11ver and the Achelous.* Leake supposes the ruins | which he discovered at Kurt-agá, a little to the E. of the Evenus, to be those of Calydon. They are distant a ride of 1 hour and 35 minutes from Mesolonghi, and are situated on one of the last slopes of Mt. Aracynthus at the entrance of the vale of the Evenus, where that river issues from the interior valleys into the maritime plain. They do not stand on any commanding height, as the Homeric epithets above mentioned would lead us to suppose, and it is perhaps for this reason that Strabo supposes these epithets to apply to the surrounding country. The remains of the walls are traceable in their whole circuit of near two miles and a half; and outside the walls Leake discovered some ruins, which may have been the peribolus of the temple of Artemis Laphria. (Leake, Northern Greece, vol. iii. p. 533, seq.) CAʼLYDON or CAʼLIDON, a place in Gallia, mentioned by Ammianus Marcellinus (xxvii. 1). D'Anville was not able to assign its position. Hadrian Valesius, who changed the reading of the MSS. to Cabilona, takes the place to be Chalon-sur-Saône; but there is no MS. authority for this alteration. The narrative of Ammianus does not help us in determining the position. Walckenaer (Géog. vol. i. p. 516), relying on the resemblance of name which he finds in the forest of Caldnoven, in the French department of the Moselle, in the arrondissement of Thionville, places Calydon near the forest, and at Thionville, or, as he adds, rather at 3000 feet distant from Thionville, at Yentz, on the right bank of the Mosel, where many medals have been found; but he does not say what kind of medals. [G. L.] ii. 81)-" silvis umbrosa Calymne"- does not apply to the present condition of the island, and was probably equally inapplicable in antiquity; since the island is mountainous and bare. It produces figs, wine, barley, oil, and excellent honey; for the latter it was also celebrated in antiquity. ("Fecundaque melle Calymne," Ov. Met. viii. 222; Strab. I. c.) With respect to the ancient towns, Pliny in one passage (iv. 12. s. 23) mentions only one town, Coos; but in another (v. 31. s. 36) he mentions three, Notium, Nisyrus, Mendeterus. The principal ancient remains are found in the valley above the harbour Linária on the western side of the island; but Ross found no inscriptions recording the name of the town. The chief ruins are those of a great church τοῦ Χριστοῦ τῆς Ἱερουσαλήμ, built upon the site of an ancient temple of Apollo, of which there are still remains. Stephanus (s. v. Kéλudva) speaks of Apollo Calydneus. South of the town there is a plain still called Argos, as in the island of Casus. [CASUS.] (Ross, Reisen auf den Griechischen Inseln, vol. ii. p. 92, seq., vol. iii. p. 139.) CALYNDA (Káλuvda: Eth. Kaλuvdeus), a town of Caria, according to Stephanus, is placed by Strabo 60 stadia from the sea (p. 561), west of the Gulf of Glaucus, and east of Caunus. The MSS. of Strabo appear to have Calymna, which, however, is an error of the copyists. It appears, from a passage in He rodotus (i. 172), that the territory of Caunus bordered on that of Calynda. Damasithymus (Herod. viii. 87), king of Calynda, was at the battle of Sala. mis with some ships on the side of Xerxes; from which we may conclude that Calynda was near the coast, or had some sea-port. Calynda was afterwards, as it appears from Polybius (xxxi. 17), subject to Caunus; but having revolted from Caunus, it placed itself under the protection of the Rhodians. CALYMNA (Κάλυμνο, Καλύμνα : Εth. ΚαAbuvios: Kalimno), an island off the coast of Caria between Leros and Cos. It appears to have been the principal island of the group which Homer calls Calydnae (nooi Káλvdvai, Il. ii. 677): the other islands were probably Leros, Telendos, Hypseremos (Hypsereisma) and Plate. (Comp. Strab. x. p. 489.) Calymna is the correct orthography, since we find it thus written on coins and inscriptions. (Böckh, Inser. No. 2671.) This form also occurs in Scylax, Strabo, Ovid, Suidas, and the Etymologicum Magnum; but out of respect for Homer, whose authority-su. was deemed paramount, most of the ancient writers call the island Calydna, and some were even led into the error of making two different