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facing Hymettus and Pentelicus were built of bricks baked in the sun. (Vitruv. ii. 8; Plin. xxxv. 14.)

V. EXTENT AND POPULATION.

| Vesp. 707); and this was the number at which they were estimated by Demosthenes in B. C. 331. (Dein. c. Aristog. p. 785.)

That the population of Attica could not have been much short of half a million may be inferred from the quantity of corn consumed in the country. In the time of Demosthenes the Athenians imported annually 800,000 medimni, or 876,302 bushels, of corn. (Dem. c. Leptin. p. 466.) Adding this to the produce of Attica, which we may reckon at about 1,950,000 medimni, the total will be 2,750,000 medimni, or 3,950,000 bushels. "This would give per head to a population of half a million near 8 bushels per annum, or 51⁄2 medimni, equal to a daily rate of 20 ounces and 7-10ths avoirdupois, to both sexes, and to every age and condition. The ordi

In stimating the extent of Athens, it is not sufficient to take into account the circuit of the walls; their form must also be borne in mind, or else an erroneous opinion will be formed of the space enclosed. Athens, in fact, consisted of two circular cities, each 60 stadia, or 7 miles, in circumference, joined by a street of 40 stadia, or 4 miles, in length. With respect to the population of Athens, it is difficult to assign the proportions belonging to the capital and to the rest of the country. The subject has been investigated by many modern writers, and among others by Clinton, whose cal-nary full ration of corn was a choenix, or the fortyculations are the most probable.

The chief authority for the population of Attica is the census of Demetrius Phalereus, taken in B.C. 317. (Ctesicles, ap. Athen. vi. p. 272, b.) According to this census, there were 21,000 Athenian citizens, 10.000 metoeci (uéтoko), or resident aliens, and 400,000 slaves. Now we may assume from various authorities, that by the term citizens all the males above the age of 20 years are meant. According to the population returns of England, the proportion of males above the age of twenty is 2430 in 10,000. The families, therefore, of the 21,000 citizens amounted to about 86,420 souls; and reckoning the families of the metoeci in the same proportion, the total number of the free population of Attica was about 127,000 souls. These, with the addition of the 400,000 slaves, will give 527,000 as the aggregate of the whole population.

eighth part of a medimnus, or about 28 ounces."

It is impossible to determine the exact population of Athens itself. We have the express testimony of Thucydides (ii. 14) that the Athenians were fond of a country life, and that before the Peloponnesian war the country was decorated with houses. Some of the demi were populous: Acharnae, the largest, had in B. c. 431, 3000 hoplites, implying a free population of at least 12,000, not computing slaves. Athens is expressly said to have been the most populous city in Greece (Xen. Hell. ii. 3. § 24; Thuc. i. 80, ii. 64); but the only fact of any weight respecting the population of the city is the statement of Xenophon that it contained more than 10,000 houses. (Xen. Mem. iii. 6. § 14, Oecon. 8. § 22.) Clinton remarks that "London contains 7 persons to a house; but at Paris formerly the proportion was near 25. If we take about half the proportion of Paris, and assume 12 persons to a house, we obtain 120,000 for the population of Athens; and we may perhaps assign 40,000 more for the collective inhabitants of Peiraeeus, Munychia and Phalerum.” Leake supposes the population of the whole city to have been 192,000; and though no certainty on the point can be attained, we cannot be far wrong in assuming that Athens contained at least a third of the total population of Attica.

The number of slaves has been considered excessive; but it must be recollected that the agricultural and mining labour of Attica was performed by slaves; that they served as rowers on board the ships; that they were employed in manufactures, and in general represented the labouring classes of Modern Europe. We learn from a fragment of Hypereides, preserved by Suidas (s. v. àreynpioaro), that the slaves who worked in the mines and were employed in country labour, were more than 150,000. It appears from The preceding account has been chiefly taken from Plato (de Rep. ix. p. 578, d. e) that there were Clinton (F. H. vol. ii. p. 387, seq., 2nd ed.) and many Athenians, who possessed fifty slaves each. Leake (p. 618), with which the reader may comLysias and Polemarchus had 120 slaves in their pare the calculations of Böckh. (Public Econ. of manufactory (Lys. c. Eratosth. p. 395); and Nicias Athens, p. 30, seq., 2nd ed.) The latter writer let 1000 slaves to a person who undertook the work-reckons the population of the city and the harbours ing of a nine at Laurium. (Xenoph. de Vectig. 4.) at 180,000. There is therefore no good reason for supposing that the slaves of Attica are much overrated at 400,000, which number bears nearly the same proportion to the free inhabitants of Attica, as the labouring classes bear to the other classes in Great Britain.

