still much frequented. Some remains of the ancient baths, as well as portions of an aqueduct, are still visible, while very numerous inscriptions, chiefly sepulchral, have been discovered there, as well as innumerable urns, lamps, coins, and other relics of antiquity.

We learn from the Itineraries that a branch of the Via Aurelia quitted the coast at Vada Sabbata (Vado) and crossed the Apennines to Aquae Statiellae, from whence it communicated by Dertona with Placentia on the Via Aemilia. The distance from Vada Sabbata to Aquae is given as 52 R. miles. (Itin. Ant. p. 294; Tab. Peut.) [E. H. B.]

AQUAE TACAPITA'NAE (El Hammat-elKhabs), so called from the important town of TACAPE, at the bottom of the Syrtis Minor, from which it was distant 18 M. P. to the SW. (Ant. Itin. pp. 74, 78.)

[P.S.]

AQUAE TARBEʼLLICAE (Dax or Dacqs) or AQUAE TARBELLAE, as Ausonius calls it (Praef. Tres, Syragrio). Vibius Sequester has the name Tarbella Civitas (p. 68, ed. Oberlin). In the Not. Gall. the name is Aquensium Civitas. The word Aquae is the origin of the modern name Aqs or Acs, which the Gascons made Daqs or Dax, by uniting the preposition to the name of the place. Ptolemy is the only writer who gives it the name of Augustae (übara Aiyoúora). This place, which is noted for its mineral waters, is on the road from Asturica (Astorga) to Burdigala (Bordeaux), and on the left bank of the Aturus (Adour). There are or were remains of an aqueduct near the town, and Roman constructions near the warm springs in the town. The mineral springs are mentioned by Pliny (xxxi. 2). [G. L.]

AQUAE TAURI, another of the numerous watering-places of Etruria, situated about three miles NE. of Centumcellae (Civita Vecchia). They are now called Bagni di Ferrata. The thermal waters here appear to have been in great vogue among the Romans of the Empire, so that a town must have grown up on the spot, as we find the "Aquenses cognomine Taurini mentioned by Pliny (iii. 5. s. 8) among the separate communities of Etruria. The baths are described by Rutilius, who calls them Tauri Thermae, and ascribes their name to their accidental discovery by a bull. (Rutil. Itin. i. 249-260; Tab. Peut.; Cluver. Ital. p. 486.) [E. H. B.]

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AQUAE TIBILITA'NAE (Hammam Meskoutin, or perhaps Hammam-el-Berda), in Numidia, near the river Rubricatus, on the high road from Cirta to

Hippo Regius, 54 M. P. E. of the former, and 40 M. P. SW. of the latter. (Ant. Itin. p. 42; Tab. Peut.) It formed an episcopal see. (Optat. c. Donat. i. 14.) Remains of large baths, of Roman workmanship, are still found at Hammam Meskoutin. (Shaw, p. 121, 1st ed.; Barth, Wanderungen, &c., p. 71.) [P.S.]

AQUAE VOLATERRA'NAE. [VOLATERRAE.] AQUENSIS VICUS. [AQUAE CONVENARUM. AQUILA'RIA, a place on the coast of Zeugitana, 22 M. P. from Clupea, with a good summer roadstead, between two projecting headlands, where Curio landed from Sicily before his defeat and death, B. C. 49. (Caes. B. C. ii. 23.) The place seems to correspond to Alhowareah, a little SW. of C. Bon (Pr. Mercurii), where are the remains of the great stonequarries used in the building of Utica and Carthage. These quarries run up from the sea, and form great caves, lighted by openings in the roof, and supported by pillars. They are doubtless the quarries at which Agathocles landed from Sicily (Diod. xx. 6); and Shaw considers them to answer exactly to Virgil's description of the landing place of Aeneas. (Aen. i. 163; Shaw, pp. 158, 159; Barth, Wanderungen, fc., pp. 132, 133.) [P.S.]

