road from Smyrna to Constantinople. The place | was probably a Caesarea, but it is not within the limits of Bithynia. (Leake, Asia Minor, p. 271, and map.)

the place where "the door of faith was first opened to the Gentiles," is still marked by extensive ruins, situated where Josephus would teach us to look for them, halfway between Dora (Tantura) and Joppa (Jaffa),-retaining, in an Arabic form, the Greek name given it by Herod. The line of wall and the dry ditch of the Crusaders' town may be clearly traced along their whole extent; but the ancient city was more extensive, and faint traces of its walls may be still recovered in parts. The ruins have served as a quarry for many generations, and the houses and fortifications of Jaffa, Acre, Sidon, and even of Beirout, have been built or repaired with stones from this ancient site. Enough, however, still remains to attest the fidelity of the Jewish historian, and to witness its former magnificence, especially in the massive fragments of its towers and the substructions of its mole, over which may now be seen the prostrate columns of the pillars, which once formed the portico of its terraced walk. (See Traill's Josephus, vol. i. p. 49, &c.) Conspicuous in the midst of the ruins, on a levelled platform, are the substructions of the Cathedral of the Crusaders, which doubtless occupied the site of the Pagan temple described by Josephus. [G. W.] CAESAREIA MAURETANIAE. [lov] CAESAREIA PHILIPPI. [PANEAS.] CAESAREIA, DIO [SEPPHORIS.] CAESARODU'NUM (Kaιoapódouvav,

3. AD ANAZARBUM. [ANAZARBUS.] [G.L.] 4. A maritime city of Palestine, founded by Herod the Great, and named Caesareia in honour of Caesar Augustus. Its site was formerly occupied by a town named Turris Stratonis, which, when enlarged and adorned with white marble palaces and other buildings, was not unworthy of the august name that was conferred upon it. Chief among its wonders was the harbour, constructed where before there had been only an open roadstead on a dangerous coast. It was in size equal to the renowned Peiraeeus, and was secured against the prevalent south-west winds by a mole or breakwater of massive construction, formed of blocks of stone of more than 50 feet in length, by 18 in width, and 9 in thickness, sunk in water 20 fathoms deep. It was 200 feet in length, one half of which was exposed to the violence of the waves. The remainder was adorned with towers at certain intervals, and laid out in vaults which formed hostelries for the sailors, in front of which was a terrace walk commanding a view of the whole harbour, and forming an agreeable promenade. The entrance to the harbour was on the north. The city constructed of polished stone encircled the harbour. It was fur-Tours), the chief town of the Turones or Turoni, a nished with an agora, a praetorium, and other public buildings; and conspicuous on a mound in the midst, rose a temple of Caesar, with statues of the emperor and of the imperial city. A rock-hewn theatre, and a spacious circus on the south of the harbour, commanding a fine sea view, completed the adornment of this pagan monument of Herod's temporising character, on which he had spent twelve years of zealous and uninterrupted exertion, and enormous sums of money. (Joseph. Ant. xv. 10. § 6, B. J. i. 21. §§ 5-7.)

These great works, but especially its commodious harbour, soon raised Caesareia to the dignity of a metropolis ("caput Palaestinae," Tacit. Hist. ii. 79), and it is so recognised, not only in the early annals of the Christian Church, but in the civil history of that period. It was the principal seat of government to the Roman praefects and to the titular kings of Judaea, and the chief part of its inhabitants were Syrians, although there was now a Jewish community found there, which had not been the case at an earlier period of its history as Strato's Tower. (Ant. XX. 7. §§ 7, 9.)

Ptol..

Celtic people in the basin of the Loire. Caesar
mentions the Turones, but names no town. It is
first mentioned by Ptolemy; and the same name,
Caesarodunum, occurs in the Table; but it is called
in the Notitia of the provinces of Gallia “civitas
Turonorum," whence the modern name of Tours.
The identity of Caesarodunum and Tours is proved
by the four roads to this place from Bourges, Poitiers,
Orléans, and Angers. The modern town is on the
south bank of the Loire, and the ancient town seems
to have been on the same site, though this opinion
is not universally received. There are no Roman
remains at Tours, except, it is said, some fragments
of the ancient walls.
[G. L.]

CAESARO'MAGUS (Kaισapóμayos, Ptol.: Beau
vais), the capital of the Belgic people, the Bellovaci.
Its position at Beauvais agrees with the determina-
tions of the Antonine Itin. and the Table. In the
Notitia of the Gallic provinces the "civitas Bellova-
corum" belongs to Belgica Secunda. In the middle
ages the name was Belvacus or Belvacum, whence,
by an ordinary corruption in the French language,
comes Beauvais. As to its identity with Bratus-
pantium, see that article.
[G. L.]

