it appears, on account of their legendary renown, and partly on account of their acknowledged connection with the Eleans in Peloponnesus. Each of these three divisions was subdivided into several village tribes. Their villages were unfortified, and most of the inhabitants lived by plunder. Their tribes appear to have been independent of each other, and it was only in circumstances of common danger that they acted in concert. The inhabitants of the inland mountains were brave, active, and invincible. They were unrivalled in the use of the javelin, for which they are celebrated by Euripides. (Phoeniss. 139, 140; comp. Thuc. iii. 97.) Parnassus. Having collected a considerable force, Demosthenes set out from Naupactus; but the expedition proved a complete failure. After advancing a few miles into the interior, he was attacked at Aegitium by the whole force of the Aetolians, who had occupied the adjacent hills. The rugged nature of the ground prevented the Athenian hoplites from coming to close quarters with their active foe; Demosthenes had with him only a small number of light-armed troops; and in the end the Athenians were completely defeated, and fled in disorder to the coast. Shortly afterwards the Aetolians joined the Peloponnesians under Eurylochus in making an attack upon Naupactus, which Demosthenes saved with difficulty, by the help of the Acarnanians. (Thuc. iii. 94, &c.) The Aetolians took no further part in the Peloponnesian war; for those of the nation who fought under the Athenians in Sicily were only mercenaries. (Thuc. vii. 57.) From this time till that of the Macedonian supremacy, we find scarcely any mention of the Aetolians. They appear to have been frequently engaged in hostilities with their neighbours and ancient enemies, the Acarnanians. [ACARNANIA.] The Apodoti, Ophionenses, and Eurytanes, inhabited only the central districts of Aetolia, and did not occupy any part of the plain between the Evenus and the Achelous, which was the abode of the more civilized part of the nation, who bore no other name than that of Aetolians. The Apodoti ('Aródτo, Thuc. iii. 94; 'Amódoтo, Pol. xvii. 5) inhabited the mountains above Naupactus, on the borders of Locris. They are said by Polybius not to have been Hellenes. (Comp. Liv. xxxii. 34.) North of these dwelt the Ophionenses or Ophienses (Opiores, Thuc. l. c.; 'Opieîs, Strab. pp. 451,465), and to them belonged the smaller tribes of the Bomienses (Bouns, Thue. iii. 96; Strab. p. 451; Steph. Byz. s. v. Bwuol) and Callienses (Kaλλiñs, Thuc. l. c.), both of which inhabited the ridge of Oeta running down towards the Malic gulf: the former are placed by Strabo (L. c.) at the sources of the Evenus, and the position of the latter is fixed by that of their | capital town Callium. [CALLIUM.] The Eury-vaders, abandoned their villages in the plains and tanes (Eupuraves, Thuc. iii. 94, et alii) dwelt north of the Ophionenses, as far, apparently, as Mt. Tymphrestus, at the foot of which was the town Oechalia, which Strabo describes as a place belonging to this people. They are said to have possessed an oracle of Odysseus. (Strab. pp. 448, 451, 465; Schol. ad Lycophr. 799.) The Agraei, who inhabited the north-west corner of Aetolia, bordering upon Ambracia, were not a division of the Actolian nation, but a separate people, governed at the time of the Peloponnesian war by a king of their own, and only united to Aetolia at a later period. The Aperanti, who lived in the same district, appear to have been a subdivision of the Agraei. [AGRAEI; APERANTI.] Pliny (iv. 3) mentions various other peoples as belonging to Aetolia, such as the Athamanes, Tymphaei, Dolopes, &c.; but this statement is only true of the later period of the Aetolian League, when the Aetolians had extended their dominion over most of the neighbouring tribes of Epirus and Thessaly. At the commencement of the Peloponnesian war the Aetolians had formed no alliance either with Sparta or Athens, and consequently are not mentioned by Thucydides (ii. 9) in his enumeration of the allied forces of the two nations. It was the unprovoked invasion of their country by the Athenians in the sixth year of the war (B. c. 455), which led them to espouse the Lacedaemonian side. In this year the Messenians, who had been settled at Naupactus