us;

tona, to which, according to Livy (xxiv. 3), the final |
blow was given during the war of Pyrrhus. The
circumstances of this are very imperfectly known to
but it appears that the Rhegians made them-
selves masters of the city by treachery, put the
Roman garrison to the sword, and destroyed great
part of the city. (Zonar. viii. 6. p. 127.) It subse-
quently passed into the power of Pyrrhus, but was
surprised and taken by the Roman consul Cornelius
Rufinus during the absence of that monarch in
Sicily, B. C. 277. (Id. p. 123; Frontin. Strat. iii.
6. § 4.) So reduced was the city after all these
disasters, that little more than half the extent com-
prised within the walls continued to be inhabited.
(Liv. xxiv. 3.)

In the Second Punic War the Bruttians, with the
assistance of the Carthaginian general Hanno, suc-
ceeded in making themselves masters of Crotona,
with the exception of the citadel, which held out
until the defenders were induced by Hanno to sur-
render upon terms; the aristocratic party, who had
occupied it, being persuaded to migrate to Locri, and
a body of Bruttians introduced into the city to fill
up the vacancy of its inhabitants. (Liv. xxiv. 2, 3.)
The fortifications of Crotona, its port, and the
strength of its citadel, still rendered it a place of
some importance in a military point of view, and
during the last years of the war it was the principal
stronghold which remained in the hands of Hannibal,
who established his chief magazines there, and fixed
his head-quarters for three successive winters in its
immediate neighbourhood. (Liv. xxix. 36, xxx. 19;
Appian. Annib. 57.) The ravages of this war ap-
pear to have completed the decay of Crotona; so that
a few years afterwards, in B. C. 194, a colony of
Roman citizens was sent thither to recruit its ex-
hausted population. (Liv. xxxiv. 45.) From this
period Crotona sank into the condition of an ob-
scure provincial town, and is not again mentioned in
history until after the fall of the Roman Empire.
Its port, however, appears to have been always in
some degree frequented as a place of passage to
Greece (Cic. ad Att. ix. 19); and an inscription
still gives it the title of a colony in Imperial times
(Mominsen, Inscr. R. Neap. 73), though neither
Pliny nor Ptolemy acknowledges it as such. The
name of Crotona again appears in the wars of Beli-
sarius and Narses against the Goths (Procop. B. G.
iii. 28, iv. 26); it was one of the few cities which
at that time still retained some consideration in this
part of Italy, and continued under the sovereignty of
the Byzantine Emperors till it passed with the rest
of the modern Calabria into the hands of the Nor-
mans. The modern city of Cotrone is but a poor
place, though possessing about 5000 inhabitants,
and a well-fortified citadel. This fortress undoubtedly
occupies the same situation as the ancient arx, on a
rock projecting into the sea (Liv. xxiv. 3), and af-
fording in consequence some degree of shelter to the
port. But the importance of the latter, though
frequently mentioned as one of the sources of the
prosperity of Crotona, must not be overrated. Po-
lybius expressly tells us that it was no good harbour,
but only a depivòs õpμos, or station where ships
could ride in summer (Pol. x. 1), and that its value
arose from the absence of all harbours along this
part of the Italian coast. The ancient city spread
itself out in the plain to the W. and N. of the citadel;
in the days of its prosperity it extended far across
the river Aesarus, which in consequence flowed
through the middle of the city; but as early as the

Second Punic War, the town had shrunk so much that the Aesarus formed its northern limit, and flowed on the outside of its walls. (Liv. xxiv. 3.) It is now about a mile to the N. of the modern town. We have scarcely any topographical information concerning the ancient city, and there are no ruins of it remaining. Many fragments of masonry and ancient edifices are said to have been still in existence till about the middle of last century, when they were employed in the construction of a mole for the protection of the port. Livy tells us that the walls of Crotona in the days of its greatness enclosed an extent of 12 miles in circumference; and though its population was not equal to that of Sybaris, it was still able to send into the field an army of 100,000 men. Even in the time of Dionysius of Syracuse, when it had already declined much from its former prosperity, Crotona was still able to furnish a fleet of 60 ships of war. (Diod. xiv. 100.) But in the Second Punic War the whole number of citizens of all ages had dwindled to less than 20,000, so that they were no longer able to defend the whole extent of their walls. (Liv. xxiii. 30.)

