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compelled the Bruttians to conclude a disadvan-pleted their humiliation. They were deprived of a tageous peace. But they soon broke this treaty, great part of their territory, and the whole nation and recovered possession of Hipponium. (Diod. xxi. reduced to a state bordering on servitude: they were 3, 8; Justin. xxiii. 1.) This appears to have been not admitted like the other nations of Italy to rank the period when the Bruttian nation had reached its as allies, but were pronounced incapable of military highest pitch of power and prosperity; it was not service, and only employed to attend upon the Roman long before they had to contend with a more formi- magistrates as couriers or letter-carriers, and atdable adversary, and as early as B.C. 282 we find tendants for other purposes of a menial character. them uniting their arms with those of the Lucanians (Appian. Annib. 61; Strab. v. p. 251; Gell. N. A. and Samnites against the growing power of Rome. x. 3.) It was however some time before they were (Liv. Epit. xii.; Fast. Capit.) A few years later altogether crushed: for several years after the close they are mentioned as sending auxiliaries to the of the Second Punic War, one of the praetors was army of Pyrrhus; but after the defeat of that mon- annually sent with an army to watch over the arch, and his expulsion from Italy, they had to Bruttians: and it was evidently with the view of bear the full brunt of the war, and after repeated more fully securing their subjection that three colocampaigns and successive triumphs of the Romanies were established in their territory, two of Roman generals, C. Fabricius and L. Papirius, they were finally reduced to submission, and compelled to purchase peace by the surrender of one-half of the great forest of Sila, so valuable for its pitch and timber. (Dionys. xx. Fr. Mai and Didot; Fast. Capit.; Zonar. viii. 6.)

towns:

Their subinission however was still but imperfect; and though they remained tranquil throughout the First Punic War, the successes of Hannibal in the Second, proved too much for their fidelity, and the Bruttians were among the first to declare in favour of the Carthaginian general after the battle of Cannae. (Liv. xxii. 61.) The defection of the people did not indeed in the first instance draw with it that of the but Petelia and Consentia, which had at first held aloof, were speedily reduced by the Bruttians, assisted by a small Carthaginian force, and the more important cities of Locri and Crotona followed not long after. Rhegium alone remained firm, and was able to defy the Carthaginian arms throughout the war. (Id. xxiii. 20, 30, xxiv. 1—3.) In B.C. 215 Hanno, the lieutenant of Hannibal, after his defeat at Grumentum by Tib. Gracchus, threw himself into Bruttium, where he was soon after joined by a body of fresh troops from Carthage under Bomilcar: and from this time he made that region his stronghold, from whence he repeatedly issued to oppose the Roman generals in Lucania and Samnium, while he constantly fell back upon it as a place of safety when defeated or hard pressed by the enemy. The physical character of the country, already described, rendered it necessarily a military position of the greatest strength: and after the defeat and death of Hasdrubal Hannibal himself withdrew all his forces! into the Bruttian peninsula, where he continued to maintain his ground against the Roman generals, long after they were undisputed masters of the rest of Italy. (Id. xxvii. 51.) We have very little information concerning the operations of the four years during which Hannibal retained his position in this province: he appears to have made his headquarters for the most part in the neighbourhood of Crotona, but the name of Castra Hannibalis retained by a small town on the Gulf of Scyllacium, points to his having occupied this also as a permanent station. Meanwhile the Romans, though avoiding any decisive engagement, were continually gaining ground on bin by the successive reduction of towns and fortresses, so that very few of these remained in the hands of the Carthaginian general, when he was finally recalled from Italy.

The ravages of so many successive campaigns must have already inflicted a severe blow upon the prosperity of Bruttium: the measures adopted by the Romans to punish them for their rebellion coin

citizens at Tempsa and Crotona, and a third with Latin rights at Hipponium, to which the name of Vibo Valentia was now given. A fourth was at the same time settled at Thurii on their immediate frontier. (Liv. xxxiv. 45, xxxv. 40.)