by the Athenians, and who had suffered greatly from the inroads of the Aetolians, persuaded the Athenian general, Demosthenes, to march into the interior of Aetolia, with the hope of conquering the three great tribes of the Apodoti, Ophionenses, and Eurytanes, since if they were subdued the Athenians would become masters of the whole country between the Ambracian gulf and After the death of Alexander the Great (B. C 323) the Aetolians joined the confederate Greeks in what is usually called the Lamian war. This war was brought to a close by the defeat of the confederates at Crannon (B. C. 322); whereupon Antipater and Craterus, having first made peace with Athens, invaded Aetolia with a large army. The Aetolians, however, instead of yielding to the in retired to their impregnable mountains, where they remained in safety, till the Macedonian generals were obliged to evacuate their territory in order to march against Perdiccas. (Diod. xviii. 24, 25.) In the wars which followed between the different usurpers of the Macedonian throne, the alliance of the Aetolians was eagerly courted by the contending armies; and their brave and warlike population enabled them to exercise great influence upon the politics of Greece. The prominent part they took in the expulsion of the Gauls from Greece (B. C. 279) still further increased their reputation. In the army which the Greeks assembled at Thermopylae to oppose the Gauls, the contingent of the Aetolians was by far the largest, and they here distinguished themselves by their bravery in repulsing the attacks of the enemy; but they earned their chief glory by destroying the greater part of a body of 40,000 Gauls, who had invaded their country, and had taken the town of Callium, and committed the most horrible atrocities on the inhabitants. The Aetolians also assisted in the defence of Delphi when it was attacked by the Gauls, and in the pursuit of the enemy in their retreat. (Paus. x. 20-23.) To commemorate the vengeance they had inflicted upon the Gauls for the destruction of Callium, the Aetolians dedicated at Delphi a trophy and a statue of an armed heroine, representing Aetolia. They also dedicated in the same temple the statues of the generals under whom they had fought in this war. (Paus. x. 18. § 7, x. 15. § 2.) Like the From this time the Aetolians appear as one of the three great powers in Greece, the other two being the Macedonians and Achaeans. Achaeans, the Aetolians were united in a confederacy or league. At what time this league was first formed is uncertain. It is inferred that the Actolians must have been united into some form of con federacy at least as early as the time of Philip, the Messenia ergaged them in a war with the Achaeans father of Alexander the Great, from an inscription usually called the Social War. The Achaeans were on the statue of Aetolus at Thermum, quoted by supported by the youthful monarch of Macedonia, Ephorus (Strab. p. 463: Aitwλdv tóvd' ávéðnкav | Philip V., who inflicted a severe blow upon the Airwλol operepâs μvñμ' àpetñs éσopav), and from Aetolians in B. C. 218 by an unexpected march into the cession of Naupactus, which was made to them the interior of their country, where he surprised the by Philip. (Strab. p. 427: éσrì dè vûv Altwλŵv, capital city of Thermum, in which all the wealth and Þíжпоυ пρоσкρívavтos, quoted by Thirlwall, Hist. treasures of the Aetolian leaders were deposited. The of Greece, vol. viii. p. 207.) But it was not till after whole of these fell into the hands of the king, and were the death of Alexander the Great that the league either carried off or destroyed; and before quitting the appears to have come into full activity; and it was place, Philip set fire to the sacred buildings, to retaprobably the invasion of their country by Antipater liate for the destruction of Dium and Dodona by the and Craterus, and the consequent necessity of con- Aetolians. (Pol. v.2—9, 13, 14; for the details o certing measures for their common defence, that Philip's march, see THERMUM.) The Social war was brought the Aetolians into a closer political associa- brought to a close by a treaty of peace concluded in tion. The constitution of the league was democra- B. C. 217. Six years afterwards (B. C. 211) the tical, like that of the Aetolian