If we go back from the time of Demetrius Phalereus to the flourishing period of Athenian history, we shall find the number of Athenian citizens generally computed at about 20,000, which would give about half a million as the total population of Attica. Twenty thousand were said to have been their number in the time of Cecrops (Philochorus, ap. Schol. ad Pind. Ol. ix. 68), a number evidently transferred from historical times to the mythical age. In B. c. 444 they were 19,000; but upon a scrutiny undertaken by the advice of Pericles, nearly 5000 were struck off the lists, as having no claims to the franchise. (Plut. Pericl. 37; Philoch. ap. Schol. ad Aristoph. Vesp. 716.) A few years afterwards (B. 0.422) they had increased to 20,000 (Aristoph.

VI. GATES.

Of the gates of the Asty the following are mentioned by name, though the exact position of some of them is very doubtful. We begin with the gates on the western side of the city.

1. Dipylum (Aímuλov), originally called the Thriasian Gate (Opiaσlai Пúλα), because it led to Thria, a demus near Eleusis (Plut. Per. 30), and also the Ceramic Gate (Kepaμeikal Пúλai), as being the communication from the inner to the outer Cerameicus (Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 8; comp. Plut. Sull. 14), was situated at the NW. corner of the city. The name Dipylum seems to show that it was constructed in the same manner as the gate of Megalopolis at Messene, with a double entrance and an intermediate court. It is described by Livy (xxxi. 24) as greater and wider than the other gates of Athens, and with corresponding approaches to it on either

side; and we know from other authorities that it | the city by this gate, and not by the Dipylum, as was the most used of all the gates. The street Wordsworth and Curtius supposed, nor by a gate within the city led directly through the inner Cera-between the Hill of the Nymphs and the Dipylum, meicus to the Agora; while outside the gate there as Ross has more recently maintained. (Ross, in were two roads, both leading through the outer Ce Kunstblatt, 1837, No. 93.) rameicus, one to the Academy (Liv. 1. c.; Cic. de Fin. v. 1; Lucian, Scyth. 4), and the other to Eleusis. [See below, No. 2.] The Dipylum was sometimes called Anμiáɔ̃es Пúλai, from the number of prostitutes in its neighbourhood. (Lucian, Dial. Mer. 4. § 3; Hesych. s. vv. Anuiáoi, Kepaueirós; Schol. ad Aristoph. Equit. 769.)

4. The Melitian Gate (αἱ Μελιτίδες Πύλαι), at the SW. corner of the city, so called from the demus Melite, to which it led. Just outside this gate were the Cimonian sepulchres, in which Thucydides, as well as Cimon, was buried. In a hill extending westwards from the western slope of the Museium, on the right bank of the Ilissus, Forchhammer (p. 347) discovered two great sepulchres,

It is exceedingly improbable that Pausanias entered the city by the Dipylum, as Wordsworth, Cur-hewn out of the rock, which he supposes to be the tius, and some other modern writers suppose. [See below, No. 3.]

2. The Sacred Gate (ai 'Iepaì Пúλa), S. of the preceding, is identified by many modern writers with the Dipylum, but Plutarch, in the same chapter (Sull. 14), speaks of the Dipylum and the Sacred Gate as two different gates. Moreover the same writer says that Sulla broke through the walls of Athens at a spot called Heptachalcon, between the Peiraic and the Sacred Gates; a description which would scarcely have been applicable to the Heptachalcon, if the Sacred Gate had been the same as the Dipylum. [See the plan of Athens.] The Sacred Gate must have derived its name from its being the termination of the Sacred Way to Eleusis. But it appears that the road leading from the Dipylum was also called the Sacred Way; since Pausanias says (i. 36. § 3) that the monument of Anthemocritus was situated on the Sacred Way from Athens to Eleusis, and we know from other authorities that this monument was near the Dipylum or the Thriasian Gate. (Plut. Per. 30; Hesych. s. v. 'Aveeμóκριτος.) Hence, we may conclude that the Sacred Way divided shortly before reaching Athens, one road leading to the Sacred Gate and the other to the Dipylum. The street within the city from the Sacred Gate led into the Cerameicus, and joined the street which led from the Dipylum to the Agora. We read, that when the soldiers penetrated through the Sacred Gate into the city, they slew so many persons in the narrow streets and in the Agora, that the whole of the Cerameicus was deluged with blood, which streained through the gates into the suburbs. (Plut. Sull. 14.)

