simbel, Ipsambul on the left, Cambysis (Taμicia Kaubúσov) and Atteva or Attoba, near the third cataract. If Josephus can be relied upon indeed, the Persians must have penetrated the Nile-valley much higher up than the Romans, and than either Herodotus or Diodorus (i. 34) will permit us to suppose. For the Jewish historian (Antiq. ii. 10) represents Cambyses as conquering the capital of Aethiopia, and changing its name from Saba to Meroë.

The western portion of Aethiopia, owing to its generally arid character, was much more scantily peopled, and the tribes that shifted over rather than occupied its scanty pastures were mostly of Libyan origin, a mixed Negro and Barabra race. Parallel with the Astapus and the Nile after their confluence, stretched a limestone range of hills, denominated by Ptolemy the Aethiopian mountains (тà Altiоmikà ŏpn, iv. 8). They separated Aethiopia from the Garamantes. West of the elbow land which lay between Meroë and Napata was a district called Tergedum. North of Tergedum the Nubae came down to the Nile-bank between the towns of Primis Parva and Phturi; and northward of these were the | above-mentioned Euonymitae, who extended to Pselcis in lat. 23°.

In the region Dodecaschoenus or Aethiopia above Egypt were the following towns: HIERA SYCAMINUS ('Iepà Zukάuivos: Ptol.; Plin. vi. 29. s. 32; Itin. Anton. p. 162: Zukάuvov, Philostrat. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 2), the southernmost town of the district (Wady Maharrakah, Burckhardt's Travels, p. 100); CORTE (Kортía прwτη, Agartharcides, p. 22; It. Anton. p.162), Korti, four miles north of Hiera Sycaminos; and on the right bank of the Nile TACHOMPSO (Taxou: Herod. ii. 29; Mela, i. 9. § 2: MeraKoμ, Ptol. iv. 5; Tacompsos, Plin. vi. 29. s. 35) was situated upon an island (probably Deraz) upon the eastern side of the river, and was occupied by Aethiopians and Egyptians. Upon the opposite bank was P'SELCIS (Yeλkis, Strab. p. 820; Aristid. Aegin. i. p. 512). It was built in the era of the Ptolemies, and its erection was so injurious to Tachompso, that the latter came to be denominated Contra Pselcis, and lost its proper appellation. Pselcis was eight miles from Hiera Sycaminos, and the head-quarters of a cohort of German horse (Not. Imp.) in the Roman period. On the left bank of the Nile was TUTZIS (Dschirdscheh), where some remarkable monuments still exist: and ТAPHIS (Taπís, Olympiad. ap. Photium, 80, p. 194; Tadis, Ptol. iv. 5), opposite to which was Contra-Taphis (Teffah), where ruins have been discovered, and in the neighbourhood of which are large stone-quarries. Finally, PAREMBOLE, the frontier-garrison of Egypt, where even so late as the 4th century A. D. a Roman legion was stationed. Pliny, in his account of the war with Candace (B. C. 22), has preserved a brief record of the route of Petronius in his second invasion of Meroë, which contains the names of some places of importance. The Roman general passed by the valley of the Nile through Dongola and Nubia, and occupied or halted at the following stations: Pselcis, Primis Magna, or Premnis (brim) on the right bank of the river,

The architectural remains of Nubia belong to Meroë and are briefly described under that head. To Meroë also, as the centre and perhaps the creature of the inland trade of Aethiopia, we refer for an account of the natural and artificial productions of the land above Egypt.

The principal modern travellers who have explored or described the country above Egypt are Bruce, Burckhardt, Belzoni, Minutoli, Gau and Rosellini. Lord Valentia and Mr. Salt's Travels, Waddington and Hanbury's Journals, Rüppel's and Cailleaud's Travels, &c., " Heeren's Historical Researches," vol. i. pp. 285 -473, and the geographical work of Ritter have been consulted for the preceding article. [W. B. D.]