towns and tribes. Aetolians again declared war against Philip, in conThe great council of the nation, called the Pan- sequence of having formed an offensive and defensive aetolicon (Liv. xxxi. 9), in which it is probable alliance with the Romans, who were then engaged that every freeman above the age of thirty had the in hostilities with Philip. The attention of the right of voting, met every autumn at Thermum, for Romans was too much occupied by the war against the election of magistrates, general legislation, and Hannibal in Italy to enable them to afford much the decision of all questions respecting peace and assistance to the Aetolians, upon whom, therefore, war with foreign nations. There was also another the burden of the war chiefly fell. In the course of deliberative body, called Apocleti ('ATÓKλNTO), this war Philip again took Thermum (Pol. xi. 4), which appears to have been a kind of permanent and the Aetolians became so disheartened that they committee. (Pol. xx. 1; Liv. xxxvi. 28.) The concluded peace with him in B. C. 205. This peace chief magistrate bore the title of Strategus (ΣTPATη. was followed almost immediately by one between yós). He was elected annually, presided in the as- Philip and the Romans. semblies, and had the command of the troops in war. The officers next in rank were the Hipparchus ("Innарxos), or commander of the cavalry, and the chief Secretary (гpauμaтeús), both of whom were elected annually. (For further details respecting the constitution of the league, see Dict. of Antiq. art. Aetolicum Foedus.) After the expulsion of the Gauls from Greece, the Aetolians began to extend their dominions over the neighbouring nations. They still retained the rude and barbarous habits which had characterised them in the time of Thucydides, and were still accustomed to live to a great extent by robbery and piracy. Their love of rapine was their great incentive to war, and in their marauding expeditions they spared neither friends nor foes, neither things sacred nor profane. Such is the character given to them by Polybius (e. g. ii. 45, 46, iv. 67, ix. 38), and his account is confirmed in the leading outlines by the testimony of other writers; though justice requires us to add that the enmity of the Aetolians to the Achaeans has probably led the historian to exaggerate rather than underrate the vices of the Aetolian people. At the time of their greatest power, they were masters of the whole of western Acarnania, of the south of Epirus and Thessaly, and of Locris, Phocis, and Boeotia. They likewise assumed the entire control of the Delphic oracle and of the Amphictyonic assembly. (Plut. Demetr. 40; Pol. iv. 25; Thirlwall, vol. viii. p. 210.) Their league also embraced several towns in the heart of Peloponnesus, the island of Cephallenia, and even cities in Thrace and Asia Minor, such as Lysimachia on the Hellespont, and Cios on the Propontis. The relation of these distant places to the league is a matter of uncertainty. They could not have taken any part in the management of the business of the confederacy; and the towns in Asia Minor and Thrace probably joined it in order to protect themselves against the attacks of the Aetolian privateers. The Aetolians were at the height of their power in B. C. 220, when their unprovoked invasion of On the renewal of the war between Philip and the Romans in B. C. 200, the Aetolians at first resolved to remain neutral; but the success of the consul Galba induced them to change their determination, and before the end of the first campaign they declared war against Philip. They fought at the battle of Cynoscephalae in B. c. 197, when their cavalry contributed materially to the success of the day. (Liv. xxxiii. 7.) The settlement of the affairs of Greece by Flamininus after this victory caused great disappointment to the Aetolians; and as soon as Flamininus returned to Italy, they invited Antiochus to invade Greece, and shortly afterwards declared war against the Romans. (B. C. 192.) The defeat of Antiochus at Thermopylae (B. C. 191) drove the monarch back to Asia, and left the Aetolians exposed to the full vengeance of the Romans. They obtained a short respite by a truce which they solicited from the Romans; but having subsequently resumed hostilities on rumours of some success of Antiochus in Asia, the Roman consul M. Fulvius Nobilior crossed over into Greece, and commenced operations by laying siege to Ambracia (B. C. 189), which was then one of the strongest towns belonging to the league. Meantime news had arrived of the total defeat of Antiochus at the battle of Magnesia, and the Aetolians resolved to purchase peace at any price. It was granted to them by the Romans, but on terms which destroyed for ever their independence, and rendered them only the vassals of Rome. (Pol. xxii. 15; Liv. xxxviii. 