AQUILEIA (Akvλnta, Strab. et alii; 'AkovAnta, Ptol.: Eth. 'Akuλrios, Steph. B., but 'AkuAhotos, Herodian.; Aquilleiensis), the capital of the province of Venetia, and one of the most important cities of Northern Italy, was situated near the head of the Adriatic Sea, between the rivers Alsa and Natiso. Strabo tells us that it was 60 stadia from the sea, which is just about the truth, while Pliny erroneously places it 15 miles inland. Both these authors, as well as Mela and Herodian, agree in describing it as situated on the river Natiso; and Pliny says, that both that river and the Turrus (Natiso cum Turro) flowed by the walls of Aquileia. At the present day the river Torre (evidently the Turrus of Pliny) falls into the Natisone (a considerable mountain torrent, which rises in the Alps and flows by Cividale, the ancient Forum Julii), about 13 miles N. of Aquileia, and their combined waters discharge themselves into the Isonzo, about 4 miles NE. of that city. But from the low and level character of the country, and the violence of these mountain streams, there is much probability that they have changed their course, and really flowed, in ancient times, as described by Strabo and Pliny. An artificial cut, or canal, communicating from Aquileia with the sea, is still called Natisa. (Strab. v. p. 214; Plin. iii. 18. s. 22; Mela, ii. 4; Herodian, viii. 2, 5; Cluver. Ital. p. 184.)

All authors agree in ascribing the first foundation of Aquileia to the Romans; and Livy expressly tells us that the territory was previously uninhabited, on which account a body of Transalpine Gauls who had crossed the mountains in search of new abodes, endeavoured to form a settlement there; but the Romans took umbrage at this, and compelled them to recross the Alps. (Liv. xxxix. 22, 45, 54, 55.) It was in order to prevent a repetition of such an attempt, as well as to guard the fertile plains of Italy from the irruptions of the barbarians on its NE. frontier, that the Romans determined to establish a colony there. In B. c. 181, a body of 3000 colonists was settled there, to which, 12 years later (B. C. 169), 1500 more families were added. (Liv. xl. 34, xliii. 17; Vell. Pat. i. 15.) The new colony, which received the name of Aquileia from the accidental omen of an eagle at the time of its

foundation (Julian. Or. II. de gest. Const.; Eustath. ad Dion. Per. 378), quickly rose to great wealth and prosperity, and became an important commercial emporium; for which it was mainly indebted to its favourable position, as it were, at the entrance of Italy, and at the foot of the pass of Mount Ocra, which must always have been the easiest passage from the NE. into the Italian plains. The accidental discovery of valuable gold mines in the neighbouring Alps, in the time of Polybius, doubtless contributed to its prosperity (Pol. ap. Strab. iv. p. 208); but a more permanent source of wealth was the trade carried on there with the barbarian tribes of the mountains, and especially with the Illyrians and Pannonians on the Danube and its tributaries. These brought slaves, cattle and hides, which they exchanged for the wine and oil of Italy. All these productions were transported by land carriage as far as Nauportus, and thence by the Save into the Danube. (Strab.iv. p. 207, v. p. 214.) After the provinces of Illyria and Pannonia had been permanently united to the Roman Empire, the increased intercourse between the east and west necessarily added to the commercial prosperity of Aquileis. Nor was it less important in a military point of view. Caesar made it the head quarters of his legions in Cisalpine Gaul, probably with a view to operations against the Illyrians (Caes. B. G. i. 10), and we afterwards find it repeatedly mentioned as the post to which the emperors, or their generals, repaired for the defence of the NE. frontier of Italy, or the first place which was occupied by the armies that entered it from that quarter. (Suet. Aug. 20, Tib. 7, Vesp. 6; Tac. Hist. ii. 46, 85, iii. 6, 8.) The same circumstance exposed it to repeated dangers. Under the reign of Augustus it was attacked, though without success, by the Iapodes (Appian. Illyr. 18); and at a later period, having had the courage to shut its gates against the tyrant Maximin, it was exposed to the first brunt of his fury, but was able to defy all his efforts during a protracted siege, which was at length terminated by the assassination of the emperor by his own soldiers, A. D. 238. (Herodian. viii. 2-5; Capitol. Maximin. 21-23.) At this time Aquileia was certainly one of the most important and flourishing cities of Italy, and during the next two centuries it continued to enjoy the same prosperity. It not only retained its colonial rank, but became the acknowledged capital of the province of Venetia; and was the only city of Italy, besides Rome itself, that had the privilege of a mint. (Not. Dign. ii. p. 48.) Ausonius, about the middle of the fourth century, ranks Aquileia as the ninth of the great cities of the Roman empire, and inferior among those of Italy only to Milan and Capua. (Ordo Nob. Urb. 6.) Though situated in a plain, it was strongly fortified with walls and towers, and seems to have enjoyed the reputation of an impregnable fortress. (Amm. Marc. xxi. 12.) During the later years of the empire it was the scene of several decisive events. Thus, in A. D. 340, the younger Constantine was defeated and slain on the banks of the river Alsa, almost beneath its walls. (Victor. Epit. 41. § 21; Eutrop. x. 9; Hieron. Chron. ad ann. 2356.) In 388 it witnessed the defeat and death of the usurper Maximus by Theodosius the Great (Zosim. iv. 46; Victor. Epit. 48; Idat. Chron. p. 11; Auson. I. c.); and in 425, that of Joannes by the generals of Theodosius II. (Procop. B. V. i. 2; Philostorg. xii. 14.) At length