AETNA (Alτvn: Eth. Airvaîoi, Aetnensis), a city of Sicily, situated at the foot of the mountain of the same name, on its southern declivity. It was originally a Sicelian city, and was called INESSA or INESSUM (Ivnoσa, Thuc. Strab.; "Ivnσσov, Steph. Byz. v. Alτvn; Diodorus has the corrupt form 'Evnoía): but after the death of Hieron I. and the expulsion of the colonists whom he had established at Catana, the latter withdrew to Inessa, a place of great natural strength, which they occupied, and transferred to it the name of Aetna, previously given by Hieron to his new colony at Catana. [CATANA.] In consequence of this they continued to regard Hieron as their oekist or founder. (Diod. xi. 76; Strab. vi. p. 268.) The new name, however, appears not to have been universally adopted, and we find Thucydides at a later period still employing the old appellation of Inessa. It seems to have faller into the power of the Syracusans, and was occupied by them with a strong garrison; and in B. C. 426 we find the Athenians under Laches in vain attempting to wrest it from their hands. (Thuc.iii. 103.) During the great Athenian expedition, Inessa, as well as the neighbouring city of Hybla, continued steadfast in the alliance of Syracuse, on which account their lands were ravaged by the Athenians. (Id. vi. 96.) At a subsequent period the strength of its position as a fortress, rendered it a place of importance in the civil dissensions of Sicily, and it became the refuge of the Syracusan knights who had opposed the elevation of Dionysius. But in B. C. 403, that despot made himself master of Aetna, where he soon after established a body of Campanian mercenaries, who had previously been settled at Catana. These continued faithful to Dionysius, notwithstanding the general defection of his allies, during the Carthaginian invasion in B. C. 396, and retained possession of the city till B.C. 339, when it was taken by Timoleon, and its Campanian occupants put to the sword. (Diod. xiii. 113, xiv. 7, 8, 9, 14, 58, 61, xvi. 67, 82.) We find no mention of it from this time till the days of Cicero, who repeatedly speaks of it as a municipal town of considerable importance; its territory being one of the most fertile in corn of all Sicily. Its citizens suffered severely from the exactions of Verres and his agents. (Cic. Verr. iii. 23, 44, 45, iv. 51.) The Aetnenses

are also mentioned by Pliny among the "populi stipendiarii" of Sicily; and the name of the city is found both in Ptolemy and the Itinerarics, but its subsequent history and the period of its destruction are unknown.

Great doubt exists as to the site of Aetna. Strabo tells us (vi. p. 273) that it was near Centuripi, and was the place from whence travellers usually ascended the mountain. But in another passage (ib. p. 268) he expressly says that it was only 80 stadia from Catana. The Itin. Ant. (p. 93) places it at 12 M. P. from Catana, and the same distance from Centuripi; its position between these two cities is further confirmed by Thucydides (vi. 96). But notwithstanding these unusually precise data, its exact situation cannot be fixed with certainty. Sicilian antiquaries generally place it at Sta Maria di Licodia, which agrees well with the strong position of the city, but is certainly too distant from Catana. On the other hand S. Nicolo dell' Arena, a convent just above Nicolosi, which is regarded by Cluverius as the site, is too high up the mountain to have ever been on the high road from Catana to Centuripi. Mannert, however, speaks of ruins at a place called Castro, about 24 miles N. E. from Paternò, on a hill projecting from the foot of the mountain, which he regards as the site of Aetna, and which would certainly agree well with the requisite conditions. He does not cite his authority, and the spot is not described by any recent traveller. (Cluver. Sicil. p. 123; Amie. Lex. Topogr. Sic. vol. iii. p. 50; Mannert, Ital. vol. ii. p. 293.)

There exist coins of Aetna in considerable numbers, but principally of copper; they bear the name of the people at full, AITNAION. Those of silver, which are very rare, are similar to some of Catana, but bear only the abbreviated legend AITN. [E. H. B.]

COIN OF AETNA.