From this time the Bruttians as a people disappear from history: but their country again became the theatre of war during the revolt of Spartacus, who after his first defeats by Crassus, took refuge in the southernmost portion of Bruttium (called by Plutarch the Rhegian peninsula), in which the Roman general sought to confine him by drawing lines of intrenchment across the isthmus from sea to sea. The insurgent leader however forced his way through, and again carried the war into the heart of Lucania. (Plut. Crass. 10, 11; Flor. iii. 20.) During the Civil Wars the coasts of Bruttium were repeatedly laid waste by the fleets of Sextus Pompeius, and witnessed several conflicts between the latter and those of Octavian, who had established the headquarters both of his army and navy at Vibo. (Appian, B. C. iv. 86, v. 19, 91, 103, &c.) Strabo speaks of the whole province as reduced in his time to a state of complete decay. (vi. p. 253.) It was included by Augustus in the Third Region, together with Lucania; and the two provinces appear to have continued united for most administrative purposes until the fall of the Roman empire, and were governed conjointly by a magistrate termed a "Corrector." The Liber Coloniarum however treats of the "Provincia Bruttiorum" as distinct from that of Lucania. (Piin. iii. 5. s. 10; Not. Dign. ii. 18. p. 64; Orell. Inscr. 1074, 1187; Lib. Colon. p. 209.)

After the fall of the Western Empire Bruttium passed with the rest of Italy under the dominion of the Goths: but was reconquered by the generals of Justinian, and continued from thenceforth subject to the Byzantine emperors till the 11th century. It was during this interval that a singular change took place in its name. During the greater part of this period it appears that Bruttium and a sinall part of the Calabrian peninsula were all that remained to the Greek emperors in Italy, and that the name of Calabria came to be gradually applied to the two provinces thus united under their government. But when they eventually lost their possessions in the eastern peninsula, the name of Calabria, which had originally belonged to that only, came to be used on the contrary to designate exclusively the Bruttian peninsula, which has in consequence retained to the present day the name of Calabria. It is impossible to trace exactly the progress, or determine the period of this change: but it appears to have been completely established before the provinces in question were finally wrested from the Greek Empire by the

Normans, who assumed the titles of Dukes of Apulia and Calabria, meaning by the latter the ancient Bruttium, and including the Calabria of the Romans under the title of Apulia. [CALABRIA] There was hardly any province of Italy, which was more deeply imbued with Greek influences than Bruttium. The Greek colonies around its coasts left the impress not only of their manners and civilization, but of their language; and even in the time of Ennins, the two languages current in the peninsula were Greek and Oscan. (Fest. v. Brutates.) The long continuance of the Byzantine power in these regions must have tended to preserve and renew this element: but it is probable that the traces of Greek language, and especially the Greek names, such as Pagliopoli, Ieropotamo, &c., which have been preserved down to modern times, are due to fresh colonies of Albanian Greeks introduced by the Neapolitan kings in the fifteenth century and have not been transmitted, as supposed by Niebuhr, without interruption from the colonists of Magna Graecia. (Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 62; Swinburne's Travels, vol. i. p. 348-353; K. Craven's Travels, p. 312.)