Huns, with a formidable host, and after maintaining an obstinate defence for above three months, was finally taken by assault, plundered, and burnt to the ground. (Cassiod. Chron. p. 230; Jornand. Get. 42; Procop. B. V. i. 4. p.330; Marcellin. Chron. p. 290; Hist. Miscell. xv. p. 549.) So complete was its destruction, that it never rose again from its ashes; and later writers speak of it as having left scarcely any ruins as vestiges of its existence. (Jornand. l. c.; Liutprand. iii. 2.) But these expressions must not be construed too strictly; it never became again a place of any importance, but was at least partially inhabited; and in the sixth century was still the residence of a bishop, who, on the invasion of the Lombards, took refuge with all the other inhabitants of Aquileia in the neighbouring island of Gradus, at the entrance of the lagunes. (Cassiodor. Var. xii. 26; P. Diac. ii. 10.) The bishops of Aquileia, who assumed the Oriental title of Patriarch, continued, notwithstanding the decay of the city, to maintain their pretensions to the highest ecclesiastical rank, and the city itself certainly maintained a sickly existence throughout the middle ages. Its final decay is probably to be attributed to the increasing unhealthiness of the situation. At the present day Aquileia is a mere straggling village, with about 1400 inhabitants, and no public buildings except the cathedral. No ruins of any ancient edifice are visible, but the site abounds with remains of antiquity, coins, engraved stones, and other minor objects, as well as shafts and capitals of columns, fragments of friezes, &c., the splendour and beauty of which sufficiently attest the magnificence of the ancient city. Of the numerous inscriptions discovered there, the most interesting are those which relate to the worship of Belenus, a local deity whom the Romans identified with Apollo, and who was believed to have co-operated in the defence of the ci y against Maximin. (Orell. Inscr.1967, 1968, &c.; Herodian. viii. 3; Capitol. Maximin. 22; Bertoli, Antichità di Aquileia, Venice, 1739, p. 86-96.)

Besides its commercial and military importance, Aquileia had the advantage of possessing a territory of the greatest fertility; it was especially noted for the abundance of its wine. (Herodian. viii. 2.) Nor was the situation, in ancient times, considered unhealthy, the neighbouring lagunes, like those of Altinum and Ravenna, being open to the flux and reflux of the tides, which are distinctly sensible in this part of the Adriatic. (Vitruv. i. 4. § 11; Strab. v. p. 212; Procop. B. G. i. 1. p. 9.) Strabo speaks of the river Natiso as navigable up to the very walls of Aquileia (v. p. 214); but this could never have been adapted for large vessels, and it is probable that there existed from an early period a port or emporium on the little island of Gradus, at the mouth of the river, and entrance of the lagunes. We even learn that this island was, at one time, joined to the mainland by a paved causeway, which must certainly have been a Roman work. But the name of Gradus does not occur till after the fall of the Western Empire (P. Diac. ii. 10, iii. 25, v. 17), when it became, for a time, a considerable city, but afterwards fell into decay, and is now a poor place, with about 2000 inhabitants; it is still called Grado. [E. H. B.]