Its name underwent another change, and Pliny (v. 14) happily identifies the three names with the CAESARO MAGUS, in Britain, is, in the fifth one site. "Stratonis turris, eadem Caesarea, ab Itinerary, the first station from London (from which Herode rege condita: nunc colonia prima Flavia, a it is distant 28 miles) on the road to Luguballium Vespasiano Imperatore deducta." But it still re-(Carlisle), viâ Colonia (Colchester or Maldon). tained its ancient name and title in the Ecclesiastical Writtle, near Chelmsford, about 25 miles from Lonrecords, as the metropolitan see of the First Pales-don, best coincides with this measurement. In the tine; and was conspicuous for the constancy of its martyrs and confessors in the various persecutions of the Church, but especially in the last. (Euseb. H. E. viii. sub fin.) It is noted also as the see of the Father of Ecclesiastical History, and the principal seat of his valuable literary labours.

It was a place of considerable importance during the occupation of the Holy Land by the Crusaders, as one stronghold along the line of coast, and it shared the various fortunes of the combatants with out materially affecting them.

This once famous site, principally interesting as

ninth Itinerary, the same Caesaromagus, 12 miles
from Canonium, is 16 from Durolitum, which is
itself 15 from London,-in all 31. This indicates a
second road. Further remarks upon this subject
are made under COLONIA.
[R. G. L.]

CAESE'NA (Καίσηνα, Strab. ; Καίσαινα, Ptol. : Eth. Caesenas, atis: Cesena), a considerable town of Gallia Cispadana, situated on the Via Aemilia, 20 miles from Ariminum, and on the right bank of the small river Sapis (Savio). (Strab. v. p. 216; Plin. iii. 1.5. s. 20; Ptol. iii. 1. § 46; Itin. Ant. pp. 100, 126.) An incidental mention of its name in Cicero

Pius, 8, M. Ant. 19.) The ruins
of their palace
are said to be still known by the name of Il Faus-
tignano. Besides these, there are extant at Gaëta
the remains of a temple supposed to have been dedi
cated to Serapis, and those of an aqueduct. But the
most interesting monument of antiquity remaining
there is the sepulchre of L. Munatius Plancus, a
circular structure much resembling the tomb of
Caecilia Metella near Rome, which crowns the sum-
mit of one of the two rocky hills that constitute the
headland of Gaëta, and is vulgarly known as the
Torre d Orlando. It is in excellent preservation,
and retains its inscription uninjured. (Romanelli,
vol. iii. p. 425; Hoare's Classical Tour, vol. i. pp.
125-127.) The inscription is given by Orelli (590).
From extant vestiges it appears that a branch of the
Appian Way quitted the main line of that road near
Formiae, and led from thence to Caieta. [E. H. B.]
CAÏNAS (Kaïvás: Cane), a navigable river
of India intra Gangem, falling into the Ganges
from the south, according to Arrian (Ind. 4) and.
Pliny (vi. 17. s. 21), though it really falls into the
Jumna.

[P. S.] CALABRIA (Kaλa6pía) was the name given by the Romans to the peninsula which forms the SE. promontory, or, as it has been frequently called, the heel of Italy, the same which was termed by the Greeks MESSAPIA or IAPYGIA. The use of these appellations seems indeed to have been sufficiently vague and fluctuating. But, on the whole, it may be remarked that the name of Iapygia, - which appears to have been the one first known among the Greeks, and probably in early times the only one,— was applied by them not only to the peninsula itself, but to the whole SE. portion of Italy, from the frontiers of Lucania to the promontory of Garganus, thus including the greater part of Apulia, as well as Calabria. (Scyl. § 14, p. 170; Pol. iii. 88.) Herodotus appears to have certainly considered Apulia as part of Ïapygia (iv. 99), but has no distinguishing name for the peninsula itself. Neither he nor Thucydides ever use Messapia for the name of the country, but they both mention the Messapians, as a tribe or nation of the native inhabitants, to whom they apply the general name of Iapygians (yes Meσoάwiol, Her. vii. 170; Thuc. vii. 33). Polybius and Strabo, on the contrary, use Messapia for the peninsula only, as distinguished from the adjoining countries; but the former reckons it a part of lapygia, while the latter, who employs the Roman name of Apulia for the land of the Peucetians and Daunians, considers Iapygia and Messapia as synonymous. (Pol. iii. 88; Strab. vi. pp. 277, 282.) Antiochus of Syracuse also, as cited by Strabo (p. 279), as well as the pretended oracle introduced by him in his narrative, speaks of Iapygians as dwelling in the neighbourhood of Tarentum. At a later period we find the inhabitants of this district divided into two tribes; the SALLENTINI, who occupied the country near the Iapygian Promontory, and from thence along the southern coast of the peninsula towards Tarentum; and the CALABRI, who appear to have been certainly identical with the Messapians of the Greeks, and are mentioned by that name on the first occasion in which they appear in Roman history. (Fast. Capit. ap. Gruter. p. 297.) They inhabited the northern half and interior of the peninsula, extending to the confines of the Peucetians, and were evidently the most powerful of the two tribes, on which account the name of Calabria came to be gradually adopted by the Romans as the appellation

of the whole district, in the same manner as that of Messapia was by the Greeks. This usage was firmly established before the days of Augustus. (Liv. xxiii. 34, xlii. 48. Mela, ii. 4; Strab. vi. p. 282; Hor. Carm. i. 31. 5.)