AETNA (Altyn), a celebrated volcanic mountain of Sicily, situated in the NE. part of the island, adjoining the sea-coast between Tauromenium and Catana. It is now called by the peasantry of Sicily Mongibello, a name compounded of the Italian Monte, and the Arabic Jibel, a mountain; but is still wellknown by the name of Etna. It is by far the loftiest mountain in Sicily, rising to a height of 10,874 feet above the level of the sea, while its base is not less than 90 miles in circumference. Like most volcanic mountains it forms a distinct and isolated mass, having no real connection with the mountain groups to the N. of it, from which it is separated by the valley of the Acesines, or Alcantara; while its limits on the W. and S. are defined by the river Symaethus (the Simeto or Giarretta), and on the E. by the sea. The volcanic phenomena which it presents on a far greater scale than is seen elsewhere in Europe, early attracted the attention of the ancients, and there is scarcely any object of physical geography of which we find more numerous and ample notices.

It is certain from geological considerations, that the first eruptions of Aetna must have long preceded

on the fact recorded by Diodorus (v. 6), that the Sicanians were compelled to abandon their original settlements in the E. part of the island in consequence of the frequency and violence of these outbursts, we should have sufficient evidence that it was in a state of active operation at the earliest period at which Sicily was inhabited. It is difficult, however, to believe that any such tradition was really preserved; and it is far more probable, as related by Thucydides (vi. 2), that the Sicanians were driven to the W. portion of the island by the invasion of the Sicelians, or Siculi: on the other hand, the silence of Homer concerning Aetna has been frequently urged as a proof that the mountain was not then in a state of volcanic activity, and though it would be absurd to infer from thence (as has been done by some authors) that there had been no previous eruptions, it may fairly be assumed that these phenomena were not very frequent or violent in the days of the poet, otherwise some vague rumour of them must have reached him among the other marvels of "the far west." But the name at least of Aetua, and probably its volcanic character, was known to Hesiod (Eratosth. ap. Strab. i. p. 23), and from the time of the Greek settlements in Sicily, it attracted general attention. Pindar describes the phenomena of the mountain in a manner equally accurate and poetical

the streams of fire that were vomited forth from its inmost recesses, and the rivers (of lava) that gave forth only smoke in the daytime, but in the darkness assumed the appearance of sheets of crimson fire rolling down into the deep sea. (Pyth. i. 40.) Aeschylus also alludes distinctly to the "rivers of fire, devouring with their fierce jaws the smooth fields of the fertile Sicily." (Prom. V. 368.) Great eruptions, accompanied with streams of lava, were not, however, frequent. We learn from Thucydides (iii. 116) that the one which he records in the sixth year of the Peloponnesian war (B. C. 425) was only the third which had taken place since the establishment of the Greeks in the island. The date of the earliest is not mentioned; the second (which is evidently the one more particularly referred to by Pindar and Aeschylus) took place, according to Thucydides, 50 years before the above date, or B. C. 475; but it is placed by the Parian Chronicle in the same year with the battle of Plataea, B. C. 479. (Marm. Par. 68, ed. C. Müller.) The next after that of B.C. 425 is the one recorded by Diodorus in B. C. 396, as having occurred shortly before that date, which had laid waste so considerable a part of the tract between Tauromenium and Catana, as to render it impossible for the Carthaginian general Mago to advance with his army along the coast. (Diod. xiv. 59; the same eruption is noticed by Orosius, ii. 18.) From this time we have no account of any great outbreak till B. c. 140, when the mountain seems to have suddenly assumed a condition of extraordinary activity, and we find no less than four violent eruptions recorded within 20 years, viz. in B.C. 140, 135, 126, 121; the last of which inflicted the most serious damage, not only on the territory but the city of Catana. (Oros. v. 6, 10, 13; Jul. Obseq. 82, 85, 89.) Other eruptions are also mentioned as accompanying the outbreak of the civil war between Pompey and Caesar, B. C. 49, and immediately preceding the death of the latter, B. C. 44 (Virg. G. i. 471; Liv. ap. Serv. ad Virg. l. c.; Petron. de B. C. 135; Lucan. i. 545), and these successive outbursts appear to have so completely devastated the whole tract on the eastern side of the mountain, as to have