11.) After the conquest of Perseus (B. c. 167), the Roman party in Aetolia, assisted by a body of Roman soldiers, massacred 550 of the leading patriots. All the survivors, who were suspected of opposition to the Roman policy, were carried off as prisoners to Italy. It was at this time that the league was formally dissolved. (Liv. xlv. 28, 31; Justin, xxxiii. Prol. and 2.) Aetolia subsequently formed part of the province of Achaia; though it is doubtful whether it formed part of this province as it was at first constituted. [ACHAIA.] The inhabitants of several of its towns were removed by Augustus to people the city of Nicopolis, which he founded to commemorate his victory at Actium, B. c. 31; and in his time the country is described by Strabo as utterly worn out and exhausted. (Strab. p. 460.) Under the Romans the Aetolians appear to have remained in the same rude condition in which they had always been. The interior of Aetolia was probably rarely visited by the Romans, for they had no road in the inland part of the country; and their only road was one leading from the coast of Acarnania across the Achelous, by Pleuron and Calydon to Chalcis and Molycreia on the Aetolian coast. (Comp. Brandstäten, Die Geschichten des Aetolischen Landes, Volkes und Bundes, Berlin, 1844.) The towns in Aetolia were: I. In Old Aetolia. 1. In the lower plain, between the sea and Mount Aracynthus, CALYDON, PLEURON, OLENUS, PYLENE, CHALCIS (these 5 are the Aetolian towns mentioned by Homer), HALICYRNA, ELAEUS, PAEANIUM OF PHANA, PROSCHIUM, ITHORIA, CONOPE (afterwards Arsinoë), LYSIMACHIA. In the upper plain N. of Mount Aracynthus, ACRAE, METAPA, PAMPHIA, PHYTEUM, TRICHONIUM, THESTIENSES, THERMUM. In Aetolia Epictetus, on the sea-coast, MACYNIA, MOLYCREIUM or MOLYCREIA: a little in the interior, on the borders of Locris, POTIDANIA, CROCYLEIUM, TEICHIUM, AEGITIUM: further in the interior, CALLIUM, Oechalia [see p. 65, a.], APERANTIA, AGRINIUM, Ephyra, the last of which was a town of the Agraei. [AGRAEI.] The site of the following towns is quite unknown:- Ellopium (EAAómov, Pol. ap. Steph. B. s. v.); Thorax (pag, s. v.); Pherae (Pepaí, Steph. B. s. v.). AITRARN COIN OF AETOLIA. AEXO'NE. [ATTICA.] AFFILAE (Eth. Affilanus), a town of Latium, in the more extended sense of the term, but which must probably have in earlier times belonged to the Hernicans. It is still called Affile, and is situated in the mountainous district S. of the valley of the Anio, about 7 miles from Subiaco. We learn from the treatise ascribed to Frontinus (de Colon. p. 230), that its territory was colonized in the time of the Gracchi, but it never enjoyed the rank of a colony, and Pliny mentions it only among the "oppida" of Latium. (H. N. iii. 5. § 9.) Inscriptions, fragments of columns, and other ancient relics are still visible in the modern village of Affile. (Nibby, Dintorni di Roma, vol. i. p. 41.) [E. H. B.] AFFLIA'NUS or AEFLIA'NUS MONS (the latter form of the name appears to be the more correct) was the name given in ancient times to a mountain near Tibur, fronting the plain of the Campagna and now called Monte S. Angelo, though marked on Gell's map as Monte Affliano. The Claudian aqueduct was carried at its foot, where the remains of it still visible are remarkable for the boldness and grandeur of their construction. An inscription which records the completion of some of these works has preserved to us the ancient name of the mountain. (Nibby, Dintorni di Roma, vol. i. p. 25; Fabretti, Inscr. p. 637.) [E. H. B.] AFRICA ('Appich: Adj. Afer, Africus, Africanus), the name by which the quarter of the world still called Africa was known to the Romans, who received it from the Carthaginians, and applied it first to that part of Africa with