AQUILO'NIA ('Akoviλwvía, Ptol.). The exist ence of two cities of this name, both situated in Samnium, appears to be clearly established; though

tical. 1. A city of the Hirpini, situated near the frontiers of Apulia, is mentioned by Pliny and Ptolemy, both of whom distinctly assign it to the Hirpini, and not to Samnium proper; while the Tabula places it on the Via Appia, 37 M. P. from Aeculanum and 6 from the Pons Aufidi (Ponte Sta Venere) on the road to Venusia. These distances coincide well with the situation of the modern city of Lacedogna, the name of which closely resembles the Oscan form of Aquilonia, which, as we learn from coins, was "Akudunniu." The combination of these circumstances leaves little doubt that Lacedogna, which is certainly an ancient city, represents the Aquilonia of Pliny and Ptolemy, as well as that of the Tabula. (Plin. iii. 11. s. 16; Ptol. iii. 1. s. 71; Tab. Peut.; Holsten. Not. ad Cluv. p. 274; Romanelli, vol. ii. p. 345.) But it seems impossible to reconcile this position of Aquilonia with the details given by Livy (x. 38—43) concerning a city of the same name in Samnium, which bore an important part in the campaign of the consuls Carvilius and Papirius in B. c. 293.

2. The city thus mentioned by Livy appears to have been situated in the country of the Pentri or central Samnites, to which the whole operations of the campaign seem to have been confined, but it must be confessed that the geography of them is throughout very obscure. It was little more than 20 miles from Cominium, a place of which the site is unfortunately equally uncertain [COMINIUM], and apparently not more than a long day's march from Bovianum, as after the defeat of the Samnites by Papirius near Aquilonia, we are told that the nobility and cavalry took refuge at Bovianum, and the remains of the cohorts which had been sent to Cominium made good their retreat to the same city. Papirius, after making himself master of Aquilonia, which he burnt to the ground, proceeded to besiege Saepinum, still in the direction of Bovianum. Hence it seems certain that both Aquilonia and Cominium must be placed in the heart of Samnium, in the country of the Pentri: but the exact site of neither can be determined with any certainty: and it is probable that they were both destroyed at an early period. Romanelli, who justly regards the Aquilonia of Livy as distinct from the city of the Hirpini, is on the other hand certainly mistaken in transferring it to Agnone in the north of Samnium. (Romanelli, vol. ii. p. 493-500.)

The coins which bear the Oscan legend AKVDVNNIV in retrograde characters, attributed by earlier numismatists to Acherontia, are now admitted to belong to Aquilonia (Friedländer, Oskischen Münzen, p. 54), and may be assigned to the city of that name in the country of the Hirpini. [E. H. B.]

AQUI'NUM ('AKOÚIVOV: Eth. Aquinas, -ātis: Aquino). 1. One of the most important cities of the Volscians, was situated on the Via Latina between Fabrateria and Casinum, about 4 miles from the left bank of the Liris. Strabo erroneously describes it as situated on the river Melpis (Melfi), from which it is in fact distant above 4 miles. In common with the other Volscian cities it was included in Latium in the more extended use of that term: hence it is mentioned by Ptolemy as a Latin city, and is inIcluded by Pliny in the First Region of Italy, according to the division of Augustus. (Ptol. iii. 1. § 63; Plin. iii. 5. s. 9; Strab. v. p. 237; Itin. Ant. p. 303.) Its name is not mentioned in history during the wars of the Romans with the Volscians, or those with the Samnites; and is first found during the