3. The Peiraic Gate (ʼn Пe païkh Пúλŋ, Plut. Thes. 27, Sull. 14), S. of the preceding, from which ran the quağıós or carriage road between the Long Walls, from the Asty to the Peiraeeus. It has been already remarked that the quağırós lay between the two Long Walls, and the marks of carriage wheels may still be seen upon it. It was the regular road from the Asty to the Peiraeeus; and the opinion of Leake (p. 234), that even during the existence of the Long Walls, the ordinary route from the Peiracens to the Asty passed to the southwards of the Long Walls, has been satisfactorily refuted by Forchhammer (p. 296, seq.).

The position of the Peiraic Gate has been the subject of much dispute. Leake places it at some point between the hill of Pnyx and Dipylum; but we have no doubt that Forchhammer is more correct in his supposition that it stood between the hills of Pnyx and of Museium. The arguments in favour of their respective opinions are stated at length by these writers. (Leake, p. 225, seq., Forchhammer, p. 296, seq.) Both of them, however, bring forward convincing arguments, that Pausanias entered

Cimonian tombs. The valley of the Ilissus was here called Coele (Kolλŋ), a name applied as well to the district within as without the Melitian Gate. This appears from a passage in Herodotus (vi. 103), whe says that Cimon was buried before the city at the end of the street called dià Koíλns, by which he clearly means a street of this name within the city. Other authorities state that the Cimonian tombs were situated in the district called Coele, and near the Melitian Gate. (Marcellin. Vit. Thuc. §§ 17, 32, 55; Anonym. Vit. Thuc. sub fin.; Paus. i. 23. § 9; Plut. Cim. 4, 19.)

Müller erroneously placed the Peiraic Gate on the NE. side of the city.

On the southern side:

5. The Itonian Gate (ai 'ITwvíaι Пóλα), not far from the Ilissus, and leading to Phalerum. The name of this gate is only mentioned in the Platonic dialogue named Axiochus (c. 1), in which Axiochus is said to live near this gate at the monument of the Amazon; but that this gate led to Phalerum is clear from Pausanias, who, in conducting his reader into Athens from Phalerum, says that the monument of Antiope (the Amazon) stood just within the gate (Paus. i. 2. § 1.)

On the eastern side:

6. The Gate of Diochares (al Aloxáрovs Пúλα) leading to the Lyceium, and near the fountain of Panops. (Strab. ix. p. 397; Hesych. s. v. Пávov.)

7. The Diomeian Gate (ai Aióμeiai Пúλai), N. of the preceding, leading within the city to the demus Diomeia, and outside to the Cynosarges. (Steph. B. s. vv. ▲ióμeia, Kvvóo apyes; Diog. Laërt. vi. 13; Plut. Them. 1.)

On the northern side:

8. The Herian Gate (ai 'Hpía Пúλa), or the Gate of the Dead, so called from pía, a place of sepulture. (Harpocrat. s. v.) The site of this gate is uncertain; but it may safely be placed on the north of the city, since the burial place of Athens was in the outer Cerameicus.

9. The Acharnian Gate (αἱ 'Αχαρνικαί Πύλαι, Hesych. s. v.), leading to Acharnae,

10. The Equestrian Gate (ai 'Imádes Пúλα, Plut. Vit. X. Orat. p. 849, c.), the position of which is quite uncertain. It is placed by Leake and others on the western side of the city, but by Kiepert on the NE., to the north of the Diomeian Gate.

11. The Gate of Aegeus (ai Aiyéws Пúλa, Plut. Thes. 12), also of uncertain site, is placed by Müller on the eastern side; but, as it appears from Plutarch (1. c.) to have been in the neighbourhood of the Olympieium, it would appear to have been in the southern wall.

There were several other gates in the Walls of the Asty, the names of which are unknown

VII. GENERAL APPEARANCE OF THE CITY,

HOUSES, STREETS, Water, &c.