which they became first acquainted, namely, the part about Carthage, and afterwards to the whole continent. In the latter sense the Greeks used the name Libya ('Apiń only occurring as the Greek form of the Latin Africa); and the same name is continually used by Roman writers. In this work the continent is treated of under LIBYA; and the present article is confined to that portion of N. Africa which the Romans called specifically Africa, or Africa Propria (or Vera), or Africa Provincia ('Appɩêǹ ǹ ¡díws), and which may be roughly described as the old Carthaginian terri. tory, constituted a Roman province after the Third Punic War (B. C. 146). The N. coast of Africa, after trending W. and E. with a slight rise to the N., from the Straits of Gibraltar to near the centre of the Mediterranean, suddenly falls off to the S. at C. Bon (Mercurii Pr.) in 37° 4' 20" N. lat., and 10° 53′ 35′′ E. long., and preserves this general direction for about 3° of latitude, to the bottom of the Gulf of Khabs, the ancient Lesser Syrtis; the three chief salient points of this E. part of the coast, namely, the promontories of Clypea (at the N., a little S. of C. Bon) and Caput Vada (Kapoudiah, about the middle), and the island of Meninx (Jerbah, at the S.), lying on the same meridian. The country within this angle, formed of the last low ridges by which the Atlas sinks down to the sea, bounded on the S. and SW. by the Great Desert, and on the W. extending about as far as 9° E. long., formed, roughly speaking, the Africa of the Romans; but the precise limits of the country included under the name at different periods can only be understood by a brief historical account. That part of the continent of Africa, which forms the S. shore of the Mediterranean, W. of the Delta of the Nile, consists of a strip of habitable land, hemmed in between the sea on the N. and the Great Desert (Sahăra) on the S., varying greatly in breadth in its E. and W. halves. The W. part of this sea-board has the great chain of ATLAS interposed as a barrier against the torrid sands of the Sahara; and the N. slope of this range, descending in a series of natural terraces to the sea, watered by many streams, and lying on the S. margin of the N. temperate zone, forms one of the finest regions on the surface of the earth. But, at the great bend in the coast above described (namely, about C. Bon), the chain of the Atlas ceases; and, from the shoros of the Lesser Syrtis, the desert comes close to the sea, leaving only narrow slips of habitable land, till, at the bottom of another great bend to the S., forming the Greater Syrtis (Gulf of Sidra), the sand and water meet (about 19° E. long.), forming a natural division between the 2 parts of N. Africa. E. of this point lay CYRENAICA, the history of which is totally distinct from that of the W. portion, with which we are now concerned. For what follows, certain land-marks must be borne in mind. Following the coast E. of the Fretum Gaditanum (Straits of Gibraltar) to near 2o W. long., we reach the largest river of N. Africa, the MALVA, Mulucha, or Molochath (Wady Mulwia or Mohalou), which now forms the boundary of Ma rocco and Algier, and was an equally important frontier in ancient times. The next point of refer ence is a headland at about 4° E. long., the site of the ancient city of SALDAE. E. of this, again, somewhat beyond 6° E. long., is another frontier river, the AMPSAGA (Wady el Kebir): further on, near 8 E. long., another river, the RUBRICATUS (Wady Seibous), at the mouth of which stood HIPPO REGIUS (Bonah); and, about 1° further E., the river TUSCA (Wady-ez-Zain). The last great river of this coast, W. of the great turning point (C. Bon), is the BAGRADAS (Majerdah), falling into the sea just below C. Farina, the W. headland (as C. Bon is the eastern) of the great Gulf of Tunis, near the centre of which a rocky promontory marks the site of Carthage. Lastly, let us note the bottom of the great gulf called the Lesser Syrtis, at the S. extremity of the E. coast already noticed, with the neighbouring great salt-lake of Al-Sibkah, the ancient Palus Tritonis, between 33° and 34° N. lat.; N. and NW. of which the country is for the most part desert, as far as the SE. slopes of the Atlas chain. The country immediately around the lake itself forms the E.