islands, Calydna and Calymna. (Plin. iv. 12. s. 23; Steph. B. s. vv.) The island was originally inhabited by Carians, and was afterwards colonised by Thessalian Aeolians or Dorians under Heraclid leaders. It also received an additional colony of Argives, who are said to have been shipwrecked on the island after the Trojan war. (Diod. v. 54; Hom. Il. ii. 675.) At the time of the Persian war it was subject to Arte. misia of Halicarnassus, together with the neighbouring islands of Cos and Nisyrus. (Herod. vii. 99.) Calymna is an island of some size, and contains at present 7000 inhabitants. A full account of it, together with a map, is given by Ross in the work cited below. The description of Ovid (de Art. Am. The passage in Strabo (p. 459, sub fin.), in which Pleuron and Calydon are both described as E. of the Evenus, does not agree with his previous description, and cannot have been written as it now stands. (See Kramer's note.) Fellows supposes Calynda to be under a range of mountains near the sea, between two ridges of rocks; "many large squared stones lie in heaps down the slope facing the east, and the valley is guarded by walls of a very early date of Greek workmanship." He concludes, from the style of the tombs, that the city was in Lycia. The place is near the gulf of Glaucus or Makri, and east of the river Talaman The remains which he saw are assigned to Daedala by Hoskyn. (Spratt's Lycia, vol. i. p. 42.) But Fellows discovered a city which is proved by inscriptions to be Cadyanda, a name otherwise unknown to us. It lies NNE. of Makri, on the Gulf of Glaucus or Makri, at a place called Hoozoomlee, situated on an elevated plain, immediately above which are the ruins of Cadyanda. There are many rock tombs and sculptures, one of which is represented in the frontispiece to Fellows' Lycia. "The ruins of the city are seated on the level summit of a high mountain; a great street, bordered with temples and public buildings, runs down the centre." (Spratt's Lycia.) Hoskyn, who discovered Caunus, looked in vain for ruins between that place and Cadyanda. Accordingly it is suggested that the mountains of Hoozoomlee may be the Calyndian mountains. (Spratt's Lycia, vol. i. p. 43.) But these Calyndian mountains are a modern invention, perhaps originating in a misunderstanding of Herodotus (i. 132), who speaks of the "Calyndian frontiers" (oupwv Tŵv Kaλuvdikŵv). Between Hoozoomlee and Makri, a distance of about 9 miles, there are no ruins; "but in the centre of the plain of Makri there is a burial ground, where some large inscribed blocks, apparently the remains of a building which stood on the spot, have the name 'Cadyanda' included in their inscriptions." (Spratt's Lycia, vol. i. p. 44.) It is stated in another passage in this work that the monumental inscription was found five or six miles south of Cadyanda. The name Calynda occurs in Ptolemy (v. 3) as a Lycian city, and it is the nearest Lycian city to Caunus in Caria. Pliny (v. 28) mentions "Flumen Axon, Oppidum Calynda." It is plain that Ptolemy's Calynda will not suit the position of Cadyanda; nor can the position of Cadyanda be reconciled with Strabo's position of Calynda. It is certain that Calynda is not Cadyanda. None of the inscriptions of Cadyanda which are given by Fellows and in Spratt's Lycia are of an early period. There is little or no doubt that Calynda is in the basin of the large river Talaman-Su, which seems to be the Calbis of Strabo, and the same river that Pliny and Livy call the Indus. [G. L.] CA'MACHA (Kάuaxa: Kemákh), a strong fortress of Armenia, called in Armenian GAMAKH, and also ANI, was well known in history, but it was not till lately that its site could be identified. Mr. Brant (Journ. Geog. Soc. vol. vi. p. 203) places it at about 26 miles SW. from Ersingán, on the left bank of the W. Euphrates (Kará-Sú). It is a singular place; an elevated portion of the town is within a wall of very ancient structure, but commanded by mountains rising close to it. The remainder is situated on a slope amidst gardens ascending from the river bank. It enclosed a celebrated temple of the god Aramazd, containing a great number of literary monuments, which were destroyed by the orders of St. Gregory