the arguments of the American Copyright Club, | customers. But does not Mr. Campbell see, and with which I have nothing to do, and which needs does not Mr. Berrien, with the Senate committee, that nothing should be said. What truly concerns see, that there can be no better security against this question has been sufficiently discussed in these this sort of thing than in having authors of our sheets already. But I again repeat my protest own? What should we say to the American statesagainst the use of the name of Senator Berrien, man, who, to keep British ships from bombarding for the purpose of giving authority to opinions for ours, should break up our own vessels, and invite which I no where find him responsible. I must those of the enemy to take their places in our waalso add my regrets, that, if the Senatorial com- ters? The cases are analogous. Our securities mittee "were prepared to report so decidedly against foreign injustice, slander and reproach, are against" the proposed law of International Copy- to be found in native authorship, as certainly as that right, they did not do so, and relieve themselves our protection against a maritime enemy, is in havand the public. That a person, confessedly, deeply ing an adequate number of stout frigates of our and pecuniarily interested in opposition to the mea- own. sure, should be prepared and permitted to report his private opinions, with all the advantages of an official sanction, without subjecting the learned committee to the responsibilities of such a proceeding, is an injustice to the applicants for the law, and betrays a prejudice and partiality, which, of itself, should be sufficient to do away with the force of any adverse decision upon the subject, which they might make.

"It is proper to add," says Mr. Campbell, “in justice to the Messrs. Harpers, that they have been at all times ready to admit that the Copyright Law might be of great pecuniary benefit to them, yet they refrain from taking any active part in the controversy not having the confidence to join in a petition to Congress for the passage of a law, which, while it would benefit themselves, would be a heavy tar upon the American people."

Harper and Brothers will scarcely tell me this. In 1835-236, they were opposed to the measure. At this moment, J. W. Harper, one of the brothers, an amiable and sensible fellow, is a member of the American Copyright Club, and thus, one of the petitioners to Congress for the very measure in question. Only last summer, I myself had the assurance of another member of the firm, that they approved of the application, but were unwilling to show themselves active, because of their former hostility. They did not wish to receive the reproach of inconsistency. I confess myself shocked that any such reason should be furnished for their inactivity on the Copyright measure as that given in the note of Mr. Campbell-a species of canting and hypocrisy of which the sorriest publisher in any country would hardly be guilty, and might well be ashamed of.

Something is said, at the close of this pamphlet, about the abuse and blackguardism, to which our country is subjected, by British authors, in British books. An extract is given from Jack Hinton. Nothing can be made of this fact, or of any like it, as an argument in opposition to the extension of the Copyright privilege. If this abuse were an evil to be feared, such an extension of Copyright would be a very good mode for relieving ourselves from it, since authors are not likely to abuse their

I am sir, with very great respect,
Your ob't servant, &c.,
W. GILMORE SIMMS.

Woodland, May 21, 1844.

NATURE'S LESSON.

BY A. B. MEEK.

The face of Nature lives with beauty,
But man neglects the bright display;
All-unobservant of his duty,

He wears a sightless life away!
How sweet the rosy morning breaking
O'er dewy lawn and wooded hill !—
Fair alchemist!-all-golden making
The waving grove, the rimpling rill!
Goes with the sun imperial splendor
O'er sea and sky and festal earth;
From blue-browed noon to twilight tender,
Each way, are orbs of heavenly birth!
When far away, 'mid flashing banners,
A countless army,-sinks the sun,
What watch-fires light the blue Savannahs,
With spirit-guarda 'round every one!

All through the night they burn and brighten,
The outposts of the heavenly land,
Beneath their rays the hill-tops whiten,

And still as spell-bound giants stand!

And oh the moon !-pale mother Mary!

How fair she makes the balmy night!-
Her brow may wane, her beauty vary,
Through all her presence is delight!
Yes, ever lovely!-earth and ocean

Feel fairer in her silvery beam :—
The swan of heaven!-with stateliest motion
She cleaves her blue, star-pebbled stream!
Lo! like an arch by angels bended,

For triumph high in Spirit Land,
Enwreathed with flowers all-hued and blended,-
The rainbow o'er the valley spanned!

Almost it seems with beauty vital;

The valley glows 'neath its embrace;
And yon clear stream, with proud requital,

Slides through its deeply mirrored grace.

and its value in the mechanism of political society are what I propose now to consider.