-most of a series of oases, which stretch from E. to W. along the S. foot of the Atlas chain, and along the N. margin of the Sahăra, and thus mark out a natural S. frontier for this portion of N. Africa. In the earliest times recorded, the whole N. coast of the continent W. of Egypt was peopled by various tribes of the great Libyan race, who must be carefully distinguished from the Ethiopian or negro races of the interior. S. of the Libyan tribes, and on the N. limits of the Sahara, dwelt the GAETULI and GARAMANTES, and S. of these, beyond the desert, the proper Ethiopians or negroes. The Libyans were of the Caucasian family of mankind, and for the most part of nomade habits. At periods so early as to be still mythical to the Greeks, colonists from the W. coasts of Asia settled on the shores of Africa, and especially on the part now treated of. Sallust has preserved a curious tradition respecting the ear. liest Asiatic colonists, to which a bare reference is enough (Jugurth. 18). The chief colonies were those of the Phoenicians, such as HIPPO ZARYTUS, UTICA, TUNES, HADRUMETUM, LEFTIS, and above all, though one of the latest, CARTHAGO. In these settlements, the Phoenicians established themselves as traders rather than conquerors; and they do not seem to have troubled themselves about bringing the native peoples into subjection, except so far as was needful for their own security. Carthage, which was built on the most commanding position on the whole coast, gradually surpassed all the other Phoenician colonies, and brought them, as allies, if not as subjects, to acknowledge her supremacy. She also founded colonics of her own along the whole coast, from the Straits to the bottom of the Great Syrtis. The question of the extent and character of the Carthaginian dominion belongs to another article [CARTHAGO]; but it is necessary here to advert briefly to its condition when the Romans first became acquainted with the country. At that time the proper territory of Carthage was confined within very narrow limits around the city itself. The sea-coast W. and S. of C. Bon, as far as the river Rubricatus and Hippo Regius on the W. and a point N. of Hadrumetum (about 36° N. lat.) on the S., and the parts inland along the river Bagradas, and between it and the sea, appear to have formed the original territory of Carthage, corresponding nearly to the region after wards known as ZEUGITANA, but reaching further along the W. coast, and not so far inland on the SW. This, or even less, was the extent of country at first included by the Romans under the name of Africa, and to this very day it bears the same name, Frikiah or Afrikeah. It is remarkable that, neither in the wars of Agathocles nor of the Romans with Carthage in Africa, does any mention occur of military operations out of this limited district. But still, before the wars with Rome, the territory of Carthage had received some accession. On the E. coast, S. of 36° N. lat., flourishing maritime cities had been established, some as Leptis and Hadrumetum even before Carthage, and some by the Carthaginians. These cities were backed by a fertile but narrow plain, bounded on the W. by a range of mountains, which formed the original BYZACIUM, a district, according to Pliny, 250 Roman miles in circuit, and extending S.-wards as far as Thenae, opposite the island of Cercina (in about 34° 30' N. lat.), where the Lesser Syrtis was considered to begin. This district had been added to the possessions of the Carthaginians, and Polybius (iii. 23) speaks of their anxiety to conceal it from the knowledge of the Romans, as well as their commercial settlements further along the coast, called EMPORIA. This word, Emporia, though afterwards used as the name of a district, denoted at first, according to its proper meaning, settlements established for the sake of commerce; and it appears to have included all the Phoenician and Carthaginian colonies along the whole coast from the N. extremity of the Lesser Syrtis to the bottom of the Greater Syrtis. Any possession of the E. part of this region, in a strictly territorial sense, would have been worthless from the nature of the country, but the towns were maintained as centres of commerce with the inland tribes, and as an additional security, besides