want of water. (Appian, B. C. v. 114.) Agair, ut B. C. 38, the volcano appears to have been in at least a partial state of eruption (Id. v. 117), and 6 years afterwards, just before the outbreak of the civil war between Octavian and Antony, Dion Cassius records a more serious outburst, accompanied with a stream of lava which did great damage to the adjoining country. (Dion Cass. 1. 8.) But from this time forth the volcanic agency appears to have been comparatively quiescent; the smoke and noises which terrified the emperor Caligula (Suet. Cal. 51) were probably nothing very extraordinary, and wi h this exception we hear only of two eruptions during the period of the Roman empire, one in the reign of Vespasian, A. D. 70, and the other in that of Decius, A. D. 251, neither of which is noticed by contemporary writers, and may therefore be presumed to have been of no very formidable character. Orosius, writing in the beginning of the fifth century, speaks of Aetna as having then become harmless, and only smoking enough to give credit to the stories of its past violence. (Idat. Chron. ad ann. 70; Vita St. Agathae, ap. Cluver. Sicil. p. 106; Oros. ii. 14.) *

From these accounts it is evident that the volcanic action of Aetna was in ancient, as it still continues in modern times, of a very irregular and intermittent character, and that no dependence can be placed upon those passages, whether of poets or prose writers, which apparently describe it as in constant and active operation. But with every allowance for exaggeration, it seems probable that the ordinary volcanic phenomena which it exhibited were more striking and conspicuous in the age of Strabo and Pliny than at the present day. The expressions, however, of the latter writer, that its noise was heard in the more distant parts of Sicily, and that its ashes were carried not only to Tauromenium and Catana, but to a distance of 150 miles, of course refer only to times of violent eruption. Livy also records that in the year B. C. 44, the hot sand and ashes were carried as far as Rhegium. (Plin. H. N. ii. 103. 106, iii. 8. 14; Liv. ap. Serv. ad Georg. i. 471.) It is unnecessary to do more than allude to the well-known description of the eruptions of Aetna in Virgil, which has been imitated both by Silius Italicus and Claudian. (Virg. Aen. iii. 570-577; Sil. Ital. xiv. 58-69; Claudian de Rapt. Proserp. i. 161.)

The general appearance of the mountain is well described by Strabo, who tells us that the upper parts were bare and covered with ashes, but with snow in the winter, while the lower slopes were clothed with forests, and with planted grounds, the volcanic ashes, which were at first so destructive, ultimately producing a soil of great fertility, especially adapted for the growth of vines. The summit of the mountain, as described to him by those who had lately ascended it, was a level plain of about 20 stadia in circumference, surrounded by a brow or ridge like a wall. In the midst of this plain, which consisted of deep and hot sand, rose a small hillock of similar aspect, over which hung a cloud of smoke rising to a height of about 200 feet. He, however, justly adds, that these appearances were subject to constant variations, and that there was sometimes

*For the more recent history of the mountain and its eruptions, see Ferrara, Descrizione dell Etna, Palermo, 1818; and Daubeny on Volcanoes, 2d edit. pp. 283-290.

only one crater, sometimes more. (Strab. vi. pp. 269, 273, 274.) It is evident from this account that the ascent of the mountain was in his time a coinmon enterprize. Lucilius also speaks of it as not unusual for people to ascend to the very edge of the crater, and offer incense to the tutelary gods of the mountain (Lucil. Aetna, 336; see also Seneca, Ep. 79), and we are told that the emperor Hadrian, when he visited Sicily, made the ascent for the purpose of seeing the sun rise from thence. (Spart. Hadr. 13.) It is therefore a strange mistake in Claudian (de Rapt. Proserp. i. 158) to represent the summit as inaccessible. At a distance of less than 1400 feet from the highest point are some remains of a brick building, clearly of Roman work, commonly known by the name of the Torre del Filosofo, from a vulgar tradition connecting it with Empedocles: this has been supposed, with far more plausibility, to derive its origin from the visit of Hadrian. (Smyth's Sicily, p. 149; Ferrara, Descriz. dell Etna, p. 28.)