The rivers of Bruttium are, as already observed, mostly but inconsiderable streams, mere mountain torrents having but a short course from the central ranges of the Apennines to the sea. Those of which the ancient names are preserved to us are here enumerated. Beginning from the LAUS (Lao), which separated Bruttium from Lucania, and proceeding along the coast of the Tyrrhenian Sea, we find: 1. the "Batum flumen" of Pliny, a very small stream, still called the Bato, the mouth of which is only about a mile S. of that of the Lao: 2. the SABATUS of the Itineraries (Itin. Ant. pp. 105, 110) placed by them S. of Consentia, is evidently the Savuto, a considerable stream, which rises in the mountains S. of Cosenza, and enters the sea about 7 miles S. of the modern Amantea. This is identified by most m dera topographers with the river called OCINARUS (Okivapos) by Lycophron (Alex. 729, 1009), on the banks of which was situated the city of Terina [TERINA]: 3. the Lamato, another considerable stream which rises in the same group of mountains, but has a more circuitous course, and falls into the Terinaean Gulf, about 16 miles S. of the Savuto, was called by the Greeks the LAMETUs, and gave name to the neighbouring town of Lametini (Steph. B. s. v. Aauntîvol). 4. The ANGITULA of the Tabula, is a small stream called Angitola, about 6 miles S. of the preceding. 5. The MEDMA, OF MESMA, which gave name to the city on its banks, is still called the Mesima, a stream of some importance, flowing into the Gulf of Gioja: 6. the Metaurus of Pliny, now called the Marro, about 7 miles S. of the Mesima. 7. The CRATAEIS (Plin. l. c.), supposed to derive its name from the mother of Scylla (Hom. Od. xii. 124) is considered to be the F. di Solano, a small stream which flows between the rock of Scilla and the town of Bagnara. After passing the Straits of Messana no stream of any note is found till after rounding the headland of Leucopetra, when we come to (8) the HALEX, still called Alice, which was for a long time the boundary between the territories of Locri and Rhegium. [HALEX.] 9. The CAECINUS of Thucydides (iii. 103) has been identified with the F. Piscopio, about 5 miles E. of the preceding. 10. The BuTHROTUS, mentioned by Livy (xxix. 7) as a river not far from the walls of Locri, is probably the modern F. Novito, which enters the sea about 3

miles from Gerace. [LOCRI.] 11. The LUCANUS (Aoúkavos) of Ptolemy, still called the Locomo, a few miles from the preceding. 12. The SAGRAS, a much more celebrated stream, memorable for the great defeat of the Crotoniats on its banks, bat which there is great difficulty in identifying with certainty: it is probably the Alaro. [SAGRAS] 13. The HELORUS, or HELLEFORUS, celebrated for the defeat of the combined forces of the Italiot Greeks by the elder Dionysius, B. c. 389, was probably the Callipari, a small stream about 14 miles N. of the Capo di Stilo. 14. The Ancinale, a more considerable stream, about 6 miles N. of the preceding, flowing into the Gulf of Squillace, may probably be the CARCINES, or CARCINUS of Pliny and Mela. (Plin. iii. 15.) 15. In the same passagə Pliny speaks of four other navigable rivers as flowing into the same gulf, to which he gives the names of CROTALUS, SEMIRUS, AROCHAS, and TARGINES: the similarity of names, and order of occurrence, enable us to identify these, with tolerable certainty, as the streams now called respectively the Corace, Simmari, Crocchio, and Tacina, though none of them certainly deserves to be called navigable. 16. The AESARUS, on the banks of which stood the celebrated city of Crotona, is still called the Esaro. 17. About 9 miles further N. is the mouth of the NEAETHUS, still called Neto, which is, next to the Crathis, the most considerable river of Bruttiuin. [NEAETHUS.] 18. The HYLIAS mentioned by Thucydides (vii. 35) as the limit between the territories of Crotona and Thurii, is probably the Fiumenicà, a small stream about 8 miles W. of the Capo dell' Alice. 19. The TRAENS, or TRAIS, celebrated for the bloody defeat of the Sybarites on its banks, is probably the Trionto. 20. The CRATHIS, as already mentioned, formed at its mouth the boundary between Lucania and Bruttium, though by far the greater part of its course belonged to the latter.

Although Bruttium is throughout almost its whole extent a mountainous country, few names or designations of particular heights have been preserved to us. The name of Sila, given in modern times to the great outlying mass of mountains between Consentia and Crotona, appears to have been applied by the ancients more especially to the southern mass, now called Aspromonte: as both Strabo and Pliny place it in the immediate neighbourhood of Locri and Rhegium. (Strab. vi. p. 261; Plin. iii. 5. s. 10.) Probably the name (which is evidently only another form of silva, or dλn, the forest) was at first applied indiscriminately to all the Apennines in this part of Italy. These are not, like those of Lucania and Central Italy, of calcareous character, but are composed for the most part of granite and other primary rocks, though bordered on each side by a band of tertiary strata, which give rise to the more fertile hills and vallies on the coasts. The Mons Clibanus of Pliny, and the Latymnius of Theoeritus (Aarúμviov opos, Id. iv. 17), appear to have been both of them situated in the neighbourhood of Crotona, but cannot be identified with any certainty.