Crotona was celebrated in ancient times for the healthiness of its situation. An old legend represented Archias, the founder of Syracuse, as having chosen wealth for his city, while Myscellus preferred health (Strab. vi. p. 269; Steph. B. v. Žvρákovσav): according to another tale, Myscellus, when he first visited Italy, preferred the situation of Sybaris, but was commanded by the oracle to adhere to the spot first indicated to him. (Strab. vi. p. 262.) To the favourable position of the city in this respect was ascribed the superiority of its citizens in athletic exercises, which was so remarkable that on one occasion they bore away the seven first prizes in the footrace at the Olympic games. (Strab. l. c.; Cic. de Inv. ii. 1.) Among their athletes Milo was the most celebrated for his gigantic strength and power of body. (Biogr. Dict. art. Milo.) To the same cause was attributed the remarkable personal beauty for which their youths and maidens were distinguished. (Cic. l. c.) The system of training which produced these results was probably closely connected with the medical school for which Crotona was preeminent in the days of Herodotus, the physicians of Crotona being regarded at that time as unquestionably the first in Greece (Herod. iii. 131), and at a later period the school of Crotona still maintained its reputation by the side of those of Cos and Cnidus (Grote's Greece, vol. iv. p. 539). Among the most eminent of the physicians of Crotona we may notice Alemaeon, to whom the first introduction of anatomy was ascribed, and Democedes, who was for some time physician at the court of Darius, king of Persia. (Herod. iii. 129-138.) The great influence exercised by Pythagoras during his residence at Crotona naturally raised up a numerous school of his disciples, many of whom perished in the political revolution that put an end to their power in that city, while the rest were dispersed and driven into exile: a long list of Pythagorean philosophers, natives of Crotona, is preserved to us by Iamblichus (Vit. Pyth. 167); but the only two names of real eminence among them are those of Alcmaeon, already mentioned, and Philolaus, whom however Iamblichus represents as belonging to Tarentum. (Diog. Laert. viii. 5, 7.)

The territory of Crotona in the days of its prosperity was extensive, stretching from sea to sea: on the N. it was bounded by the river Hylias (Thuc. vii. 35), while to the S. it probably extended to the

confines of the Locrians, the intermediate towns of Scylletium and Caulonia being its colonies and dependencies. The immediate neighbourhood of the city, though less fertile than that of Sybaris and Thurii, was well adapted for the growth of corn, and the luxuriant pastures of the valley of the Neaethus are celebrated by Theocritus, and retain their richness to the present day. [NEAETHUS.] The same poet, who has laid the scene of one of his Idylls in the neighbourhood of Crotona, speaks with praise of the banks of the Aesarus, which are now dreary and barren: as well as of the pastures and shady woods of two mountains called Physcus and Latymnum. These last must have been situated in the neighbourhood of Crotona, but cannot be identified with any certainty. (Theocr. iv. 17-19, 23-25; and Schol. ad loc.; Swinburne's Travels, vol. i. p. 313.)

warned by the goddess herself in a dream to refraid from touching them. (Cic. de Div. i. 24.) It was at the same period that he dedicated there a bronze tablet, containing a detailed account of his wars in Spain and Italy, the number of his forces, &c., which was consulted, and is frequently referred to, by the historian Polybius. (Pol. iii. 33, 56.) But though this celebrated sanctuary had been spared both by Pyrrhus and Hannibal, it was profaned by the Roman censor Q. Fulvius Flaccus, who, in B.C. 173, stripped it of half its roof, which was composed of marble slabs instead of tiles, for the purpose of adorning a temple of Fortuna Equestris, which he was erecting at Rome. The outrage was, indeed, severely censured by the senate, who caused the slabs to be carried back to Lacinium, but in the decayed condition of the province, it was found impossible to replace them. (Liv. xlii. 3; Val. Max. i. 1. § 20.) The decay of the temple may probably be dated as commencing from this period, and must have resul ed from the general decline of the neighbouring cities and country. But Appian tells us that it was still wealthy, and replete with offerings, as late as B. C. 36, when it was plundered by Sex. Pompeius. (App. B. C. v. 133.) Hence Strabo speaks of it as having in his time lost its wealth, though the temple itself was still in existence. Pliny mentions the Lacinian Promontory, but without noticing the temple. It appears, however, from extant remains, as well as from an inscription, "Herae Laciniae," found in the ruins, that it still continued to subsist as a sacred edifice down to a late period. (Dionys. i. 52; Strab.