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Second Punic War on occasion of the march of Hannibal upon Rome by the Via Latina. (Liv. xxvi. 9; Sil. Ital. xii.) But all writers agree in describing it as a populous and flourishing place during the latter period of the Roman Republic. Cicero, who had a villa there, and on account of its neighbourhood to Arpinum, repeatedly alludes to it, terms it frequens municipium," and Silius Italicus" ingens Aquinum." Strabo also calls it "a large city." (Cic. pro Cluent. 68, Phil. ii. 41, pro Planc. 9, ad Att. v. 1, ad Fam. ix. 24, &c.; Sil. Ital. viii. 405; Strab. v. p. 237.) We learn from the Liber Coloniarum that it received a Roman colony under the Second Triumvirate, and both Pliny and Tacitus mention it as a place of colonial rank under the Empire. Numerous inscriptions also prove that it continued a flourishing city throughout that period. (Lib. Colon. p. 229; Tac. Hist. i. 88, ii. 63; Plin. l. c.) It was the birthplace of the poet Juvenal, as he himself tells us (iii. 319): as well as of the Emperor Pescennius Niger. (Ael. Spartian. Pesc. i.) Horace speaks of it as noted for a kind of purple dye, but of inferior quality to the finer sorts. (Ep. i. 10, 27.)

The modern city of Aquino is a very poor place, with little more than 1000 inhabitants, but still retains its episcopal see, which it preserved throughout the middle ages. It still occupies a part of the site of the ancient city, in a broad fertile plain, which extends from the foot of the Apennines to the river Liris on one side and the Melpis on the other. It was completely traversed by the Via Latina, considerable portions of which are still preserved, as well as a part of the ancient walls, built of large stones without cement. An old church called the Vescovado is built out of the ruins of an ancient temple, and considerable remains of two others are still visible, which are commonly regarded, but without any real authority, as those of Ceres Helvina and Diana, alluded to by Juvenal (iii. 320). Besides these there exist on the site of the ancient city the ruins of an amphitheatre, a theatre, a triumphal arch, and various other edifices, mostly constructed of brickwork in the style called opus reticulatum. The numerous inscriptions which have been discovered here mention the existence of various temples and colleges of priests, as well as companies of artisans: all proving the importance of Aquinum under the Roman Empire. (Hoare's Classical Tour, vol. i. pp. 279-283; Romanelli, vol. iii. pp. 384-388; Cayro, Storia di Aquino, 4to. Nap. 1808, where all the inscriptions relating to Aquinum will be found collected, vol. i. p. 360, &c., but including many spurious ones.) There exist coins of Aquinum with the head of Minerva on one side and a cock on the other, precisely similar to those of the neighbouring cities of Cales and Suessa. (Millingen, Numism. de l'Italie, p. 220.)

COIN OF AQUINUM.

2. Among the obscure names enumerated by Pliny (iii. 15. s. 20) in the Eighth Region (Gallia Cispadana) are "Saltus Galliani qui cognominantur Aquinates," but their position and the origin of the name are wholly unknown. [E. H. B.]

AQUITA'NIA, AQUITA'NI (’Akvïtavía, 'Akvi- | Tavoí, Strab.). Caesar (B. G. i. 1) makes Aquitania one of the three divisions of the country which he calls Gallia. The Garumna (Garonne) divided the Aquitani from the Celtae or the Galli, as the Romans called them. Aquitania extended from the Garumna to the Pyrenees: its western boundary was the ocean. Its boundaries are not more accurately defined by Caesar, who did not visit the country until B. C. 50. (B. G. viii. 46.) In B. C. 56 he sent P. Crassus into Aquitania with a force to prevent the Aquitani assisting the Galli (B. G. iii. 11, 20, &c.); and he informs us incidentally that the towns of Tolosa (Toulouse), Carcaso (Cercas sone), and Narbo (Narbonne) were included within the Roman Gallia Provincia, and thus enables us to fix the eastern boundary of Aquitania at this time within certain limits. A large part of the Aquitani submitted to Crassus. Finally all the cities of Aquitania gave Caesar hostages. (B. G. viii. 46.) Augustus, B. C. 27, made a new division of Gallia into four parts (Strab. p. 177); but this division did not affect the eastern boundary of the Aquitani, who were still divided as before from the Celtae (who were included in Narbonensis) on the east by the heights on the Cevenna (Cévennes); which range is stated by Strabo not quite correctly to extend | from the Pyrenees to near Lyon. But Augustus extended the boundaries of Aquitania north of the Garumna, by adding to Aquitania fourteen tribes north of the Garonne. Under the Lower Empire Aquitania was further subdivided. [GALLIA.]