The only islands on the coasts of Bruttium are mere rocks, utterly unworthy of notice, were it not for the traditions by which they were connected with the mythological legends of the Greeks. Thus a barren rocky islet off Cape Lacinium was identified with the island of Calypso, the OGYGIA of Homer (Plin. iii. 10. s. 15): two equally insignificant rocks

opposite to Hipponium were called the ITHACESIAE INSULAE, from a fancied connexion with Ulysses (Id. 7. s. 13); and a rock near Terina (supposed to be the one now called Pietra della Nave) was called LIGEA, from the name of one of the Sirens, who was cast ashore there. (Solin. 2. § 9; Lycophr. Alex. 726.)

On the W. coast we find mention of some ports, which appear to have been in use as such in the time of Pliny and Strabo, without any towns having grown up adjoining them. Of these are the Portus Parthenius, placed by Pliny (iii. 5. s. 10) between the Laus and Clampetia, but the position of which cannot be determined with more accuracy: the Portus Herculis (Plin. ib.; Strab. vi. p. 256) between Hipponium and Medma, probably Tropea: the Portus Orestis (Plin. l. c.) apparently in the neighbourhood of the Metaurus, and the Portus Balarus noticed by Appian (B. C. iv. 85) as situated in the neighbourhood of the Sicilian Strait, probably the modern Bagnara.

The principal ancient line of road through Bruttium passed down the centre of the peninsula, following nearly the same line with the modern high road from Naples to Reggio. It is considered in the Itineraries as a branch of the Appian Way (Itin. Ant. p. 106), but it was probably known originally as the Via Popillia, as an inscription has preserved to us the fact that it was originally constructed by C. Popillius. It proceeded from Muranum (Murano) in Lucania to Caprasia (probably Tarsia), ascended the valley of the Crathis to Consentia, thence descended into the plain of the Lametus, and passed through Vibo Valentia, and from thence fol

Rhegium. Another line of road preserved to us by the same authority (Itin. Ant. p 114) proceeded from Thurii along the E. coast by Roscianum and Paternum to Syllacium, leaving Crotona on the left, and thence round the coast to Rhegium. It was probably this line which, as we learn from another inscription, was constructed under the emperor Trajan at the same time with the road through the Sallentine peninsula. A third, given only in the Tabula, and probably the least frequented of all, led from Blanda in Lucania down the W. coast of Bruttium, keeping close to the Tyrrhenian sea, as far as Vibo Valentia, where it joined the road first described.