Calabria as thus defined was limited on the west by a line drawn from sea to sea, beginning on the Gulf of Tarentum a little to the W. of that city, and stretching across the peninsula to the coast of the Adriatic between Egnatia and Brundusium. (Strab. vi. p. 277.) It thus comprised nearly the same extent with the modern province called Terra di Otranto. But the boundary, not being defined by any natural features, cannot be fixed with precision, and probably for administrative purposes varied at different times. Thus we find Frontinus including in the Provincia Calabriae" several cities of the Peucetians which would, according to the above line of demarcation, belong to Apulia, and appear, in fact, to have been commonly so reckoned. (Lib. Colon. p. 261; and see APULIA, p. 164.) The same remark applies to Pliny's list of the "Calabrorum mediterranei" (iii. 11. s. 16), and it is indeed probable that the Calabri or Messapians originally extended further to the W. than the arbitrary limit thus fixed by geographers. Strabo appears to have considered the isthmus (as he calls it) between Brundusium and Tarentum as much more strongly marked by nature than it really is; he states its breadth at 310 stadia, which is less than the true distance between the two cities, but considerably more than the actual breadth, if measured in a direct line from sea to sea; which does not exceed 25 G. miles or 250 stadia. This is, however, but little inferior to the average breadth of the province, which would indeed be more properly termed a great promontory than a peninsula strictly so called. The whole space comprised between this boundary line on the W. and the lapygian promontory is very uniform in its physical characters. It contains no mountains, and scarcely any hills of considerable elevation; the range of rugged and hilly country which traverses the southern part of Apulia only occupying a small tract in the extreme NW. of Calabria, about the modern towns of Ostuni and Ceglie. From hence to the Iapygian Promontory (the Capo di Leuca) there is not a single eminence of any consequence, the whole space being occupied by broad and gently undulating hills of very small elevation, so that the town of Oria, which stands on a hill of moderate height near the centre of the peninsula, commands an uninterrupted view to the sea on both sides. (Swinburne, Travels, vol. i. pp. 210, 211; Craven, Travels, p. 164.) Hence Virgil has justly described the approach to Italy from this side as presenting "a low coast of dusky hills." (Obscuros colles humilemque Italiam, Aen. iii. 522.) The soil is almost entirely calcareous, consisting of a soft tertiary limestone, which readily absorbs all the moisture that falls, so that not a single river and scarcely even a rivulet is to be found in the whole province. Yet, notwitstanding its aridity, and the burning heat of the climate in summer, the country is one of great fertility, and is described by Strabo as having been once very populous and flourishing; though much decayed in his day from its former prosperity. Its soil is especially adapted for the growth of olives, for which it was celebrated in ancient as well as modern times: but it produced also excellent wines, as well as fruit of various kinds in great abundance, and honey and wool of the finest

quality. But the excessive heats of summer rendered it necessary at that season to drive the flocks into the mountains and upland vallies of Lucania. (Strab. vi. p. 281; Varr. R. R. ii. 2. § 18, 3. § 11; Colum. vii. 2. § 3, xi. 3. § 15, xii. 51. § 3; Hor. Carm. i. 31.5, iii. 16, 33, Epod. i. 27, Epist. i. 7. 14.) Virgil also notices that it was infested by serpents of a more formidable character than were found in other parts of Italy. (Georg. iii. 425.)

Another source of wealth to the Calabrians was their excellent breed of horses, from whence the Tarentines supplied the cavalry for which they were long celebrated. Even as late as the third century B. C. Polybius tells us that the Apulians and Messapians together could bring into the field not less than 16,000 cavalry, of which probably the greater part was furnished by the latter nation. (Pol. ii. 24.) At the present day the Terra di Otranto is still one of the most fertile and thickly-peopled provinces of the kingdom of Naples.

public. (Mommsen, Die Unter-Italischen Dialecte, pp. 43-98.) This near relationship with the Hellenic races will explain the facility with which the Messapians appear to have adopted the manners and arts of the Greek settlers, while their national diversity was still such as to lead the Greck colonists to regard them as barbarians. (See Thuc. vii. 33; Paus. Phoc. x. 10. § 6.) A question has, however, been raised whether the CALABRI were originally of the same stock with the other inhabitants of the peninsula, and Niebuhr inclines to regard them as intruders of an Oscan race (vol. i. p. 149; Vorträge über Länder u. Völker, p. 499). But the researches above alluded to seem to negative this conjecture, and establish the fact that the Calabrians and Messapians were the same tribe. The name of the Calabri (Kaλa6poí) is found for the first time in Polybius (x. 1); but it is remarkable that the Roman Fasti, in recording their subjection, employ the Greek name, and record the triumph of the consuls of the year 487 "de Sallentinis Messapiisque." (Fast. Triumph. ap. Gruter. p. 297.)