of Armenia. Here were deposited the treasures of the Armenian kings, as well as many of their tombs: hence the name,-the word Gamakh signifying "a corpse." The Byzantine emperors kept a strong garrison here to defend the eastern part of their empire from the attacks of the Moslems, up to the commencement of the 11th century. (Comp. Const. Porph. de Adm. Imp. 50; St. Martin, Mém. sur l'Armenie, vol. i. p. 72; Ritter, Erdkunde, vol. x. p. 782; Chesney, Exped. Euphrat. vol. i. p. 41.) [E. B. J.] CAMARÁ (Kauάpa: Eth. Kauapaîos, Steph. B.), a city of Crete, situated to the E. of Olus (Ptol. iii. 17. § 5), at a distance of 15 stadia according to the Maritime Itinerary. Xenion, a Cretan historian quoted by Steph. B. (s. v.), says that it was once called Lato. (Hoeck, Kreta, vol. i. pp. 10, 394, 416.) [E. B. J.] CAMARACUM (Cambray), in Gallia, a town of the Nervii, on the road from Bagacum (Bavay) to Taruenna (Terouenne). It is first mentioned in the Antonine Itin. and in the Table. Cambray is on the right bank of the Escaut or Schelde, in the French department of Nord. Its position is easily fixed by the Itineraries. [G. L.] CAMARINA (Καμάρινα or Καμαρίνα: Eth. Kapapivaios, Camarinensis: Camarana), a celebrated Greek city of Sicily, situated on the S. coast of the island, at the mouth of the little river Hipparis. It was about 20 miles E. of Gela, and 40 from Cape Pachynum. Thucydides tells us that it was a colony of Syracuse, founded 135 years after the establishment of the parent city, i. e. 599 B.C., and this date is confirmed by the Scholiast on Pindar, which places its foundation in the 45th Olympiad. (Thuc. vi. 5; Schol. ad Pind. Ol.v. 16; Euseb. Chron. ad Ol. XLV.) It must have risen rapidly to prosperity, as only 46 years after its first foundation it attempted to throw off the yoke of the parent city, but the effort proved unsuccessful; and, as a punishment for its revolt, the Syracusans destroyed the refractory city from its foundations, B.C. 552. (Thuc. I.c.; Scymn. Ch. 294-296; Schol. ad Pind. 1. c.) It appears to have remained desolate until about B. C. 495, when Hippocrates, tyrant of Gela, by a treaty with Syracuse, obtained possession of the territory of Camarina, and recolonised the city, himself assuming the title of its founder or oekist. (Thuc. 1. c.; Herod. vii. 154; Philist, ap. Schol. ad Pind. Ol. v. 19.) This second colony did not last long, having been put an end to by Gelon, the successor of Hippocrates, who, after he had made himself master of Syracuse, in B. C. 485, removed thither all the inhabitants of Camarina, and a second time destroyed their city. (Herod. vii. 156; Thuc. I. c.; Philist. I. c.) But after the expulsion of Thrasybulus from Syracuse, and the return of the exiles to their respective cities, the people of Gela, for the third time, established a colony at Camarina, and portioned out its territory among the new settlers. (Diod. xi. 76; Thuc. I. c., where there is no doubt that we should read reλwv for réλwvos; Schol. ad Pind. Ol. v. 19.) It is to this third foundation, which must have taken place about B. C. 461, that Pindar refers in celebrating the Olympic victory of Psaumis of Camarina, when he calls that city his newly-founded abode (Tàv véoikov ědpar, Ol. v. 19). In the same ode the poet celebrates the rapidity with which the buildings of the new city were rising, and the people passing from a state of insignificance to one of wealth and power (an' àμaxavías és páos, Ib. 31). The new colony was indeed more fortunate than its predecessors, and the next 50 years were the most flourishing period in the history of Camarina, which retained its independence, and assumed a prominent rank among the Greek cities of Sicily. In their political relations the Camarinaeans appear to have been mainly guided by jealousy of their powerful neighbour Syracuse: hence they were led to separate themselves in great measure from the other Dorian cities of Sicily, and during the war between Syracuse and Leontini, in B.C. 427, they were the only people of Dorian origin who took part with the latter. At the same time there was always a party in the city favourable to the Syracusans, and disposed to join the Dorian alliance, and it was probably