The Greek colonies around the coasts of Bruttium have been already enumerated. Besides these we find the following cities and towns mentioned by ancient historians and geographers. On the coast of the Tyrrhenian Sea, proceeding from the mouth of the Laus towards the Sicilian Strait, were CERILLI, CLAMPETIA, TEMPSA and NUCERIA, LAMETIUM and NAPETIUM, on the Terinaean Gulf, METAURUM at the mouth of the river of the same name, and SCYLLAEUM on the rock or headland of Scylla. On the E. coast were, MYSTIA near the promontory of Cocinthus, CASTRA HANNIBALIS on the Scyllacian Gulf, PETELIA a few miles inland near the mouth of the Neaethus, and CRIMISA near the promontory of the same name. The chief towns of the interior were CONSENTIA, which was at one time the capital of the Bruttian nation, PANDOSIA and APRUSTUM the same neighbourhood; MAMERTIUM in the southern peninsula, and TISIA. Besides these a number of small towns are mentioned by Livy (xxx. 19) during the operations of the Romans in Brut-lowed with little deviation the W. coast as far as tium towards the close of the Second Punic War, the names of which are otherwise wholly unknown. He himself calls them "ignobiles populi." Of these, Argentanum is probably a place still called Argentina near Montalto, and Besidiae, the modern Bisignano (Besidianum), but the other four, Uffugum, Vergae, Hetriculum, and Sypheum cannot be identified, the localities assigned to them by local antiquarians being purely conjectural. (Holsten. Not. in Cluv. p. 307; Barrius, de Sit. Calabr. ii. 5; Romanelli, vol. i. p. 114.) Equally uncertain are several towns mentioned by Stephanus of Byzantium and by Lycophron, and placed by them among inland towns of the Oenotrians. To this class belong MACALLA, CHONE, Badiza, Ixias, Brystacia, Ariantha or Arintha, Cyterium, Menecina, Ninaea, Erimon, and Sestium. Almost all these names are quoted by Stephanus from Hecataeus, who wrote at a time when the flourishing Greek colonies on the coast naturally led to more frequent intercourse with the petty Oenotrian towns of the interior. In later times they had either disappeared or undergone a change of name. Siberena mentioned only by the same author (v. Z‹sephvn) is supposed with some plausibility to be the modern Sta Severina, a place of some importance as a fortress during the middle ages, and Taurania (Tauparía) is probably the Taurianum of the Itineraries, which must be placed on the river Metaurus. On the other hand, we find in the Itineraries mention of some towns which had probably grown up at a comparatively late period: such are, Caprasia, probably Tarsia on the Crathis, Roscianum (Rossano), which we are expressly told by Procopius (B. G. iii. 28) was a fortress constructed by the Romans; Paternum, near the headland of Crimisa; and on the other side of the peninsula Nicotera (which still retains its name) a few miles N. of the river Mesima. But the greater part of the stations recorded by the Itineraries in this part of Italy are utterly obscure, and were probably mere mutationes, places where relays of horses were kept; the paucity of towns showing the decayed condition of the country.

The modern provinces of Calabria have been less explored by recent travellers than any other part of Italy, and their topography is still but very imperfectly known. None of the ancient cities which formerly adorned their shores have left any striking monuments of their former magnificence, and even the site of some of them has never yet been determined. The travels of Swinburne and Keppel Craven give a good account of the physical cha racters and present condition of the country; but throw very little light upon its ancient topography, and the local writers who have treated expressly of this subject are deserving of little confidence. The principal of these is Barrio, whose work, De Antiquitate et Situ Calabriae (Roma. 1571, 8vo.), was republished in 1737 with copious illustrations and corrections by Tommaso Aceti. The original work is inserted in Burmann's Thesaurus Antiquitatum Italiae, vol. ix. part 5. In the more comprehensive

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work of Romanelli (the Antica Topografia Istorica del Regno di Napoli, Naples, 1815) the author has followed almost exclusively the authority of Barrio and his commentators. There is no doubt that a careful examination of the localities themselves by a well-informed and enterprising traveller would add greatly to our knowledge of their ancient geography and condition. [E. H. B.]

BRUTTIUM. [BRUTTII.] BRUZUS, probably in Phrygia. Cramer (Asia Minor, vol. ii. p. 55) refers to this place a coin with the epigraph Booυ(ŋvæv, and he supposes that Druzon, which Ptolemy places among the cities of Phrygia Magna, should be Bruzon. [G. L.] BRYA'NIUM (Bpuáviov), a town of Macedonia, in the district Deuriopus in Paeonia. Stephanus erroneously calls it a town of Epirus. (Liv. xxxi. 39; Strab. vii. p. 327; Steph. B. s. v.; Leake, Northern Greece, vol. iii. p. 307.)