invaded this country, the Aquitani sent for and got assistance from their nearest neighbours in Spain, which, in some degree, confirms the opinion of their being of Iberian stock. When they opposed Crassus, they had for their king, or commander-in-chief, Adcantuannus, who had about him a body of 600 devoted men, called Soldurii, who were bound to one another not to survive if any ill luck befel their friends. The Aquitani were skilled in countermining, for which operation they were qualified by working the minerals of their country. The complete reduction of the Aquitani was effected B. C. 28, by the proconsul M. Valerius Messalla, who had a triumph for his success. (Sueton. Aug. 21; Appian. B. C. iv. 38; Tibullus, ii. 1. 33.) As the Aquitani had a marked nationality, it was Roman policy to confound them with the Celtae, which was effected by the new division of Augustus. It has been conjectured that the name Aquitani is derived from the numerous mineral springs (aquae) which exist on the northern slope of the Pyrenees; which supposition implies that Aq is a native name for "water." Pliny (iv. 19), when he enumerates the tribes of Aquitanica, speaks of a people called Aquitani, who gave their name to the whole country. In another passage (iv. 17), he says, that Aquitanica was first called Armorica; which assertion may perhaps be reckoned among the blunders of this writer. [ARMORICA.]

Hautes Pyrénées.

[G. L.]

AR. AREOPOLIS.]
ARA LUGDUNENSIS. [LUGDUNUM.]

The Aquitania of Caesar comprised the flat, dreary region south of the Garonne, along the coast of the Atlantic, called Les Landes, and the nuThe chief tribes included within the Aquitania merous valleys on the north face of the Pyrenees, of Augustus were these: Tarbelli, Cocosates, Bi- which are drained by the Adour, and by some of gerriones, Sibuzates, Preciani, Convenae, Ausci, the branches of the Garonne. The best part of it Garites, Garumni, Datii, Sotiates, Osquidates Cam-contained the modern departments of Basses and pestres, Sucasses, Tarusates, Vocates, Vasates, Elusates, Atures, Bituriges Vivisci, Meduli; north of the Garumna, the Petrocorii, Nitiobriges, Cadurci, Ruteni, Gabali, Vellavi, Arverni, Lemovices, Santones, Pictones, Bituriges Cubi. The Aquitania of Augustus comprehended all that country north of the Garonne which is bounded on the east by the Allier, and on the north by the Loire, below the influx of the Allier, and a large part of the Celtae were thus included in the division of Aquitania. Strabo indeed observes, that this new arrangement extended Aquitania in one part even to the banks of the Rhone, for it took in the Helvii. The name Aquitania was retained in the middle ages; and after the dismemberment of the empire of Charlemagne, Aquitania formed one of the three grand divisions of France, the other two being the France of that period in its proper restricted sense, and Bretagne; and a king of Aquitaine, whose power or whose pretensions extended from the Loire to the Pyrenees, was crowned at Poitiers. (Thierry, Lettres sur l'Histoire de France, No. xi.) But the geographical extent of the term Aquitania was limited by the invasions of the Basques or Vascones, who settled between the Py-logne, which some writers would make the site of renees and the Garonne, and gave their name Gascogne to a part of the SW. of France. The name Aquitania became corrupted into Guienne, a division of France up to 1789, and the last trace of the ancient name of Aquitania.