the influence of this party that a few years after induced them to conclude a truce with their neighbours at Gela, which eventually led to a general pacification. (Thuc. iii. 86, iv. 25, 65.) By the treaty finally concluded, Thucydides tells us, it was stipulated that the Camarinaeans should retain possession of the territory of Morgantia (Mopyavrín), an arrangement which it is not easy to understand, as the city of that name was situated far away in the interior of Sicily. [MORGANTIA.] A few years later the Camarinaeans were still ready to assist the Athenians in supporting the Leontines by arms (Thuc. v. 4); but when the great Athenian expedition appeared in Sicily, they were reasonably alarmed at the ulterior views of that power, and refused to take part with either side, promising to maintain a strict neutrality. It was not till fortune had declared decidedly in favour of the Syracusans that the Camarinaeans sent a small force to their support. (Thuc. vi. 75, 88; Diod. xiii. 4, 12.) A few years later the great Carthaginian invasion of Sicily gave a fatal blow to the prosperity of Camarina. Its territory was ravaged by Himilco in the spring of B. C. 405, but the city itself was not attacked; nevertheless, when Dionysius had failed in averting the fall of Gela, and the inhabitants of that city were compelled to abandon it to its fate, the Camarinaeans were induced or constrained to follow their example; and the whole population, men, women, and children, quitted their homes, and effected their retreat to Syracuse, from whence they afterwards withdrew to Leontini. (Diod. xiii. 108, 111, 113; Xen. Hell. ii. 3. § 5.) By the treaty concluded soon after between Dionysius and the Carthaginians, the citizens of Camarina, as well as those of Gela and Agrigentum, were allowed to return to their homes, and continue to inhabit their native cities, but as tributaries to Carthage, and prohibited from restoring their fortifications. (Diod. xiii. 114.) Of this permission it is probable that many availed themselves; and a few years later we find Camarina eagerly furnishing her contingent to support Dionysius in his war with the Carthaginians. (Id. xiv. 47.) With this exception, we hear nothing of her during the reign of that despot; but there is little doubt that the Camarinaeans were subject to his rule. After the death of the elder Dionysius, however, they readily joined in the enterprise of Dion, and supported him with an auxiliary force in his march upon Syracuse. (Id. xvi. 9.) After Timoleon had restored the whole of the eastern half of Sicily to its liberty, Camarina was recruited with a fresh body of settlers, and appears to | have recovered a certain degree of prosperity. (Id. xvi. 82, 83.) But it suffered again severely during the wars between Agathocles and the Carthaginians, and was subsequently taken and plundered by the Mamertines. (Id. xix. 110, xx. 32, xxiii. 1.) During the First Punic War, Camarina early espoused the Roman cause; and though in B.C. 258 it was betrayed into the hands of the Carthaginian general Hamilcar, it was quickly recovered by the Roman consuls A. Atilius and C. Sulpicius, who, to punish the citizens for their defection, sold a large part of them as slaves. (Diod. xxiii. 9; Polyb. i. 24.) A few years later, B.C. 255, the coast near Camarina was the scene of one of the greatest disasters which befel the Romans during the war, in the shipwreck of their whole fleet by a violent tempest; so complete was its destruction, that out of 364 ships only 80 escaped, and the whole coast from Camarina to Cape Pachynum was strewed with fragments of the wrecks. (Polyb. i. 37; Diod. xxiii. 