The first appearance of Athens was not pleasing to a stranger. Dicaearchus, who visited the city in the fourth century before the Christian era, describes it "as dusty and not well supplied with water; badly laid out on account of its antiquity; the majority of the houses mean, and only a few good." He adds that " a stranger, at the first view, might doubt if this is Athens; but after a short time he would find that it was." (Dicaearch. Βίος τῆς ̔Ελλάδος, init., p. 140, ed. Fuhr.) The streets were narrow and crooked; and the meanness of the private houses formed a striking contrast to the magnificence of the public buildings. None of the houses appear to have been of any great height, and the upper stories often projected over the streets. Themistocles and Aristeides, though authorised by the Areiopagus, could hardly prevent people from building over the streets. The houses were, for the most part, constructed either of a frame-work of wood, or of unburnt bricks

dried in the open air. (Xen. Mem. iii. 1. § 7; Plut.
Dem. 11; Hirt, Baukunst der Alten, p. 143.) The
front towards the street rarely had any windows, and
was usually nothing but a curtain wall, covered with a
coating of plaster (Kovíaμa: Dem. de Ord. Rep. P.
175; Plut. Comp. Arist. et Cat. 4); though occa-
sionally this outer wall was relieved by some orna-
ment, as in the case of Phocion's house, of which the
front was adorned with copper filings. (Plut. Phoc.
18; Becker, Charikles, vol. i. p. 198.) What Ho-
race said of the primitive worthies of his own country,
will apply with still greater justice to the Athenians
during their most flourishing period:-

"Privatus illis census erat brevis,
Commune magnum."

mon sewers." This account must be taken with some modifications, as we are not to suppose that conveniences. It would appear, however, that few Athens was totally unprovided with these public of the streets were paved; and the scavengers did not keep them clean, even in dry weather. The city and in the Wasps of Aristophanes we have an was not lighted (Becker, Charikles, vol. ii. p. 211), amusing picture of a party at night picking their (Vesp. 248); and during a period of dry weather, way through the mud, by the aid of a lantern as further appears from their own remarks. It would seem, from several passages in Aristophanes, that Athens was as dirty as the filthiest towns of southern Europe in the present day; and that her places of public resort, the purlieus of her sacred edifices more especially, were among the chief reposi1183, seq., Nub. 1384, seq., Eccles. 320, seq., Vesp. every kind of nuisance. (Aristoph. Plut. 394; from Mure, vol. ii. p. 46.)

tories of

We have not much information respecting the supply of water at Athens. Dicaearchus, as we have first necessary of life. There was only one source of already seen, says that the city was deficient in this good drinking water, namely, the celebrated fountain, called Callirhoë or Enneacrunus, of which we shall speak below. Those who lived at a distance from this fountain obtained their drinking water from Athens. (Paus. i. 14. § 1.) wells, of which there was a considerable number at There were other fountains in Athens, and Pausanias mentions two, both issuing from the hill of the Acropolis, one in the temple of Aesculapius; but they both probably becavern sacred to Apollo and Pan, and another in the longed to those springs of water unfit for drinking. but suited to domestic purposes, to which Vitruvius (viii. 3) alludes. The water obtained from the soil (Mure, vol. ii. p. 98). It was not till the Mace- of Athens itself is impregnated with saline particles. donian period, when public spirit had decayed, that It is, however, very improbable that so populous a the Athenians, no longer satisfied with participating city as Athens was limited for its supply of drinkable in the grandeur of the state, began to erect hand- water to the single fountain of Callirhoë. We still some private houses. "Formerly," says Demo- find traces in the city of water-courses (vdpoßßóai) sthenes," the republic had abundant wealth, but no channelled in the rock, and they are mentioned by Individual raised himself above the multitude. If any the Attic writers. (Aristoph. Acharn. 922, &c.) one of us could now see the houses of Themistocles, Even as early as the time of Themistocles there Aristeides, Cimon, or the famous men of those days, were public officers, who had the superintendence of he would perceive that they were not more magni- the supply of water (èmiσTaral Tŵv údáтwy, Plut. ficent than the houses of ordinary persons; while the Them. 31). It may reasonably be concluded that buildings of the state are of such number and mag- the city obtained a supply of water by conduits froin nitude that they cannot be surpassed;" and after-distant sources. Leake observes, "Modern Athens wards he complains that the statesine of his time constructed houses, which exceeded the public buildings in magnitude. (Dem. c. Aristocr. p. 689, Olynth. iii. pp. 35, 36; Böckh, Publ. Econ. of Athens, p.64, seq., 2nd ed.; Becker, Charikles, vol.i. p. 188.)