When God first cursed the earth for the sin of man, he commanded it no more to bring forth spontaneously the grains and fruits necessary for his subsistence, but doomed him to earn and eat his bread in the sweat of his face. To understand from this that no man from thenceforth should ever eat the bread of idleness, would be, "to make God a liar." But the fulfilment of the denunciation against the race of Adam collectively is found in this; that, though some are permitted to pass their lives in uneasy and unprofitable sloth, the great mass of mankind must spend their days in toil, or starve.

"Wisdom cometh by the opportunity of leisure," and to him "whose life is between the handles of the plough," this opportunity is denied. Hence the curse that dooms the mass of mankind to toil, dooms them also to ignorance. When the former penalty is recalled the latter may be remitted. Not till then.

When men act together in large bodies, he who would lead must sometimes be content to follow. That he may make his wisdom the wisdom of other men, he must adopt something of their folly, just as he who would stop a falling weight, must yield to the shock. To a certain extent this is perhaps desirable. Wise men, taking counsel only of each other, might forget to make allowances for others not so wise as themselves. The presence of a few fools may be necessary to remind them, that they are acting for fools, as well as for wise men. Thus it is, that in a multitude of counsellors there is wisdom; and if fools could learn as readily from wise men, as wise men learn from fools, the multitude could not be too indiscriminate.

But, unfortunately, it is not so; and no man who has had occasion to witness what is done, in numerous deliberative bodies, can fail to have observed that much good is marred, and much mischief is done, from the necessity of conceding too much to the prejudices of the ignorant. Whatever good, wise and practical men may be able to extract from their commerce with fools, it is only under the management of the wise that good can be made of it. But take the mass of mankind, in any country upon earth, and refer, directly and without debate to the vote of a majority of these all questions of municipal regulation and foreign policy, assigning, in every instance, as much weight to the suffrage of one as to that of another, and no man can calculate the disastrous consequences that might ensue.

You will not think me so absurd as to mean that there is no intellectual excellence, no wisdom, except among those who enjoy the advantages of regular education. We know this not to be true; and our own community abounds with examples to the contrary. But that native energy of mind, which, in its upward spring, throws off the depressing weight of poverty, is a rare endowment. He who possesses it, presently separates himself from the class in which he had been placed, by a blunder of fortune; and one of the first uses that he makes of his su- Something like this is done in every country, perior powers is to secure to himself the advantages which refers the choice of its lawgivers and magisof education, which others, misunderstanding the trates to universal suffrage. The effect is always secret of his success, foolishly undervalue. He, mischievous. Under peculiar, and very advantawhose mind God has enlightened with that Wis-geous circumstances, it is not necessarily fatal, and dom, which is the heritage of such favored beings, hence it is that we are enabled to deceive ourselves, chooses Wisdom as his portion. The fool alone while observing the operation of universal suffrage, chooses folly, and remains content in ignorance. in those States of the Union where it prevails. In The proposition still remains true, that he whose a country where much land is unappropriated, and lot is a lot of abject toil, whether he were born to where a much larger proportion remains as so much it, or has sunk down to it, by his own proper weight, dead capital in the hands of the owner, for want of is necessarily destitute of that enlightened wisdom, purchasers to buy or laborers to cultivate it, the which might qualify him to take his place in coun-tasks of Government are few and simple and of cils whose deliberations concern the happiness of easy execution. Its business is altogether with millions.

individuals-to regulate their conduct, to punish The fact that instances of men rising to distinc- their crimes, and to adjust their controversies. It tion from a low condition are more frequent in the performs no function not within the competency of United States than elsewhere, is but a confirmation conservators of the Peace, Constables, and the orof what I have said. The wages of labor here are dinary Courts of Justice. It is little more than a such as to afford the laborer much leisure for men- loose and careless police, and a system of regulated tal cultivation, if he prefers that to idleness or dis- arbitration. With men in MASSES it has nothing to sipation. None of the walks of life are fully occu- do. The only distinctions in society are produced pied, and for every youth, however humble, who by the tastes and caprices of individuals. As these makes any display of intellectual power, there is may prompt they will arrange themselves into always a place to be found, in which he can culti- cliques and coteries, but, politically speaking, there vate his mind, and earn his bread at the same time. is but one class and one interest. The right of Such have been the facilities by which all such, personal liberty is alike precious to all men, and, among ourselves, have attained the vantage ground where all have property, the right of property will from which they afterwards mounted to eminence. 'be held sacred by all, and the legislation which is

best for some will be best for all. There will be history of human nature will justify. Now, under therefore no misgovernment, but such as is produced a Constitution which should lodge the powers of by well-intentioned blunders. Even against these there is an important security in that state of society. There is no just ground of jealousy between the rich and poor, the enlightened and ignorant. Demagogues indeed, striving to imitate what is done elsewhere, and to rise to power by means for which society is not prepared, may seek to inspire this jealousy, but they will find it difficult to do so, until misgovernment affords occasions to deceive and corrupt the people. Until then, the natural instinct of man disposes to mutual confidence, and the blind submit to be led by those who can see, and have no inducement to lead them astray.