18.) This is the last notice of Camarina to be found in history. Under the Roman dominion it seems to have sunk into a very insignificant place, and its name is not once found in the Verrine orations of Cicero. Strabo also speaks of it as one of the cities of Sicily of which in his time little more than the vestiges remained (vi. p. 272); but we learn from Pliny and Ptolemy that it still continued to exist as late as the 2nd century of the Christian era. (Plin. iii. 8. s. 14; Ptol. iii. 4. § 15.) From this period all trace of it disappears: it was never rebuilt in the middle ages, and the site is now perfectly desolate, though a watch-tower on the coast still retains the name of Torre di Camarana. From the remains still extant, it is evident that the city occupied a slight eminence between the two small streams now called the Fiume di Camarana and the F. Frascolari. The former, which is much the most considerable of the two, is evidently the HIPPARIS (ITTаpis) of Pindar (Ol. v. 27), which he describes as flowing past the town, and supplying the inhabitants with water by means of artificial canals or aqueducts. It is a copious stream of clear water, having its principal source in a large fountain at a place called Comisò, supposed by some writers to be the Fons Dianae of Solinus, which he places near Camarina. (Solin. 5. § 16.) There is, however, another remarkable fountain at a place called Favara, near the town of Santa Croce, which has, perhaps, equal claim to this distinction. (Fazell. v. 1. p. 225; Cluver. Sicil. p. 191; Hoare, Class. Tour, vol. ii. pp. 261-263.) The Frascolari is probably the OANIS (Davis), known to us only from the same passage of Pindar. More celebrated than either of these streams was the Lake of Camarina (called by Pindar, l. c., yxwpíav Xiuvnv; Palus Camarina, Claudian), which immediately adjoined the walls of the city on the N. It was a mere marshy pool, formed by the stagnation of the Hipparis near its mouth, and had the effect of rendering the city very unhealthy, on which account we are told that the inhabitants were desirous to drain it, but, having consulted the oracle at Delphi, were recommended to let it alone. They nevertheless executed their project; but by so doing laid open their walls to attack on that side, so that their enemies soon after availed themselves of its weakness, and captured the city. The period to which this transaction is to be referred is unknown, and the whole story very apocryphal; but the answer of the oracle, Μὴ κίνει Καμάριναν· ἀκίνητος γὰρ ἀμείνων, passed into a proverbial saying among the Greeks. (Virg. Aen. iii. 700; Serv. ad loc.; Suid. s. v. Mh Kivel K.; Steph. B. s. v. Kauápiva; Sil. Ital. xiv. 198.) The remains still extant of Camarina are very inconsiderable: they consist of scattered portions of the ancient walls, and the vestiges of a temple, now converted into a church; out the site of the ancient city is distinctly marked, and the remains of its port and other fragments of buildings on the shore were still visible in the 17th century, though now for the most part buried in sand. (Hoare, l. c. p. 260; Fazell. v. 2; Cluver. Sicil. p. 192; Amico, Lex. Topogr. Sicil. vol. i. p. 147.) The coins of Camarina are numerous: they belong for the most part to the flourishing period of its existence, B. c. 460-405. Some of them have the head of the river-god Hipparis, represented, as usual, with horns on his forehead. Others (as the one annexed) have the head of Hercules, and a quadriga on the reverse, probably in commemoration of some victory in the chariot race at the Olympic games. [E. H. B.J CAMATULLICI. The "regio Camatullicorum is mentioned by Pliny (iii. 4) between Portus Citharista and the Suelteri. The position must be on or near the coast, east of Marseille. It is supposed by Harduin (note on the passage of Pliny) that a place called Ramatuelle, near the coast, south of the Gulf of Grimaud, represents the ancient name; and D'An ville and others adopt this opinion. [G. L.] It has been conjectured that the name Cambonum [CAMBONUM] may be geographically connected with the Cambolectri. [G. L.] CAMBADE'NE (Kaubadŋvǹ, Isid. Charax. p. 6), | names. a district of Greater Media, in which was a place called Baptana, containing a statue and pillar of Semiramis. [BAGISTANUS MONS.] [V.] CAMBALA (Ká줤λa), in the district of Hyspiratis, to which Alexander the Great sent Menon with troops to examine for gold; the detachment was entirely destroyed. (Strab. xi. p. 529.) St. Martin (Mém. sur l'Armenie, vol. i. p. 69) supposes the Hyspiratis of Strabo to refer to the district of Isper, NE. of Erzrúm; but in another place Strabo (p. 503) appears to denote the same district under the name of Syspiratis, and this he places to the S., beyond the limits of Armenia, and