The insignificance of the Athenian houses is shown by the small prices which they fetched. Böckh (Ibid. p. 66) has collected numerous instances from the orators. Their prices vary from the low sum of 3 or 5 minas (127. 3s. 9d. and 20l. 6s. 3d.) to 120 minas (4877. 10s.); and 50 minas (2031. 2s. 6d.) seem to have been regarded as a considerable sum for the purchase of a house.

Athens was inferior to Rome in the pavement of its streets, its sewers, and its supply of water. "The Greeks," says Strabo (v. p. 235), “in building their cities, attended chiefly to beauty and fortification, harbours, and a fertile soil. The Romans, on the other hand, provided, what the others neglected, the pavement of the streets, a supply of water and com

was not many years ago, and possibly may still be, supplied from two reservoirs, situated near the junction of the Eridanus and Ilissus. Of these reservoirs one was the receptacle of a subterraneous conduit from the foot of Mt. Hymettus; the other, of one of the Cephissus at the foot of Mt. Pentelicum. This conduit, which may be traced to the north of Ambelópiko, in proceeding from thence by Kato Marúsi to Kifisia, where a series of holes give air to a canal, which is deep in the ground, may possibly be a work of republican times. One of these in particular is seen about midway between Athens and Kifisia, and where two branches of the aqueduct seem to have united, after having conducted water from two or more fountains in the streams which, flowing from Parnes, Pentelicum, and the intermediate ridge, form the Cephissus." Among the other favours which Hadrian conferred upon Athens was the construction of an aqueduct, of which the whole city probably reaped the benefit, though nominally intended only for the quarter called after his

own name. There stood in the time of Stuart, at the foot of the south-eastern extremity of Mt. Lycabettus, the remains of an arch, which was part of the frontispiece of a reservoir of this aqueduct. The piers of some of the arches of this aqueduct are still extant, particularly to the eastward of the village of Dervish-agú, five or six miles to the north of Athens. (Leake, p. 202, and Appendix XIII., "On the Supply of Water at Athens.")

VIII. TOPOGRAPHY OF THE ACROPOLIS OR POLIS.

The Acropolis, as we have already remarked, is a square craggy rock, rising abruptly about 150 feet, with a flat summit of about 1,000 feet from east to west, by 500 feet broad from north to south. It is inaccessible on all sides, except the west, where it is ascended by a steep slope. It was at one and the same time the fortress, the sanctuary, and the museum of the city. Although the site of the original city, it had ceased to be inhabited from the time of the Persian wars, and was appropriated to the worship of Athena and the other guardian deities of the city. It was one great sanctuary, and is therefore

called by Aristophanes ἄβατον ̓Ακρόπολιν, ἱερὸν Téuevos. (Lysistr. 482; comp. Dem. de Fals. Leg. p. 428, Ans ovons iepas Tns 'Aкpожóλews.) By the artists of the age of Pericles its platform was covered with the master-pieces of ancient art, to which additions continued to be made in succeeding ages. The sanctuary thus became a museum; and in order to form a proper idea of it, we must imagine the summit of the rock stripped of every thing except temples and statues, the whole forming one vast composition of architecture, sculpture, and painting, the dazzling whiteness of the marble relieved by brilliant colours, and glittering in the transparent clearness of the Athenian atmosphere. It was here that Art achieved her greatest triumphs; and though in the present day a scene of desolation and ruin, its ruins are some of the most precious reliques of the ancient world.

The Acropolis stood in the centre of the city. Hence it was the heart of Athens, as Athens was the heart of Greece (Arist. Panath. i. p. 99, Jebb); and Pindar no doubt alluded to it, when he speaks of ἄστεος ὀμφαλὺς θυόεις ἐν ταῖς ἱεραῖς ̓Αθάναις. (Fraq. p. 225, Dissen.) It was to this sacred rock

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The chief

The

that the magnificent procession of the Panathenaic festival took place once in four years. object of this procession was to carry the Peplus or embroidered robe, of Athena to her temple on the Acropolis. (Dict. of Ant. art. Panathenaea.) In connection with this subject it is important to dis. tinguish between the three different Athenas of the Acropolis. (Schol. ad Aristid. p. 320, Dindorf.) The first was the Athena Polias, the most ancient of all, made of olive wood, and said to have fallen from heaven; its sanctuary was the Erechtheium. second was the Athena of the Parthenon, a statue of ivory and gold, the work of Pheidias. The third was the Athena Promachus, a colossal statue of bronze, also the work of Pheidias, standing erect, with helmet, spear, and shield. Of these three statues we shall speak more fully hereafter; but it must be borne in mind that the Peplus of the Panathenaic procession was carried to the ancient statue of Athena Polias, and not to the Athena of the Parthenon. (Wordsworth, p. 123, seq.)