Six miles distant from the city of Crotona was the celebrated temple of the Lacinian Juno, on the promontory of the same name. (Liv. xxiv. 3; Strab. vi. p. 261; Scyl. p. 5. § 13; Dionys. Per. 371; and Eustath. ad loc.) Livy calls it "nobile templum, ipsa urbe nobilius:" indeed, there was no other temple of equal fame or sanctity in the whole of Magna Graecia. The period of its foundation is wholly unknown. Virgil alludes to it as already in existence at the time of the voyage of Aeneas, and Dionysius tells us that a bronze cup was still preserved there, which had been dedicated by that hero. (Virg. Aen. iii. 552; Dionys. i. 52.) Some legends ascribed its foundation to Hercules, others to Lacinius or Lacinus, who was said to have been dwell-vi. p. 261; Mommsen, I. R. N. 72.) ing there when it was visited by Hercules, and from whom the promontory derived its name: others, again, spoke of the headland and sacred grove as having been presented by Thetis to Hera herself. (Diod. iv. 24; Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 857, 1006; Serv. ad Aen. iii. 552.) These legends may be considered as indicating that the temple did not owe its foundation to the Greek colonists of Crotona, but that there previously existed a sacred edifice, or at least a consecrated locality (Téuevos), on the spot, probably of Pelasgic origin. The temple of Hera became the scene of a great annual assembly of all the Italian Greeks, at which a procession took place in honour of the goddess, to whom splendid offerings were made; and this festival became a favourite occasion for the Greeks of the neighbouring cities to display their magnificence. (Pseud. Arist. de Mirab. 96; Athen. xii. p. 541.) The interior of the temple was adorned with paintings, executed by order of the Crotoniats at the public cost, among which the most celebrated was that of Helen by Zeuxis, for the execution of which that artist was allowed to select five of the most beautiful virgins of the city as his models. (Cic. de Inv. ii. 1; Plin. xxxv. 9. s. 36.) Besides abundance of occasional offerings of the most costly description, the temple derived great wealth from its permanent revenues, especially its cattle, out of the produce of which a column of solid gold was formed, and set up in the sanctuary. (Liv. xxiv. 3.) Immediately adjoining the temple itself was an extensive grove, or rather forest, of tall pinetrees, enclosing within it rich pastures, on which the cattle belonging to the temple were allowed to feed, unprotected and uninjured. (Ibid.)

The immense mass of treasures that had thus accumulated in the temple is said to have excited the cupidity of Hannibal, during the time that he was established in its neighbourhood, but he was

The ruins of this celebrated temple are but inconsiderable; one column alone is standing, of the Doric order, closely resembling those of Metapontum : it is based on a foundation of large stones cut into facets: but some admixture of brickwork shows that the building must have been repaired in Roman times. A second column was standing till near the middle of the last century; and considerable remains of the pavement, and the wall which formed the peribolus of the temple, were carried off to be used in the construction of the mole and the bishop's palace at Cotrone. Riedesel, who visited these ruins in 1767, and upon whose authority many modern writers have described the building as of enormous extent, appears to have been misled by some masses of masonry (of reticulated work, and therefore certainly of Roman construction), more than 100 yards distant from the column, and which could never have formed any part of the temple. These fragments are generally known by the absurd appellation of the School of Pythagoras. The position of the temple on a bold projecting rock (as described by Lucan. ii. 434), must have been very striking, commanding a noble view in all directions, and forming a landmark to voyagers, who were in the habit of striking across the bay direct from the lapygian Promontory to that of Lacinium (Virg. Aen. iii. 552). The single column that forms its solitary remnant, still serves the same purpose. (Swinburne's Travels, vol. i. pp. 321-323; Craven, Southern Tour, p. 238.)

The coins of Crotona are very numerous: the more ancient ones are of the class called incuse, having the one side convex, the other concave: a mode of coinage peculiar to the cities of Magna Graecia. The type of all these earlier coins is a tripod, as on the one annexed, in allusion to the oracle of Delphi, in pursuance of which the city was

confines of the Locrians, the intermediate towns of Scylletium and Caulonia being its colonies and dependencies. The immediate neighbourhood of the city, though less fertile than that of Sybaris and Thurii, was well adapted for the growth of corn, and the luxuriant pastures of the valley of the Neaethus are celebrated by Theocritus, and retain their richness to the present day. [NEAETHUS.] The same poet, who has laid the scene of one of his Idylls in the neighbourhood of Crotona, speaks with praise of the banks of the Aesarus, which are now dreary and barren: as well as of the pastures and shady woods of two mountains called Physcus and Latymnum. These last must have been situated in the neighbourhood of Crotona, but cannot be identified with any certainty. (Theocr. iv. 17-19, 23-25; and Schol. ad loc.; Swinburne's Travels, vol. i. p. 313.)

warned by the goddess herself in a dream to refraid from touching them. (Cic. de Div. i. 24.) It was at the same period that he dedicated there a bronze tablet, containing a detailed account of his wars in Spain and Italy, the number of his forces, &c., which was consulted, and is frequently referred to, by the historian Polybius. (Pol. iii. 33, 56.) But though this celebrated sanctuary had been spared both by Pyrrhus and Hannibal, it was profaned by the Roman censor Q. Fulvius Flaccus, who, in B.C. 173, stripped it of half its roof, which was composed of marble slabs instead of tiles, for the purpose of adorning a temple of Fortuna Equestris, which he was erecting at Rome. The outrage was, indeed, severely censured by the senate, who caused the slabs to be carried back to Lacinium, but in the decayed condition of the province, it was found impossible to replace them. (Liv. xlii. 3; Val. Max. i. 1. § 20.) The decay of the temple may probably be dated as commencing from this period, and must have resul ed from the general decline of the neighbouring cities and country. But Appian tells us that it was still wealthy, and replete with offerings, as late as B. C. 36, when it was plundered by Sex. Pompeius. (App. B. C. v. 133.) Hence Strabo speaks of it as having in his time lost its wealth, though the temple itself was still in existence. Pliny mentions the Lacinian Promontory, but without noticing the temple. It appears, however, from extant remains, as well as from an inscription, "Herae Laciniae," found in the ruins, that it still continued to subsist as a sacred edifice down to a late period. (Dionys. i. 52; Strab.