bordering on Adiabene, which will not suit the position of Isper; nor did the troops of Alexander at any time approach the neighbourhood of Erzrúm. Major Rawlinson suspects that these mines may be recognised in the metallic riches of the mountainous country on the Asped-Rud or Kizil-Uzen. (Journ. Geog. Soc. vol. x. p. 148.) [E. B. J.] CAMBALIDUS MONS. [BAGISTANUS MONS.] CAMBES, a place in Gallia, according to the Anton. Itin. and the Table, on the road from Augusta Rauracorum (Augst) to Argentovaria, on the left bank of the Rhine. Cambes is Gros Kembs, on the Rhine, in the department of Haut Rhin. There is a Little Kembs on the opposite side of the river. [G. L.] CAMBIOVICENSES, a name of a people that appears in the Table; but the indication of their position, as usual with the names of peoples in the Table, is too vague to enable us to fix the position of the Cambiovicenses. (D'Anville, Notice, &c.; Walckenaer, Géog. vol. i. p. 372.) [G. L.] CAMBODU'NUM, in Britain. The second Itinerary presents the difficulty which attends so many of the others, viz., a vast difference between, not only the shortest route, but between the recognised roads and the line of the stations. Thus the line is from the Vallum to Rutupiae (Richborough): nevertheless, when we reach Calcaria (Tadcaster), though there is one road due south and another south-east, the route of the Itinerary takes us round by Manchester, Chester, and Wroxeter. Besides this, the sum of miles at the heading of the Iter, and the sum of the particular distances, disagree. Again, some of the numbers vary with the MS.; and this is the case with the present word. From Eboracum (York) to Calcaria (Tadcaster) Mancunium (Manchester) M. P. CAMBO'NUM, a place in Gallia, mentioned in the Jerusalem Itin., on the road from Civitas Valentia (Valence), through Civitas Vocontiorum (Die), to Mansio Vapincum (Gap). The route is very particularly described. From Die it goes to Mansio Luco (Luc), then to Mutatio Vologatis (Vaugelas); then the Gaura Mons is ascended, and the traveller comes to Mutatio Cambonum; the next station beyond Cambonum is Mons Seleucus (Saléon). Walckenaer (vol. iii. p. 46) places Cambonum at La Combe, to the south of Montclus. D'Anville did not venture to assign a site for Cambonum; but if the road bas been well examined, the place ought not to be doubtful. [G. L.] CAMBORICUM, in Britain. Another reading is Camboritum, and perhaps this is preferable, -rit- having the same power with the Rhed- in Rhedyuna (Ox-ford)=ford. In this case the word would mean a ford over the Cam. The name occurs in the fifth Itinerary, and the difficulties which attend it are of the same kind as those noticed under CAMBODUNUM. - the The line, which is from London to Carlisle, runs to Caesaromagus (Writtle), Colonia (Colchester or Maldon), Villa Faustini, Iciani, Camboricum, Durolipons, Durobrivae, Causennae, Lindum,—this latter point alone being one of absolute certainty, i. e. Lincoln. That Ancaster = Causennae is nearly certain; but the further identifications of Villa Faustini with Dunmow, of Iciani with Chesterford, and Durolipons with Cambridge or Godmanchester, and of Durobrivis with Caistor or Water-Newton, are uncertain. Add to this the circuitous character of any road from London to Lincoln viâ either Colchester or Maldon. The two localities most usually given to Camboricum are Cambridge and Icklingham (near Mildenhall in Suffolk). In the former place there are the castra of Chester-ton and Grant-chester, in the latter a Camp-field, a Rom-pit-field, and numerous Roman remains. Again,-as Horsley remarks,-the river on which Icklingham stands runs into the Cam, so that the first syllable may apply to the one place as well as the other. Probably, the true identification has yet to be made. [R.G.L.] an initial in Macedonian names of places; the two last syllables, στavà, are perhaps the Macedonian form of σTevà, and have reference to the pass, the entire name in Greek being BwAoû σtevá.” (Liv. xlii. 53, xliv. 2; Leake, Northern Greece, vol. iii. p. 338.) CAMBU'NII MONTES a range of mountains forming the boundary between Macedonia and Thessaly, is a continuation of the Ceraunian mountains and terminates at Mt. Olympus