Many ancient writers describe the upper part of Aetna as clothed with perpetual snow. Pindar calls it "the nurse of the keen snow all the year long (Pyth. i. 36), and the apparent contradiction of its perpetual fires and everlasting snows is a favourite subject of declamation with the rhetorical poets and prose writers of a later period. (Sil. Ital. xiv. 58— 69; Claudian. de Rapt. Pros. i. 164; Solin. 5. § 9.) Strabo and Pliny more reasonably state that it was covered with snow in the winter; and there is no reason to believe that its condition in early ages differed from its present state in this respect. The highest parts of the mountain are still covered with snow for seven or eight months in the year, and occasionally patches of it will lie in hollows and rifts throughout the whole summer. The forests which clothe the middle regions of the mountain are alluded to by many writers (Strab. vi. p. 273; Claud. I. c. 159); and Diodorus tells us that Dionysius of Syracuse derived from thence great part of the materials for the construction of his fleet in B. C. 399. (Diod. xiv. 42.)

It was natural that speculations should early be directed to the causes of the remarkable phenomena exhibited by Aetna. A mythological fable, adopted by almost all the poets from Pindar downwards, ascribed them to the struggle of the giant Typhoeus (or Enceladus according to others), who had been buried under the lofty pile by Zeus after the defeat of the giants. (Pind. Pyth. i. 35; Aesch. Prom. 365; Virg. Aen. iii. 578; Ovid. Met. v. 346; Claud. I.c. 152; Lucil. Aetna, 41-71.) Others assigned it as the workshop of Vulcan, though this was placed by the more ordinary tradition in the Aeolian islands. Later and more philosophical writers ascribed the eruptions to the violence of the winds, pent up in subterranean caverns, abounding with sulphur and other inflammable substances; while others conceived them to originate from the action of the waters of the sea upon the same materials. Both these theories are discussed and developed by Lucretius, but at much greater length by the author of a separate poem entitled "Aetna," which was for a long time ascribed to Cornelius Severus, but has been attributed by its more recent editors, Wernsdorf and Jacob, to the younger Lucilius, the friend and contemporary of Seneca. It contains some powerful passages, but is disfigured by obscurity, and adds little to our

For a fuller discussion of this question, see the Biogr. Dict. art. Lucilius Junior.

knowledge of the history or phenomena of the mountain. (Lucret. vi. 640—703; Lucil. Aetna, 92, et seq.; Justin, iv. 1; Seneca, Epist. 79; Claudian, l. c. 169-176.) The connection of these volcanic phe. nomena with the earthquakes by which the island was frequently agitated, was too obvious to escape notice, and was indeed implied in the popular tradition. Some writers also asserted that there was a subterranean communication between Aetna and the Aeolian islands, and that the eruptions of the former were observed to alternate with those of Hiera and Strongyle. (Diod. v. 7.)

The name of Aetna was evidently derived from its fiery character, and has the same root as afew, to burn. But in later times a mythological origin was found for it, and the mountain was supposed to have received its name from a nymph, Aetna, the daughter of Uranus and Gaea, or, according to others, of Briareus. (Schol. ad Theocr. Id. i. 65.) The mountain itself is spoken of by Pindar (Pyth. i. 57) as consecrated to Zeus; but at a later period Solinus calls it sacred to Vulcan; and we learn that there existed on it a temple of that deity. This was not, however, as supposed by some writers, near the summit of the mountain, but in the middle or forest region, as we are told that it was surrounded by a grove of sacred trees. (Solin. 5. § 9; Aelian, H. A. xi. 3.)

[E. H. B.]