The population of the Calabrian peninsula consisted, as already mentioned, of two different tribes or nations; the Messapians or Calabrians proper, and All the information we possess concerning the the Sallentines. But there seems no reason to sup- early history of these tribes is naturally connected pose that these races were originally or essentially with that of the Greek colonies established in distinct. We have indeed two different accounts of this part of Italy, especially Tarentum. The acthe origin of the Messapians: the one representing counts transmitted to us concur in representing the them as a cognate people with the Daunians and Messapians or Iapygians as having already attained Peucetians, and conducted to Italy together with to a certain degree of culture, and possessing the them by the sons of Lycaon, lapyx, Daunius, and cities of Hyria and Brundusium at the period when Peucetius. (Antonin. Liberal. 31.) The other made the colony of Tarentum was founded, about 708 Iapyx a son of Daedalus, and the leader of a Cretan B. C. The new settlers were soon engaged in hoscolony (Antioch. ap. Strab. vi. p. 279): which is tilities with the natives, which are said to have evidently only another version of the legend pre- commenced even during the lifetime of Phalanthus. served by Herodotus, according to which the Cretans It is probable that the Tarentines were generally who had formed the army of Minos, on their return successful, and various offerings at Delphi and from Sicily, were cast upon the coast of Iapygia, and elsewhere attested their repeated victories over the established themselves in the interior of the penin- Iapygians, Messapians, and Peucetians. It was sula, where they founded the city of Hyria, and during one of these wars that they captured and assumed the name of Messapians. (Her. vii. 170.) destroyed the city of Carbina with circumstances of The Sallentines are also represented as Cretans, asso- the most revolting cruelty. But at a later period ciated with Locrians and Illyrians; but their emigra- the Messapians had their revenge, for in B. C. 473 tion is placed as late as the time of Idomeneus, after they defeated the Tarentines in a great battle, the Trojan War. (Strab. p. 281; Virg. Aen. iii. with such slaughter as no Greek army had suf400; Varro ap. Prob. ad Virg. Ecl. vi. 31; Festus fered down to that day. (Paus. x. 10. § 6, 13. § 10; 8. v. Salentini, p. 329.) Without attaching any his- Clearch. ap. Athen. xii. p. 522; Her. vii. 170; Diod. torical value to these testimonies, they may be con- xi. 52; Strab. vi. p. 282.) Notwithstanding this sidered as representing the fact that the population defeat the Tarentines gradually regained the asof this peninsula was closely connected with that ofcendancy, and the Peucetians and Daunians are the opposite shores of the Ionian Sea, and belonged to the same family with those pre-Hellenic races, who are commonly comprised under the name of Pelasgic. The legend recorded by Antiochus (l. c.) which connected them with the Bottiaeans of Macedonia, appears to point to the same origin. This conclusion derives a great confirmation from the recent researches of Mommsen into the remnants of the language spoken by the native tribes in this part of Italy, which have completely established the fact that the dialect of the Messapians or lapygians bore but a very distant analogy to those of the Oscan or Ausonian races, and was much more nearly akin to Greek, to which, indeed, it appears to have borne much the same relation with the native dialects of Macedonia or Crete. The Alexandrian grammarian Seleucus (who flourished about 100 B. C.) appears to have preserved some words of this language, and Strabo (p. 282) refers to the Messapian tongue as one still spoken in his time: the numerous sepulchral inscriptions still existing may be referred for

mentioned as joining their alliance against the Messapians: but the latter found powerful auxiliaries in the Lucanians, and it was to oppose their combined arms that the Tarentines successively invoked the assistance of the Spartan Archidamus and Alexander king of Epeirus, the former of whom fell in battle against the Messapians near the town of Manduria, B. c. 338. (Strab. vi. p. 281.) But while the inhabitants of the inland districts and the frontiers of Lucania thus retained their warlike habits, those on the coast appear to have adopted the refinements of their Greek neighbours, and had become almost as luxurious and effeminate in their habits as the Tarentines themselves. (Athen. xii. p. 523.) Hence we find them offering but little resistance to the Roman arms; and though the common danger from that power united the Messapians and Lucanians with their former enemies the Tarentines, under the command of Pyrrhus, after the defeat of that monarch and the submission of Tarentum, a single campaign sufficed to