on the east. The name of these mountains contains the root Bovrós. xviii. al. xxiii. The principal pass through these mountains is called The neighbourhood of Elland, between Halifax and Volustana by Livy, the modern pass of Servia. Huddersfield, best satisfies these conditions; and, Leake remarks, that "in the word Volustana the accordingly, Gretland, Sowerby, Almondbury, Grim-V represents probably the B, which was so common scar, Stainland (at all of which places Roman remains have been found), have been considered as the representatives of Cambodunum. In the Monumenta Britannica its modern equivalent is Slack. [R.G.L.] CAMBOLECTRI. Pliny (iii. 5) mentions Cambolectri Atlantici in Gallia Narbonensis, but it is difficult to say where he supposes them to be. He also, under the Aquitanic nations (iv. 19), mentions "Cambolectri Agesinates Pictonibus juncti," as Harduin has it; but "Cambolectri" ought to be separated from Agesinates, as Walckenaer affirms, and he places them about Cambo, in the arrondissement of Bayonne, in the department of Basses Pyrénées. It appears from Pliny mentioning these peoples and distinguishing them, that they are two genuine CAMBYSE'NE. [ALBANIA]. CAMBY'SES (Yori or Gori), a river of Albania, rising in the Caucasus, or, according to Mela, in the Coraxici M., flowing through the district of Cambysene, and falling into the Cyrus (Kur), after uniting with the Alazonius (Alasan). Pompey marched along its banks, on his expedition into these regions in pursuit of Mithridates, B. C. 65. Its water was remarkable for its coldness. (Mel. iii. 5. § 6; Plir. municipium, and appears to have been under the empire a tolerably flourishing town. (Lib. Colon. pp. 240, 256; Ptol. iii. 1. § 53; Orell. Inscr. 920, 2172.) vi. 13. s. 15; Dion Cass. xxxvii. 3; Epit. Strab. | among military colonists; but it continued to be a ap. Hudson, Geogr. Min. vol. ii. p. 148.) [P.S.] CAMBYSES (Kaμbúons, Ptol. vi. 2. §1; Amm. Marc. xxiii. 6), a river of Media Atropatene, which appears, from the notice in Ptolemy, to have flowed into the Caspian Sea. It is not possible to determine its exact locality; but if the order in Ammianus be correct, it would seem to have been near the Amardus, now Sefid-Rud. In the Epitome of Strabo (xi.) a nation of the Caspians is spoken of wept τὸν Καμβύσην ποταμών. [V.] [V.] 205, we find them mentioned among the allied cities that furnished supplies for the fleet of Scipio, when they are contrasted with the other states of Etruria and Umbria as being on terms of equal alliance with the Romans ("Camertes cum aequo foedere cum Romanis essent," Liv. xxviii. 45). Cicero also more than once alludes to the treaty which secured their privileges (" Camertinum foedus sanctissimum atque aequissimum," pro Balb. 20; Val. Max. v. 2. § 8; Plut. Mar. 28). And at a much later period we find the "Municipes Camertes" themselves recording their gratitude to the emperor Septimius Severus for the confirmation of their ancient rights ("jure aequo foederis sibi confirmato," Gruter, Inscr. p. 266. 1; Orell. Inscr. 920). But while we find but little mention of the city the people of the CAMERTES are noticed from an early period as one of the most considerable in I'mbria. As early as B. c. 308, the Roman deputies, who were employed to explore the Ciminian forest and the regions beyond it, are said to have advanced CAMEIRUS. [RHODUS.] as far as to the Camertes (" usque ad Camertes UmCAMELOBOSCI (Kanоboσкol, Ptol. vi. 8. bros penetrasse dicuntur," Liv. ix. 36), and esta§ 12), a wild tribe of Carmania, placed by Marcian blished friendly relations with them. These probably (p. 20) on the banks of the river Dora or Dara, east- became the first foundation and origin of the pecuwards towards the Desert. liarly favourable position in which the Camertes CAME'RIA or CAME'RIUM (Kauepía: Eth. Ka-stood towards the Roman republic. Thus in B. C. μepivos, Camerinus), an ancient city of Latium, mentioned by Livy among the towns of the Prisci Latini taken by Tarquinius Priscus. (Liv. i. 38.) In accordance with this statement we find it enumerated among the colonies of Alba Longa, or the cities founded by Latinus Silvius. (Diod. vii ap. Euseb. Arm. p. 185; Origo Gentis Rom. 