The Aquitani had neither the same language, nor the same physical characters as the Celtae. (Caes. B. G.i. 1; Strab. pp. 177, 189; Amm. Marc. xv. 11, who here merely copies Caesar.) In both these respects, Strabo says, that they resembled the

ARA UBIO'RUM, an altar and sacred place in the territory of the Ubii, on the west side of the Rhine. The priest of the place was a German. (Tacit. Ann. i. 57.) This altar is first mentioned in the time of Tiberius. In A. D. 14, Germanicus was at the Ara Ubiorum, then the winter-quarters of the first and twentieth legions, and of some Veterani. (Tacit. Ann. i. 39.) In the time of Vespasian (Tacit. Hist. iv. 19, 25), Bonna (Bonn), on the Rhine, is spoken of as the winter-quarters of the first legion. As the winter-quarters seem to have been permanent stations, it is possible that the Ara Ubiorum and Bonna may be the same place. The Ara Ubiorum is placed, by Tacitus, sixty miles (sexagesimum apud lapidem, Ann. i. 45), from Vetera, the quarters of the fifth and twenty-first legions; and Vetera is fixed by D'Anville at Xanten, near the Rhine, in the former duchy of Cleves. This distance measured along the road by the Rhine brings us about Bonn. The distance from Vetera to Co

the Ara Ubiorum, is only about 42 Gallic leagues, the measure which D'Anville assumes that we must adopt. If we go a few miles north of Bonn, to a small eminence named Godesberg, which may mean God's Hill, or Mons Sacer, we find that the distance from Vetera is 57 Gallic leagues, and this will suit very well the 60 of Tacitus, who may have used round numbers. If we compare the passages of Tacitus (Ann. i. 37, 39), it appears that he means the same place by the "Civitas Ubiorum," and the

with one in the Histories (Agrippinenses, iv. 28), some have concluded that the Ara Ubiorum is Cologne. But Cologne was not a Roman foundation, at least under the name of Colonia Agrippinensis, until the time of Caudius, A. .51; and the identity, or proximity, of the Civitas Ubiorum, and of the Ara Ubiorum, in the time of Tiberius, seems to be established by the expressions in the Annals (i. 37, 39); and the Ara Ubiorum is near Bonn. [G.L.] ARABIA ('Apabía: Eth. "Apay; 'Apábios, Her.; Apabos, Aesch. Pers. 318, fem. 'Apábioσa, Tzetz.; Arabs; pl. Apabes, 'Apábio, "Apa6o, Arabes, Arăbi, Arabii: Adj. 'Apábios, 'Apabirós, Arabus, Arabius, Arabicus: the A is short, but forms with the A long and the r doubled are also found: native The Greeks received the name from the Eastern names, Belâd-el-Arab, i. e. Land of the Arabs, Jezi-nations; and invented, according to their practice rát-el-Arab, i. e. Peninsula of the Arabs; Persian of personifying in such cases, an Arabia, wife of and Turkish, Arabistân: Arabia), the westernmost Aegyptus. (Apollod. ii. 1. § 5.) of the three great peninsulas of Southern Asia, is one of the most imperfectly known regions of the civilized world; but yet among the most interesting, as one of the earliest seats of the great Semitic race, who have preserved in it their national characteristics and independence from the days of the patriarchs to the present hour; and as the source and centre of the most tremendous revolution that ever altered the condition of the nations.

| deduces it from Yarab, the son of Joktan, the ancestor of the race. The late Professor Rosen derived it from the verbal root yaraba (Heb. arab.), to set or go down (as the sun), with reference to the position of Arabia to the W. of the Euphrates and the earliest abodes of the Semitic race. Others seek its origin in arabah, a desert, the name actually employed, in several passages of the Old Testament, to denote the region E. of the Jordan and Dead Sea, as far S. as the Aelanitic or E. head of the Red Sea; in fact the original Arabia, an important part of which district, namely the valley extending from the Dead Sea to the Aelanitic Gulf, bears to this day the name of Wady-el-Arabah.