Government in the hands of the smaller class of wealthy men, there is certainly some temptation to abuse their power over the poor. But this is not a temptation that addresses itself strongly to the interests of the ruling party. There is, unhappily in too many, a pleasure in the indulgence of an arrogant and insolent disposition to trample on the helpless; but, from the nature of the thing, the plunder of the poor is an unproductive fund; and the little that can be gained by it would be of small value in the estimation of those already rolling in affluence. Reverse the case, and we shall see a very different result. The temptation to a hungry multitude, armed with political authority, to gorge themselves with the superfluities of the rich would

resist.

It is not until the progress of society has distributed mankind into different classes, having distinct and conflicting interests, that the political action of be such as human nature cannot be expected to Government commences, and the wisdom of its political structure is put to any test.* To adjust these interests and to accommodate the strifes which arise from them, is the great problem for the Statesman. All experience has shown that the more powerful class will sacrifice the interests of the weaker, whenever its own can be advanced by doing so. It makes no difference what is the source or character of the power thus wielded. Such is the use that always has been, and always will be made of it.t

The temptations to this abuse of power are not always equally strong. They may be counteracted by conscientious scruples, in some cases, in some by the fear of consequences; and in others, power may be baffled by the superior intelligence and address of the weaker party, or defeated by the treachery of its own agents. All these diversities may be illustrated by the conflict of interests between the rich and poor in any community.

1. TEMPTATION. If we suppose the moral qualities of prudence and justice to be distributed alike throughout the whole, we certainly make a supposition at least as favorable to the poorer class as the

"Clearly a difficult point for Government," says Carlyle, "that of dealing with these masses, if indeed it be not the sole point and problem of Government, and all others mere accidental crotchets, superficialities, and beating of the wind.”—French Revolution, vol. 1, p. 44. Again he "Some happy coutinents, as the Western one, with its Savannahs, where whosoever has four willing limbs finds food under his feet, and an infinite sky over his head, can do without Governing.-13. p. 268.

says,

It is not meant that political power will be always thus abused. It may be held in check and in awe by physical power. The Aristocracy of France blindly disregarding the danger of oppressing the subject mass, defied the naked rabble of sans culottism. The aristocracy of Great Britain, made wise by their experience, treats Chartism in quite another guise, and recognises the unrepresented classes as the proper objects of the paternal care of Government. Benevolence has doubtless much to do with this; but the rod is a marvellous improver of all the virtues.

2. CONSCIENCE. The injustice of a course of legislation intended to enrich one class at the expense of another, should, in either case, deter the party in power from such a course. But how much more striking is that injustice, when the portion of the community to be plundered is already in a state of penury, and the portion to be enriched is already rich, than when the reverse of all this is the case? In the first case, no sophistry can be devised to palliate such an abuse of power. In the latter, a thousand texts may be drawn from the Bible itself, capable of being so perverted as to afford a plausible justification of it. So true is this, that in every country, where public opinion exercises a distinct influence on legislation, though the multitude be not directly represented, Charity (which from its nature should be gratuitous) is compulsory, established as a system, and enacted by law.

A sop

3. DANGER OF CONSEQUENCES. The abuse of constitutional power and prerogative in the hands of a privileged few is always dangerous to themselves. As a general proposition it may be said, that the physical power is always on the side of numbers, and the power of the few depends for its security on opinion. This opinion must not be outraged by oppression, or any thing that looks like oppression. So far from it, the ruling party must be careful that the sufferings of the poorer classes, however caused, be not imputed to Government. must be thrown, from time to time, to the many mouthed and hungry Cerberus', lest he devour his rulers. So far from taking from the poor for the benefit of the rich, the rich have to tax themselves for the benefit of the poor, and the manner in which the benefit is received shows plainly enough what might be the consequence of withholding it. The power would be presently wrested from the hands of the ruling class, and the use which would then be made of it may be read in the history of revolutionary France.