AETO'LIA (AiTwλía: Eth. Airwλos, Aetolus), a district of Greece, the boundaries of which varied at different periods. In the time of Strabo it was bounded on the W. by Acarnania, from which it was separated by the river Achelous, on the N. by the mountainous country inhabited by the Athamanes, Dolopes, and Dryopes, on the NE. by Doris and Malis, on the SE. by Locris, and on the S. by the entrance to the Corinthian gulf. It contained about 1165 square miles. It was divided into two districts, called Old Aetolia (ʼn àpxaía Airwλía), and Aetolia Epictetus (ʼn èriктητos), or the Acquired. The former extended along the coast from the Achelous to the Evenus, and inland as far as Thermum, opposite the Acarnanian town of Stratus: the latter included the northern and more mountainous part of the province, and also the country on the coast between the Evenus and Locris. When this division was introduced is unknown; but it cannot have been founded upon conquest, for the inland Aetolians were never subdued. The country between the Achelous and the Evenus appears in tradition as the original abode of the Aetolians; and the term Epictetus probably only indicates the subsequent extension of their name to the remainder of the country. Strabo makes the promontory Antirrhium the boundary between Aetolia and Locris, but some of the towns between this promontory and the Evenus belonged originally to the Ozolian Locrians. (Strab. pp. 336, 450, 459.)

The country on the coast between the Achelous and the Evenus is a fertile plain, called Paracheloitis (ПapaxeλwîTIs), after the former river. This plain is bounded on the north by a range of hills called Aracynthus, north of which and of the lakes Hyria and Trichonis there again opens out another extensive plain opposite the town of Stratus. These are the only two plains in Aetolia of any extent. The remainder of the country is traversed in every direction by rugged mountains, covered with forests, and full of dangerous ravines. These mountains are a south-westerly continuation of Mt. Pindus, and

or modern times. The following mountains are mentioned by special names by the ancient writers : - 1.TYMPHRESTUS (Tuμopпσтós), on the northern frontier, was a southerly continuation of Mt. Pindus, and more properly belongs to Dryopis. [DRYOPIS.] 2. BOMI (Bwuoi), on the north-eastern frontier, was the most westerly part of Mt. Oeta, inhabited by the Bomienses. In it were the sources of the Evenus. (Strab. x. p. 451; Thuc. iii. 96; Steph. B. s. v. Bauol.) 3. CORAX (Kópa§), also on the northeastern frontier, was a south-westerly continuation of Oeta, and is described by Strabo as the greatest mountain in Aetolia. There was a pass through it leading to Thermopylae, which the consul Acilius Glabrio crossed with great difficulty and the loss of many beasts of burthen in his passage, when he marched from Thermopylae to Naupactus in B. C. 191. Leake remarks that the route of Glabrio was probably by the vale of the Vistritza into that of the Kokkino, over the ridges which connect Velukha with Vardhusi, but very near the latter mountain, which is thus identified with Corax. Corax is described on that occasion by Livy as a very high mountain, lying between Callipolis and Naupactus. (Strab. x. p. 450; Liv. xxxvi. 30; Steph. B. s. v. ; Leake, Northern Greece, vol. ii. p. 624.) 4. TaPHIASSUS (Tapiaoσós: Kaki-skala), a southerly continuation of Corax, extended down to the Corinthian gulf, where it terminated in a lofty mountain near the town of Macynia. In this mountain Nessus and the other Centaurs were said to have been buried, and from their corpses arose the stinking waters which flowed into the sea, and from which the western Locrians are said to have derived the name of Ozolae, or the Stinking. Modern travellers have found at the base of Mt. Taphiassus a number of springs of fetid water. Taphiassus derives its modern name of Kaki-skala, or " Bad-ladder," from the dangerous road, which runs along the face of a precipitous cliff overhanging the sea, half way up the mountain. (Strab. pp. 427, 451, 460; Antig. Caryst. 129; Plin. iv. 2; Leake, vol. i. p. 111; Mure, Tour in Greece, vol. i. p. 135; Gell, Itiner. p. 292.) 5. CHALCIS or CHALCEIA (XáλKis Xaλкía: Varássova), an offshoot of Taphiassus, running down to the Corinthian gulf, between the mouth of the Evenus and Taphiassus. At its foot was a town of the same name. Taphiassus and Chalcis are the ancient names of the two great mountains running close down to the sea-coast, a little west of the promontory Antirrhium, and separated from each other by some low ground. Each of these mountains rises from the sea in one dark gloomy mass. (Strab. pp. 451, 460; Hom. Il. ii. 640; Leake, l. c.; Mure, vol. i. p. 171.) 6. ARACYNTHUS ('Aрáкuveos: Zygos), a range of mountains running in a south-easterly direction from the Achelous to the Evenus, and separating the lower plain of Aetolia near the sea from the upper plain above the lakes Hyria and Trichonis. (Strab. x. p. 450.) [ARACYNTHUS.] 7. PANAETOLIUM (Viena), a mountain NE. of Thermum, in which city the Aetolians held the meetings of their league. (Plin. iv. 2; Pol. v. 8; Leake, vol. i. p. 131.) 8. MYENUS (Tò opos Múnvov, Plut. de Fluviis, p. 44), between the rivers Evenus and Hylaethus. 9. MACYNIUM, mentioned only by Pliny (l. c.), must, from its name, have been near the town of Macynia on the coast, and consequently a part of Mt. Taphiassus. 10. CURIUM (Koúptov), a mnoun