I. Names. The name by which the country was known to the Greeks and Romans, and by which we still denote it, is that in use among the natives. But it is important to observe that the Hebrews, from which we derive our first information, did not use the name Arabia till after the time of Solomon: the reason may have been that it was only then that they became acquainted with the country properly so called, namely the peninsula itself, S. of a line drawn between the heads of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf. The notion that the whole country was assigned to Ishmael and peopled by his descendants is a mere misunderstanding of the language of Scripture. (See below, § IV.) It was only in the N. part of Arabia that the Ishmaelites settled; and it is to that portion of the country, almost exclusively, that we must apply those passages of the Old Testament in which it is spoken of as Eretz-Kedem or Kedemah, i. e. Land of the East, and its people as the Beni-Kedem, i. e. Sons of the East; the region, namely, immediately East of Palestine (Gen. xxv. 6; Judges, vi. 3; Job, i. 3; 1 Kings iv. 30; Isaiah, xi. 14: comp. ǹ avaroλń, Matt. ii. 1). When the term Kedem seems to refer to parts of the peninsula more to the S., the natural explanation is that its use was extended indefinitely to regions adjoining those to which it was at first applied.

The word Arab, which first occurs after the time of Solomon, is also applied to only a small portion of the country. Like such names as Moab, Edom, and others, it is used both as the name of the country and as the collective name of the people, who were called individually Arabi, and in later Hebrew Arbi, pl. Arbim and Arbiim. Those denoted by it are the wandering tribes of the N. deserts and the commercial people along the N. part of the E. shore of the Red Sea (2 Chron. ix. 14, xvii. 11, xxi. 16, xxii. 1, xxvi.7; Isaiah, xiii. 20, xxi. 13; Jer. iii. 2, xxv. 24; Ezek. xxvii. 21 ; Neh. ii. 19, iv. 7). At what time the name was extended to the whole peninsula is uncertain.

As to the origin of the word Arab, various opinions have been broached. The common native tradition

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II. Situation, Boundaries, Extent, and Divisions. The peninsula of Arabia, in the stricter sense of the word, lies between 12° and 30° N. lat., and between 320 and 59° E. long. It is partly within and partly without the tropics; being divided into two almost equal parts by the Tropic of Cancer, which passes through the city of Muscat, about 1° N. of the E. promontory, and on the W. nearly half way between Mecca and Medina. It projects into the sea between Africa and the rest of Asia, in a sort of hatchet shape, being bounded on the W. by the Arabicus Sinus (Red Sea), as far as its southernmost point, where the narrow strait of Bab-el-Mandeb scarcely cuts it off from Africa; on the S. and SE. by the Sinus Paragon (Gulf of Oman), and Erythraeum Mare (Indian Ocean); and on the NE. by the Persicus Sinus (Persian Gulf). On the N. it is connected with the continent of Asia by the Isthmus, extending for about 800 miles across from the mouth of the Tigris at the head of the Persian Gulf to the NW. extremity of the Red Sea, at the head of the Sinus Aelaniticus (G. of Akabah). A line drawn across this Isthmus, and coinciding almost exactly with the parallel of 30° N. lat., would represent very nearly the northern boundary, as at present defined, and as often understood in ancient times; but, if used to represent the view of the ancient writers in general, it would be a limit altogether arbitrary, and often entirely false. From the very nature of the country, the wandering tribes of N. Arabia, the children of the Desert, always did, as they do to this day, roam over that triangular extension of their deserts which runs up northwards between Syria and the Euphrates, as a region which no other people has ever disputed with them, though it has often been assigned to Syria by geographers, both ancient and modern, including the Arabs themselves. Generally, the ancient geographers followed nature and fact in assigning the greater part of this desert to Arabia; the N. limits of which were roughly determined by the presence of Palmyra, which, with the surrounding country, from Antilibanus to the Euphrates, as far S. on the river as Thapsacus at least, was always reckoned a part of Syria. The peninsula between the two heads of the Red Sea was also reckoned a part of Arabia. Hence the boundary of Arabia, on the land side, may be drawn pretty much as follows: from the head of the Gulf of Heroöpolis (G. of Suez), an imaginary and somewhat indeterminate line, running NE. across the desert Isthmus of Suez to near the mouth of the "river of Egypt" (the brook ElArish), divided Arabia from Egypt: thence, turning

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