There is no such check on the abuse of constitu

tional authority by the more numerous class. They If, instead of adopting palliatives and half meafear nothing from the physical power of the multi-sures, a bolder and franker course be taken, if all tude, for they are themselves the multitude, and so prerogatives are abolished, and all privileges relong as the rulers of their choice administer the nounced, and popular discontent be indulged by the Government with an eye to their special benefit, so establishment of perfect political equality, it is easy long all is safe. They have nothing to do but to to foresee the consequences. Between the absoprofess to make the greatest good of the greatest lute surrender of all power into the hands of the number the sole object of all their legislation, and most numerous class, and the exercise of power by to proclaim an irreconcilable war of the poor against the whole collectively, on a plan which shall assign the rich. to that class, which outnumbers all the rest, a weight and anthority proportioned to its numbers, there can be little practical difference. In either case it is plain to see that the distinctive interest of that most numerous class (an interest peculiar to itself, and hostile to every other) would be alone consulted. The property of the rich becoming the prey of the poor, property would lose half its value from a sense of insecurity; the motives to industry would be lost, and all those innumerable evils would ensue, for which men never find a remedy but under the dominion of a Despot.

4. WANT OF INTELLIGENCE AND TREACHERY OF LEADERS. In such a state of things what is to save the rich from being destroyed and swallowed up? Nothing but the last of those checks to the abuse of power which I have just enumerated. Though not withheld by a sense of justice, or a fear of consequences, power in the ignorant multitude may be baffled by the superior intelligence and address of the less numerous party, or defeated by the treachery of its own agents. These agents are rarely content to remain poor after they get into power. Whatever may be wrung from the common adver- I beg pardon for dwelling on truths so trite and sary, an equal distribution among their followers is obvious. Yet while I feel bound to apologise for no part of their plan of operations. The allotment this, I fear I shall hardly be pardoned for deducing of plunder is confined to the leaders of the party, the conclusion which follows inevitably. It may and to the shrewd and crafty whom it is not easy not be safe to do more than to suggest a doubt to deceive, and who will be most expert in deceiv-whether a government, founded on the basis of equal ing the rest. All these soon become rich, and political rights and functions, in every member of though they may still profess the same zeal for the the community, from the highest to the lowest, can poor as formerly, and, for a time, retain their place preserve itself from destruction, when applied to a as leaders, they will take care to conduct their people in that most advanced state of society in future operations with an especial regard to their which all property is accumulated in the hands of own newly acquired interests. Hence the short-the few, and the starving multitude must beg, and lived reign of Democracy, which never survives a sometimes beg in vain, for leave to toil. To that single generation, and always terminates in the condition all society tends with a rapidity fearfully sole power of some Demagogue. hastened by modern discoveries in art and science, When a community, in the gradual and sure pro-and to that state free governments, above all others, gress of society, has divided itself into classes, of tend most rapidly. which one, (and that the lowest) is more numerous The great aim of the political economist, is to than all the rest, then it is that the wisdom of its institutions and the strength of its Government are tested. If no indulgence is extended to this most numerous class, if its few rights are invaded, its murmurs despised, and its sufferings insulted, we read the consequences in the history of revolutionary France.

urge the advance to that state of things. He speaks to willing pupils, and public spirit and individual cupidity are every where pressing on towards it, with an instinctive eagerness which would seem to show that it is, in itself, desirable. The desideratum is, to preserve, in that condition, the same free institutions, which under circumstances less brilliant it is found so easy to establish and administer. The problem indeed is, to devise the means,

If their rights are duly regarded, their complaints heard, their wants provided for, as far as this can be done by legislative authority, and a portion of by which any government can be maintained in the political power is conceded to them, to appease defence of the rights of all men, in all conditions, their discontents, we may see something of the without establishing an inequality of political franeffects of this humane and wise policy in what is chises corresponding to the inequalities of property, now passing in England. It is certainly the best and fortifying that inequality by the sword. In that can be done. The part taken by Sir Robert France, at this moment, the necessity for this seems Peel in these measures, considering the relation in to be felt, acknowledged, and acted on. In Great which he stands to the laboring class, entitles him Britain it is felt, it is acknowledged by some, and to their gratitude, and the applause of the world. denied by others—whether it can be successfully But what is to be the result of such measures can acted upon is doubtful-what will be the consenot be foreseen. Happy for him if the hungry quence if it is, is not for man to foresee. There the exmonster does not tear the hand extended to its relief. 'periment is going on, which is to decide this question.

VOL. X-60