the Curetes were said to have derived their name. It is a branch of Aracynthus. (Strab. x. p. 451.) The two chief rivers of Aetolia were the Achelous and the Evenus, which flowed in the lower part of their course nearly parallel to one another. [ACHELOUS: EVENUS.] There were no other rivers in the country worthy of mention, with the exception of the Campylus and Cyathus, both of which were tributaries of the Achelous. [ACHELOUS.]

There were several lakes in the two great plains of Aetolia. The upper plain, N. of Mt. Aracynthus, contained two large lakes, which communicated with each other. The eastern and the larger of the two was called Trichonis (Tp:xwvís, Pol. v. 7, xi. 4: Lake of Apokuro), the western was named Hyria (Lake of Zygos); and from the latter issued the river Cyathus, which flowed into the Achelous near the town of Conope, afterwards Arsinoe (Ath. x. p. 424). This lake, named Hyrie by Ovid (Met. vii. 371, seq.) is called Hydra ("Tôpa) in the common text of Strabo, from whom we learn that it was afterwards called Lysimachia (Avoquaxía) from a town of that name upon its southern shore. (Strab. p. 460.) Its proper name appears to have been Hyria, which might easily be changed into Hydra. (Müller, Dorians, vol. ii. p. 481.) This lake is also named Conope by Antoninus Liberalis (Met. 12). The mountain Aracynthus runs down towards the shores of both lakes, and near the lake Hyrie there is a ravine, which Ovid (l. c.) calls the "Cycneia Tempe," because Cycnus was said to have been here changed into a swan by Apollo. The principal sources which form both the lakes are at the foot of the steep mountain overhanging the eastern, or lake Trichonis; a current flows from E. to W. through the two lakes; and the river of Cyathus is nothing more than a continuation of the same stream (Leake, vol. i. p. 154). In the lower plain of Aetolia there were several smaller lakes or lagoons. Of these Strabo (pp. 459, 460) mentions three. 1. Cynia (Kuvía), which was 60 stadia long and 20 broad, and communicated with the sea. 2. Uria (Oupía), which was much smaller than the preceding and half a stadium from the sea. 3. A large lake near Calydon, belonging to the Romans of Patrae: this lake, according to Strabo, abounded in fish (evotos), and the gastronomic poet Archestratus said that it was celebrated for the labrax (Aά6pag), a ravenous kind of fish. (Ath. vii. p. 311, a.) There is some difficulty in identifying these lakes, as the coast has undergone numerous changes; but Leake supposes that the lagoon of Anatoliko was Cynia, that of Mesolonghi Uria, and that of Bokhori the lake of Calydon. The last of these lakes is perhaps the same as the lake Onthis (Ovels), which Nicander (ap. Schol. ad Nicand. Ther. 214) speaks of in connection with Naupactus. (Leake, vol. iii. p. 573, &c.)