17.) Dionysius also says that it received a colony from Alba, but had previously been a city of the Aborigines. According to him it engaged in a war against Romulus and Tatius, but was taken by their arms, and a Roman colony established there (ii. 50). But, notwithstanding this, he also mentions it as one of the independent Latin cities reduced by Tarquin (iii. 51). After the expulsion of the kings from Rome, Cameria was one of the foremost to espouse the cause of the exiled Tarquins, for which it was severely punished, being taken and utterly destroyed by the Consul Verginius, B. C. 502. (Dionys. v. 21, 40, 49.) This event may, probably, be received as historically true: at least it explains why the name of Cameria does not appear in the list of the cities of the Latin League shortly afterwards (Dionys. v. 61): nor does it ever again appear in history: and is only noticed by Pliny (iii. 5. s. 9) among the once celebrated cities of Latium, which were in his time utterly extinct. Tacitus has recorded that the ancient family of the Coruncanii derived its origin from Cameria (Ann. xi. 24.), and the cognomen of Camerinus borne by one of the most ancient families of the Sulpician gens, seems to point to the same extraction. The site of Cameria, like that of most of the other towns of Latium that were destroyed at so early a period, must be almost wholly conjectural. Palombara, a small town on an isolated hill, near the foot of the lofty Monte Gennaro, and about 22 miles from Rome, has as fair a claim as any other locality. (Abeken, Mittel Italien, p. 78.) [E. H. B.] CAMERI'NUM (Kauapîvov, Ptol.; Kauepía, Ap pian; Kauéρrn, Strab.: Eth. Camerinus or Camers, -ertis: Camerino), a city of Umbria, situated in the Apennines, near the frontiers of Picenum. It occupied a lofty position near the sources of the river Flusor (Chienti), and a few miles on the E. of the central ridge of the Apennines. No mention of the city is found before the Roman Civil Wars, when it appears as a place of some consequence, and was occupied by one of the Pompeian generals with six cohorts, who, however, abandoned it on the advance of Caesar. (Caes. B. C. i. 15; Cic. ad Att. viii. 12, B.) Again, during the outbreak of L. Antonius at Perusia, it was seized by Plancus with two legions. (Appian, B. C. v. 50.) At a later period, probably The A question has indeed been raised, whether the Camertes of Livy and Cicero are the same people with the inhabitants of Camerinum, who, as we learn from the above inscription and others also found at Camerino, were certainly called Camertes. doubt has been principally founded on a passage of Strabo (v. p. 227), in which, according to the old editions, that writer appeared to distinguish Camerinum and Camerte as two different towns; but it appears that Kauapivov is certainly an interpolation; and the city he calls Camerte, which he expressly places "on the very frontiers of Picenum," can certainly be no other than the Camerinum of the Romans. (See Kramer and Groskurd, ad loc.; and compare Du Theil's note at vol. ii. p. 60 of the French translation of Strabo.) Pliny also, who inserts the Camertes among the "populi" of Umbria, makes no other mention of Camerinum (iii. 14. s. 19). There can therefore be no doubt that at this period the Camertes and the people of Camerinum were the same; but it certainly seems probable that at an earlier epoch the name was used in a more extensive sense, and that the tribe of the Camertes was at one time more widely spread in Umbria. We know that the Etruscan city of Clusium was originally called Camers or Camars, and it is a plausible conjecture of Lepsius that this was its Umbrian name. (Tyrrhener Pelasger, p. 33.) It is remarkable that Polybius speaks of the battle between the Romans and the Gauls in B. c. 296, as fought in the territory of the Cainertes (èv T Kaμeptiwv xúpa, ii. 19), while the same battle is placed by Livy at Clusium (x. 26). Again, the narrative of Livy (ix.36) would seem to imply that the Camertes there mentioned were not very remote from the Ciminian forest, and were the first Umbrian people to which the envoys came. Even Cicero speaks of the " ager Camers in common with Picenum and Gaul (Gallia Togata) |