the desert, against any danger from the Greek states of Cyrenaica. Such was the general position of the Carthaginian dominion in Africa at the time of the Punic Wars; extending over their own immediate territory to about 80 miles S. of the capital, and along the E. coast of Tunis and isolated points on the W. part of the coast of Tripoli. The whole inner district in the central and SW. parts of the later province of Africa was in the possession of the Libyan tribes, whose services as mercenaries Carthage could obtain in war, but whom she never even attempted to subdue. These tribes are spoken of by Greek and Latin writers under a general name which describes their mode of life as wandering herdmen, Noμádes, or, in the Latin form, NUMIDAE. They possessed the country along the N. coast as far W. as the Straits; but those of them that were settled to the W. of the river Mulucha were called by another name, Maupoi, perhaps from a greater darkness of complexion, and, after them, the Romans called the country W. of the Mulucha MAURETANIA; while that E. of the Mulucha, to the W. frontier of Carthage, and also SW. and S. of the Carthaginian possessions as far as the region of the Syrtes, was included under the general designation of NUMIDIA. In this region, at the time of the Second Punic War, two tribes were far more powerful than all the rest, namely, in the W. and larger portion, between the rivers Mulucha and Ampsaga, the MASSAESYLII, occupying the greater part of the modern Algier; and E. of them, from the river Ampsaga and round the whole inland frontier of Carthage, the MASSYLII, the residence of whose chieftain, called by the Romans king, was at the strong natural fort of CIRTA (Costantinch): regular cities were, in their earlier history, almost, if not altogether, unknown to the Numidians. The relations of these tribes to Carthage are most important, as affecting the boundaries of Roman Africa. The first chief of the Massylii mentioned in history, Gala, is supposed to have already deprived the Carthaginians of the important town of Hippo (Bonah), inasmuch as it is mentioned with the epithet of Regius in Livy's narrative of the Second Punic War (Liv. xxix. 3); but, for an obvious reason, we cannot lay much stress on this point of evidence. Much more important is it to bear in mind that, in these parts, the epithet Regius applied to a city does prove that it belonged, at some time, to the Numidian princes. In the Second Punic War we find Gala in league with the Carthaginians; but their cause was abandoned in B. C. 206 by his son Masinissa, whose varied fortunes this is not the place to follow out in detail. Defeated again and again by the united forces of the Carthaginians and of Syphax, chief of the Massaesylii, he retired into the deserts of Inner Numidia, that is, the SE. part, about the Lesser Syrtis, and there maintained himself till the landing of Scipio in Africa, B. C. 204, when he joined the Romans and greatly contributed to their success. At the conclusion of the war, his services were amply rewarded. He was restored to his bereditary dominions, to which was added the greater part of the country of the Massaesylii; Syphax having been taken prisoner in B. C. 203, and sent to Rome, where he soon died. The conduct of the Romans on this occasion displayed quite as much policy as gratitude, and Masinissa's conduct soon showed that he knew he had been set as a thorn in the side of Carthage. Under cover of the terms of the treaty and with the connivance of Rome, he made a series of aggressions on the Carthaginian territory, both on the NW. and on the SE., seizing the rich Emporia on the latter side, and, on the former, the country W. of the river Tusca, and the district called the Great Plain, SE. of the Bagradas around 36° N. lat., where the name of Zama Regia is a witness of Numidian rule. Thus, when his constant persecution at length provoked the Carthaginians to the act of resistance which formed the occasion of the Third Punic War, Masinissa's kingdom extended from the river Malva to the frontier of Cyrenaica, while the Carthaginians were hemmed up in the narrow NE. corner of Zeugitana which they had at first possessed, and in the small district of Byzacium; these, their only remaining possessions, extending