In the two great plains of Aetolia excellent corn was grown, and the slopes of the mountains produced good wine and oil. These plains also afforded abundance of pasture for horses; and the Aetolian horses were reckoned only second to those of Thessaly. In the mountains there were many wild beasts, among which we find mention of boars and even of lions, for Herodotus gives the Thracian Nestus and the Achelous as the limits within which lions were found in Europe. (Herod. v. 126.)

The original inhabitants of Aetolia are said to have been Curetes, who according to some accounts had come from Euboea. (Strab. x. p. 465.) They inhabited the plains between the Achelous and the

| Evenus, and the country received in consequence the name of Curetis. Besides them we also find meation of the Leleges and the Hyantes, the latter of whom had been driven out of Boeotia. (Strab. pp. 322, 464.) These three peoples probably belonged to the great Pelasgic race, and were at all events not Hellenes. The first great Hellenic settlement in the country is said to have been that of the Epeans, led by Aetolus, the son of Endymion, who crossed over from Elis in Peloponnesus, subdued the Curetes, and gave his name to the country and the people, six generations before the Trojan war. Aetolus founded the town of Calydon, which he called after his son, and which became the capital of his dominions. The Curetes continued to reside at their ancient capital Pleuron at the foot of Mt. Curium, and for a long time carried on war with the inhabitants of Calydon. Subsequently the Curetes were driven out of Pleuron, and are said to have crossed over into Acarnania. At the time of the Trojan war Pleuron as well as Calydon were governed by the Aetolian chief Thoas. (Paus. v. 1. § 8; Hom. I. ix. 529, seq.; Strab. p. 463.) Since Pleuron appears in the later period of the heroic age as an Aetolian city, it is represented as such from the beginning in some legends. Hence Pleuron, like Calydon, is said to have derived its name from a son of Aetolus (Apollod. i. 7. §7); and at the very time that some legends represent it as the capital of the Curetes, and engaged in war with Oeneus, king of Calydon, others relate that it was governed by his own brother Thestius. Aetolia was celebrated in the heroic age of Greece on account of the hunt of the Calydonian boar, and the exploits of Tydeus, Meleager and the other heroes of Calydon and Pleuron. The Aetolians also took part in the Trojan war under the command of Thoas; they came in 40 ships from Pleuron, Calydon, Olenus, Pylene and Chalcis (Hom. Il. ii. 638). Sixty years after the Trojan war some Aeolians, who had been driven out of Thessaly along with the Boeotians, migrated into Aetolia, and settled in the country around Pleuron and Calydon, which was hence called Aeolis after them. (Strab. p. 464; Thuc. iii. 102.) Ephorus (ap. Strab. p. 465) however places this migration of the Aeolians much earlier, for he relates "that the Aeolians once invaded the district of Pleuron, which was inhabited by the Curetes and called Curetis, and expelled this people." Twenty years afterwards occurred the great Dorian invasion of Peloponnesus under the command of the descendants of Heracles. The Aetolian chief Oxylus took part in this invasion, and conducted the Dorians across the Corinthian gulf. In return for his services he received Elis upon the conquest of Peloponnesus.

From this time till the commencement of the Peloponnesian war we know nothing of the history of the Aetolians. Notwithstanding their fame in the heroic age, they appear at the time of the Peloponnesian war as one of the most uncivilized of the Grecian tribes; and Thucydides (i. 5) mentions them, together with their neighbours the Ozolian Locrians and Acarnanians, as retaining all the habits of a rude and barbarous age. At this period there were three main divisions of the Aetolians, the Apodoti, Ophionenses, and Eurytānes. The last, who were the most numerous of the three, spoke a language which was unintelligible, and were in the habit of eating raw meat. (Thuc. iii. 102.) Thucydides, however, does not call them Bapsapo; and notwithstanding their low culture and uncivilized habits, the Actolians ranked as Hellenes, partly,