Six miles distant from the city of Crotona was the celebrated temple of the Lacinian Juno, on the promontory of the same name. (Liv. xxiv. 3; Strab. vi. p. 261; Scyl. p. 5. § 13; Dionys. Per. 371; and Eustath. ad loc.) Livy calls it "nobile templum, ipsa urbe nobilius:" indeed, there was no other temple of equal fame or sanctity in the whole of Magna Graecia. The period of its foundation is wholly unknown. Virgil alludes to it as already in existence at the time of the voyage of Aeneas, and Dionysius tells us that a bronze cup was still preserved there, which had been dedicated by that hero. (Virg. Aen. iii. 552; Dionys. i. 52.) Some legends ascribed its foundation to Hercules, others to Lacinius or Lacinus, who was said to have been dwell-vi. p. 261; Mommsen, I. R. N. 72.) ing there when it was visited by Hercules, and from whom the promontory derived its name: others, again, spoke of the headland and sacred grove as having been presented by Thetis to Hera herself. (Diod. iv. 24; Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 857, 1006; Serv. ad Aen. iii. 552.) These legends may be considered as indicating that the temple did not owe its foundation to the Greek colonists of Crotona, but that there previously existed a sacred edifice, or at least a consecrated locality (Téμevos), on the spot, probably of Pelasgic origin. The temple of Hera became the scene of a great annual assembly of all the Italian Greeks, at which a procession took place in honour of the goddess, to whom splendid offerings were made; and this festival became a favourite occasion for the Greeks of the neighbouring cities to display their magnificence. (Pseud. Arist. de Mirab. 96; Athen. xii. p. 541.) The interior of the temple was adorned with paintings, executed by order of the Crotoniats at the public cost, among which the most celebrated was that of Helen by Zeuxis, for the execution of which that artist was allowed to select five of the most beautiful virgins of the city as his models. (Cic. de Inv. ii. 1; Plin. xxxv. 9. s. 36.) Besides abundance of occasional offerings of the most costly description, the temple derived great wealth from its permanent revenues, especially its cattle, out of the produce of which a column of solid gold was formed, and set up in the sanctuary. (Liv. xxiv. 3.) Immediately adjoining the temple itself was an extensive grove, or rather forest, of tall pinetrees, enclosing within it rich pastures, on which the cattle belonging to the temple were allowed to feed, unprotected and uninjured. (Ibid.)

The immense mass of treasures that had thus accumulated in the temple is said to have excited the cupidity of Hannibal, during the time that he was established in its neighbourhood, but he was

The ruins of this celebrated temple are but inconsiderable; one column alone is standing, of the Doric order, closely resembling those of Metapontum : it is based on a foundation of large stones cut into facets: but some admixture of brickwork shows that the building must have been repaired in Roman times. A second column was standing till near the middle of the last century; and considerable remains of the pavement, and the wall which formed the peribolus of the temple, were carried off to be used in the construction of the mole and the bishop's palace at Cotrone. Riedesel, who visited these ruins in 1767, and upon whose authority many modern writers have described the building as of enormous extent, appears to have been misled by some masses of masonry (of reticulated work, and therefore certainly of Roman construction), more than 100 yards distant from the column, and which could never have formed any part of the temple. These fragments are generally known by the absurd appellation of the School of Pythagoras. The position of the temple on a bold projecting rock (as described by Lucan. ii. 434), must have been very striking, commanding a noble view in all directions, and forming a landmark to voyagers, who were in the habit of striking across the bay direct from the Iapygian Promontory to that of Lacinium (Virg. Aen. iii. 552). The single column that forms its solitary remnant, still serves the same purpose. (Swinburne's Travels, vol. i. pp. 321-323; Craven, Southern Tour, p. 238.)

The coins of Crotona are very numerous: the more ancient ones are of the class called incuse, having the one side convex, the other concave : a mode of coinage peculiar to the cities of Magna Graecia. The type of all these earlier coins is a tripod, as on the one annexed, in allusion to the oracle of Delphi, in pursuance of which the city was

founded; later coins have the head of the Lacinian | Dionys., Steph. B.: Eth. Kpovoтouepivos, Id.; in Juno, and on the reverse the figure of Hercules. (See the second of those figured below.) [E.H.B.]