BRYGI (Bpuyo), called BRIGES (Bpíyes) by the Macedonians, a Thracian people dwelling in Macedonia, north of Beroea in the neighbourhood of Mt. Bermius. They attacked the army of Mardonius, when he was marching through Macedonia into Greece in B. C. 492. (Herod. vi. 45, vii. 73, 185; Strab. vii. pp. 295, 330; Steph. B. s. v. Bpiyes.) It was generally believed that a portion of this Thracian people emigrated to Asia Minor, where they were known under the name of Phrygians. (Herod. vii. 73; Strab. ll. cc.) [PHRYGIA.] Stephanus mentions two Macedonian towns, Brygias (Bouyías) and Brygium (Bpuyor), which were apparently situated in the territory of the Brygi.

Some of the Brygi were also settled in Illyricum, where they dwelt apparently north of Epidamnus. Strabo assigns to them a town Cydriae. (Strab. vii. pp. 326, 327; Appian, B. C. ii. 39.)

BRY'LLION (Bpúλλiov: Eth. Вpuλλavós; Steph. 8. v.), a city on the Propontis in Bithynia. Stephanus reports that it was Cius, according to Ephorus, by which he probably means that Bryllium was the old name of Cius. There was a district Bryllis which contained the small town of Dascyleium. Piiny (v. 32) mentions Bryllium, which he evidently takes to be a different place from Cius, but near to it. [G. L.]

BRYSEAE (Bouoeial, Hom. Il. ii. 583; Bpurea, Paus. iii. 20. § 3; Bpvoiaí, Steph. B. s. v.), a town of Laconia, SW. of Sparta, at the foot of the ordinary exit from Mt. Taygetus. Its name occurs in Homer, but it had dwindled down to a small village in the time of Pausanias, who mentions, however, a temple of Dionysus at the place, into which women alone were permitted to enter, and of which they performed the sacred rites. Leake discovered the site of Bryseae at the village of Sinánbey near Sklavokhóri. He remarks that the marble from Sklavokhóri, which was presented by the Earl of Aberdeen to the British Museum, probably came from the above-mentioned temple at Bryseae: it bears the name of two priestesses, and represents various articles of female apparel. Leake found another marble at Sinánbey, which is also in the British Museum. (Leake, Morea, vol. i. p. 187, Peloponnesiaca, pp. 163, 166.)

BUANA (Bováva, Ptol. v. 13. § 21), a city of Armenia, about the site of which there has been considerable difference of opinion. Rawlinson (Lond. Geog. Journ. vol. x. p. 90) considers that the great city of Salban, with the capture of which the second campaign of Heraclius terminated (Theophanes,

p. 260; comp. Milman's Gibbon, vol. viii. p. 245; Le Beau, Bas Empire, vol. xi. p. 186), is the same word which is written Buana by Ptolemy, and Iban by Cedrenus (ii. p. 774). Sál is evidently the Kurdish Shál or Shar (for the land are constantly confounded), signifying a city, and Salban thus becomes the city of Van. According to this view, the second campaign of Heraclius, in which Gibbon supposes him to have penetrated into the heart of Persia, must be confined to the countries bordering on the Araxes. D'Anville, who has illustrated the campaign of Heraclius (Mém. de l'Acad. vol. xxviii. pp. 559-573), has not attempted to fix a site for Salban, and finds in Artemita [ARTEMITA] the ancient representative of Ván. [E. B. J.]