The three goddesses are alluded to in the following remarkable passages of the Knights (1165, seq.) of Aristophanes, which we subjoin, with Wordsworth's comments:

ΚΛ. ἰδοὺ φέρω σοι τήνδε μαζίσκην ἐγώ. ΑΛΛ. ἐγὼ δὲ μυστίλας μεμυστιλημένας

ὑπὸ τῆς θεοῦ τῇ χειρὶ τῇ ἐλεφαντίνῃ.* ΔΗ. ὡς μέγαν ἄρ' εἶχες, ὦ πότνια, τὸν δάκτυλος ΚΛ. ἐγὼ δ ̓ ἔτνος γε πίσινον εὔχρων καὶ καλόν. ἐτόρυνε δ' αὔθ ̓ ἡ Παλλὰς ἡ Πυλαιμάχος.† ΑΛΛ. Δῆμ ̓ ἐναργῶς ἡ Θεός σ ̓ ἐπισκοπεί, καὶ νῦν ὑπερεχει σου χύτραν ζωμοῦ πλέον. ΚΛ. τουτὶ τέμαχος σοὔδωκεν ἡ Φοβεσιστράτη. ΑΛΛ. ἡ δ ̓ ὀβριμοπάτρα γ ̓ ἑφθὸν ἐκ ζωμοῦ κρέας

καὶ χόλικος ἠνύστρου τε καὶ γαστρός τόμον. ΔΗ. καλῶς γ' ἐποίησε τοῦ πέπλου μεμνημένη.

* i. e. The chryselephantine statue of the goddess in the Parthenon, the hands of which were of ivory.

ti. e. The bronze colossal statue of Athena Promachus, standing near the Propylaea (Пvλaíμaxos). Her shield and spear are here ludicrously converted into a χύτρα and τορύνη. Her gigantic forn is expressed by inepéXEL.

i. e. The Athena Polias in the Erechtheium. this line is a convincing proof that the Peplus wat dedicated to her.

I. Walls of the Acropolis.

Being a citadel, the Acropolis was fortified. The ancient fortifications are ascribed to the Pelasgians, who are said to have levelled the summit of the rock, and to have built a wall around it, called the Pelasgic Wall or Fortress. (€λaoyikdy teîxos, Herod. v. 64; τείχισμα Πελαργικὸν, Callimach. ap. Schol. ad Aristoph. Av. 832; Hecataeus, ap. Herod. vi. 137; Myrsilus, ap. Dionys. i. 28; Cleidemus, ap. Suid. s. vv. ànéda, hwédijov.) The approach on the western side was protected by a system of works, comprehending nine gates, hence called évveάπuλov тd пeλaσyikóv. (Cleidem. l. c.) These fortifica tions were sufficiently strong to defy the Spartans, when the Peisistratidae took refuge in the Acropolis (Herod. v. 64, 65); but after the expulsion of the family of the despot, it is not improbable that they were partly dismantled, to prevent any attempt to restore the former state of things, since the seizure of the citadel was always the first step towards the establishment of despotism in a Greek state. When Xerxes attacked the Acropolis, its chief fortifications consisted of palisades and other works constructed of wood. The Persians took up their position on the Areiopagus, which was opposite the western side of the Acropolis, just as the Amazons had done when they attacked the city of Cecrops. (Aesch. Eum. 685, seq.) From the Areiopagus the Persians discharged hot missiles against the wooden defences, which soon took fire and were consumed, thus leaving the road on the western side open to the enemy. The garrison kept them at bay by rolling down large stones, as they attempted to ascend the road; and the Persians only obtained possession of the citadel by scaling the precipitous rock on the northern side, close by the temple of Aglaurus. (Herod. viii. 52, 53.) It would seem to follow from this narrative that the elaborate system of works, with its nine gates on the western side, could not have been in existence at this time. After the capture of the Acropolis, the Persians set fire to all the buildings upon it; and when they visited Athens in the following year, they destroyed whatever remained of the walls, or houses, or temples of Athens. (Herod. viii. 53, x. 93.)