along the coast from the Tusca to the N. extremity of the Lesser Syrtis, opposite Cercina. Now, here we have the original limits of the Roman province of Africa. The treaty of peace, at the close of the Second Punic War, had assigned to Masinissa all the territory which his ancestors had ever possessed; he had succeeded in carrying out this provision to its full extent, if not beyond it; and at the close of the Third Punic War, the Romans left his sons their inheritance undiminished, Masinissa himself having died in the 2nd year of the war, B. c. 148. (Ap plan. Fun. 106.) Thus, the Roman province of Africa, which was constituted in B. C 146, included only the possessions which Carthage had at last. Sallust (Jug. 19) accurately describes the state of the case under the successors of Masinissa: | -"Igitur bello Jugurthino pleraque ex Punicis oppida et finis Carthaginiensium, quos novissume habuerant, populus Romanus per magistratus administrabat: Gaetuloruin magna pars et Numidae usque ad flumen Mulucham sub Jugurtha erant." And, as to the SE. frontier of the Roman province, we learn from Pliny (v. 4. s. 3) that it remained as under Masinissa, and that Scipio Africanus marked out the boundary line between the Roman province and the princes (reges) of Numidia, by a fossa which reached the sea at Thenae, thus leaving the Emporia and the region of the Syrtes to the latter. Thus the province of Africa embraced the districts of Zeugitana and Byzacium, or the N. and E. parts of the Regency of Tunis, from the river Tusca to Thenae at the N. end of the Lesser Syrtis. It was constituted by Scipio, with the aid of ten legati, or commissioners, appointed by the senate from its own body, as was usual when a conquered country was reduced to a province, and on the following terms. (Appian. Pun. 135; Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 19.) Such ruins of Carthage as remained were to be utterly destroyed, and men were forbidden, under a curse, to dwell upon its site; the cities which had taken part with Carthage were devoted to destruction, and their land was partly made ager publicus (comp. Cic. l. c. 22), and partly assigned to those cities which had sided with Rome, namely, Utica, Thapsus, Leptis Minor, Acholla, Usalis, Teudalis, and probably Hadrumetum (Lex Thoria, lin. 79; Marquardt, Becker's Handbuch d. Röm. Alterth. vol. iii. pt. 1. p. 226). Utica received all the land from Hippo Zarytus to Carthage, and was made the seat of government. The inhabitants, except of the favoured cities, were burthened with heavy taxes, assessed on persons as well as on the land. The province was placed under praetorian government, and was divided into conventus, we are not told how many, but from the mention of those of Zeugis (Oros. i. 2) and Hadrumetum (Hirt. Bell. Afr. 97), we may perhaps infer that the former included the whole N. district, Zeugis or Zeugitana, and the latter the S. district, Byzacium. The war with Jugurtha caused no alteration of territories; but the Romans gained possession of some cities in the SE. part of Numidia, the chief of which was Leptis Magna, between the Syrtes. (Sall Jug. 77.) Africa played an important part in the Civil War of Pompey and Caesar. Early in the war, it was seized for the senate by Attius Varus, who, aided by Juba, king of Numidia, defeated and slew Caesar's lieutenant Curio: of the remains of Caesar's army, some escaped to Sicily, and some surrendered to Juba; and the province remained in the hands of the Pompeian party, B. C. 49. (Caes. B. C. ii. 23— 44.) After Pompey's dea h, and while Caesar played the lover at Alexandria, and “ came, saw, conquered" in Pontus (B. C. 47), the Pompeians gathered their forces for a final stand in Africa, under Q. Metellus Scipio, Afranius, and Petreius. These leaders were joined by Cato, who, having collected an army at Cyrene, performed a most difficult march round the shores of the Syrtes, and undertook the defence of Utica, the chief city of the province: how he performed the task, his surname and the story of his death have long borne witness. The Pompeians were supported by Juba, king of Numidia, but he was kept in check by the army of Bocchus and Bogud, kings of Mauretania, under P. Sittius, an adventurer, who had taken advantage of the discords |