BUBALIA. [BUDALIA.] BUBASSUS (Βυβασσός : Εth. Βυβάσσιος), ο town in Caria. Ephorus, according to Stephanus, wrote Βύβαστον and Βυβάστιον; and Diodorus (v. 62) means the same place, when he calls it Bubastus of the Chersonesus. Pliny (v. 28) has a "regio Bubassus;" and he adds, " there was a town Acanthus, otherwise called Dulopolis." He places the "regio Bubassus" next to Triopia, the district of Triopium. Finally, Mela mentions a Bubassius Sinus (i. 16). The Bubassia Chersonesus is mentioned by Herodotus (i. 174, where the MS. reading is Bʊ6λeσins, but there is no doubt that it has been properly corrected Bubaσains). Herodotus tells a story of the Cnidians attempting to cut a canal through a narrow neck of land for the purpose of insulating their peninsula, and protecting themselves against the Persians; they were at the work while Harpagus was conquering Ionia. The isthmus where they made the attempt was five stadia wide, and rocky. This place cannot be the isthmus which connects the mainland with the high peninsula, now called Cape Krio, for it is sandy, and Strabo says that Cape Krio (p. 656) was once an island, but in his time was connected with the land by a causeway. Besides this, the chief part of the city of Cnidos was on the mainland, as Beaufort observes (Karamania, p. 81), though we cannot be sure that this was so in the time of Harpagus. The passage in Herodotus is somewhat obscure, but mainly because it is ill pointed. His description is in his usually diffuse, hardly grammatical, form. Herodotus says, "Both other Hellenes inhabit this country (Caria) and Lacedaemonian colonists, Cnidians, their territory being turned to the sea (the name is Triopium), and commencing from the Chersonesus Bubassie, and all the Cnidia being surrounded by the sea, except a small part (for on the north it is bounded by the Gulf Ceramicus, and on the south by the sea in the direction of Syme and Rhodus); now at this small part, being about five stadia, the Cnidians were working to dig a canal." It is clear, then, that he means a narrow neck some distance east of the town of Cnidus. "It is now ascertained, by Captain Graves' survey of the coast, that the isthmus which the Cnidians attempted to dig through is near the head of the Gulf of Syme." (Hamilton, Researches, fc. vol. ii. p. 78.) The writer of this article has not seen Captain Graves' survey. Mr. Brooke, in his Remarks on the Island and Gulf of Syme (London Geog. Journal, vol. viii. p. 134), places the spot where the canal was attempted N. by W. from Syme, "where the land sinks into a bay." It is very narrow, but he had not the opportunity of measuring it. He adds, "The Triopian peninsula

native Egyptians and foreigners. The ruins of TelBastak, or the " Hills of Bustak," attest the original magnificence of the city. The entire circuit of the walls is, according to Hamilton (p 367) not less than three miles in extent. Within the principal inclosure, where there has been the greatest accumulation of the ruins of successive edifices, is a large pile of granite-blocks which appear, from their forms and sculptures, to have belonged to numerous obelisks and gigantic propyla. The mounds which encompassed the ancient city were originally begun by Sesostris and completed by the Aethiopian invader Sabakos, who employed criminals upon these and similar works. (Herod. ii. 137.) The mounds were intended to redeem and rescue the site of the city, and possibly its gardens and groves, from the inun

met the Bubassian or Bybessian peninsula, and at the junction was the proposed cut of the Cnidians. Nothing can agree better with our observations." This expresses the meaning of Herodotus, who says that all the territory of the Cnidians is called Triopium, and that it begins from the Chersonesus Bubassia; the plain meaning of which is that, where the Bubassie ends, the Triopium begins and runs westward to Cnidus. The Bubassie is therefore different from the Triopium, and it is a peninsula between the Triopium or Triopia and the main land. Captain Graves (London Geog. Journal, vol. viii. p. 428) says, "At about 2 miles to the northward of this (Gothic Island of Mr. Brook), at the head of a narrow creek, on each side of which are high and precipitous cliffs, is, I believe, the narrow isthmus forming the ancient Triopian pro-dations of the Nile. From the general aspect of the montory. We levelled it across and made a plan of the interesting locality, which agrees well with ancient authorities, and in no place do the gulfs approach so near each other, although at Dahtchak a bay on the north shore nearer to Cape Krio, there is no great distance." Mr. Brooke seems to mean the more western of these narrow necks. One of the two is certainly the place meant by Herodotus, and it seems to be the neck at the head of the Gulf of Syme, as the words of Herodotus indeed show. At the head of this gulf then is the Bubassius Sinus, a small bay, and the town of Acanthus; and the Bubassie is further east. [G. L.]