The foundations of the ancient walls no doubt remained, and the name of Pelasgic continued to be applied to a part of the fortifications down to the latest times. Aristophanes (Av. 832) speaks of TYS TÓλEWS TO Пeλарyıkór, which the Scholiast explains as the "Pelargic wall on the Acropolis;" and Pausanias (i. 28. § 3) says that the Acropolis was surrounded by the Pelasgians with walls, except on the side fortified by Cimon. We have seen, however, from other authorities that the Pelasgians fortified the whole hill; and the remark of Pausanias probably only means that in his time the northern wall was called the Pelasgic, and the southern the Cimonian. (Comp. Plut. Cim. 13.) When the Athenians returned to their city after its occupation by the Persians, they commenced the restoration of the walls of the Acropolis, as well as of those of the Asty; and there can be little doubt that the northern wall had been rebuilt, when Cimon completed the southern wall twelve years after the retreat of the Persians. The restoration of the northern wall may be ascribed to Themistocles; for though called apparently the Pelasgic wall, its remains show that the greater part of it was of more recent origin. In the middle of it we find courses of masonry, formed of pieces of Doric

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columns and entablature; and as we know from Thucydides (i. 93) that the ruins of former buildings were much employed in rebuilding the walls of the Asty, we may conclude that the same was the case in rebuilding those of the Acropolis.

The Pelasgicum signified not only a portion of the walls of the Acropolis, but also a space of ground below the latter (τὸ Πελασγικὸν καλούμενον τὸ ὑπὸ τὴν Aкрónoλw, Thuc. ii. 17.) That it was not a wall is evident from the account of Thucydides, who says that an oracle had enjoined that should remain uninhabited; but that it was, notwithstanding this prohibition, built upon, in consequence of the number of people who flocked into Athens at the commencement of the Peloponnesian war. Lucian (Piscator. 47) represents a person sitting upon the wall of the Acropolis, and letting down his hook to angle for philosophers in the Pelasgicum. This spot is said to have been originally inhabited by the Pelasgians, who fortified the Acropolis, and from which they were expelled because they plotted against the Athenians. (Schol. ad Thuc. ii. 17; Philochorus, ap. Schol. ad Lucian. Catapl. 1; Paus. i. 28. § 3.) It is placed by Leake and most other authorities at the north-western angle of the Acropolis. A recent traveller remarks that "the story of the Pelasgic settlement under the north side of the Acropolis inevitably rises before us, when we see the black shade always falling upon it, as over an accursed spot, in contrast with the bright gleam of sunshine which always seems to invest the Acropolis itself; and we can imagine how naturally the gloom of the steep precipice would conspire with the remembrance of an accursed and hateful race, to make the Athenians dread the spot." (Stanley, Class. Mus. vol. i. p. 53.)

The rocks along the northern side of the Acropolis were called the Long Rocks (Maкρaí), a name under which they are frequently mentioned in the Ion of Euripides, in connection with the grotto of Pan, and the sanctuary of Aglaurus:

ἔνθα προσβόῤῥους πέτρας Παλλάδος ὑπ' ὄχθῳ τῆς ̓Αθηναίων χθονός Μακρὰς καλοῦσι γῆς ἄνακτες 'Ατθίδος. (Eurip. Ion, 11, seq.; comp. 296, 506, 953, 1413.) This name is explained by the fact that the length of the Acropolis is much greater than its width; but it might have been given with equal propriety to the rocks on the southern side. The reason why the south ern rocks had not the same name appears to have been, that the rocks on the northern side could be seen from the greater part of the Athenian plain, and from almost all the demi of Mt. Parnes; while those on the southern side were only visible from the small and more undulating district between Hymettus, the Long Walls, and the sea. In the city itself the rocks of the Acropolis were for the most part concealed from view by houses and public buildings. (Forchhammer, p. 364, seq.)

The surface of the Acropolis appears to have been divided into platforms, communicating with one another by steps. Upon these platforms stood the temples, sanctuaries, or monuments, which occupied all the summit. Before proceeding to describe the monuments of the Acropolis, it will be adviseable to give a description of the present condition of the walls, and of the recent excavations on the platform of the rock, for which we are indebted to Mr. Penrose's important work. (An Investigation of the Principles of Athenian Architecture, by F. C. Penrose; London, 1851.)

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