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ruins, and from the description given of it by Herodotus (ii. 138), they appear to have been raised concentrically around the temples of Pasht and Hermes, so that the whole place resembled the interior of an inverted cone. The only permanent buildings in Bubastis seem to have been the temples and the granite walls and corridors. The private houses were probably little better or more solid than the huts of the Fellahs, or labourers of the present day.

witness. (Herod. ii. 59, 60.)

Temples there are more spacious and costlier than that of Bubastis, but none so pleasant to behold. It is after the following fashion. Except at the entrance, it is surrounded by water: for two canals branch off from the river, and run as far as the entrance to the temple: yet neither canal mingles with the other, but one runs on this side, and the other on that. Each canal is a hundred feet wide, and its banks are lined with trees. The propylaea are sixty feet in height, and are adorned with sculptures (probably intaglios in relief) nine feet high, and of excellent workmanship. The Temple being in the middle of the city is looked down upon from all sides as you walk around; and this comes from the city having been raised, whereas the temple itself has not been moved, but remains in its original place. Quite round the temple there goes a wall, adorned with sculptures. Within the inclosure is a grove of fair tall trees, planted around a large building in which is the effigy (of Pasht). The form of that temple is square, each side being a stadium in length. In a line with the entrance is a road built of stone about three stadia long, leading eastwards through the public market. The road is about 400 feet broad, and is flanked by exceeding tall trees. It leads to the temple of Hermes.

The following is the description which Herodotus gives of Bubastis, as it appeared shortly after the period of the Persian invasion, B. C. 525, and Mr. BUBASTIS, or BUBASTUS (Boúbaoтis, Herod. Hamilton remarks that the plan of the ruins reii. 59, 137; Boubaσтos, Strab. xvii. p. 805; Diod.markably warrants the accuracy of this historical eyexvi. 51; Plin. v. 9. s. 9; Ptol. iv. 5. § 52), the PHIBESETH of the O. T. (Ezek. xxx 17), and the modern Tel-Bustak, was the capital of the nome Bubastites in the Delta, and was situated SW. of Tanis, upon the eastern side of the Pelusiac branch of the Nile. The nome and city of Bubastis were allotted to the Calasirian division of the Egyptian war-caste, and sacred to the goddess Pasht, whom the Greeks called Bubastis, and identified with Artemis. The cat was the sacred and peculiar animal of Pasht, who is represented with the head of that animal or of its nobler congener the lion, and frequently accompanies the deity Phtali in monumental inscriptions. The tombs at Bubastis were accordingly the principal depository in Egypt of the mummies of the cat. The 22nd dynasty of Egyptian monarchs consisted of nine, or, according to Eusebius (Chronic.) of three Bubastite kings, and during their reigns the city was one of the most considerable places in the Delta. Immediately to the S. of Bubastis were the allotments of land with which Psammitichus rewarded the services of his Ionian and Carian mercenaries (Herod. ii. 154); and on the northern side of the city commenced the Great Canal which Pharaoh Neco constructed between the Nile and the Red Sea. (Herod. ii. 158.) In B. C. 352, Bubastis was taken by the Persians, and its walls were then dismantled. (Diod. xvi. 51). From this period it gradually declined, although it appears in ecclesiastical annals among the episcopal sees of the province Augustamnica Secunda. Bubastite coins of the age of Hadrian exist. The most distinguished features of the city and nome of Bubastis were its oracle of Pasht, the splendid temple of that goddess and the annual procession in honour of her. The oracle gained in popularity and importance after the influx of Greek settlers into the Delta, since the identification of Pasht with Artemis attracted to her shrine both

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The festival of Bubastis was the most joyous and gorgeous of all in the Egyptian calendar. Barges and river craft of every description, filled with men and women, floated leisurely down the Nile. The men played on pipes of lotus, the women on cymbals and tambourines, and such as had no instruments accompanied the music with clapping of hands and dances, and other joyous gestures. Thus did they while on the river: but when they came to a town on its banks, the barges were made fast, and the pilgrims disembarked, and the women sang and playfully mocked the women of that town. And

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