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her to be driven out of the port; and on the receipt of this order, let the merchants, in obedience thereto, enjoin the said nation, foreigners, to force her away. They will not be allowed to make glossing pretexts for her lingering about, and creating a disturbance which will implicate them in crime. Let the day of her departure be reported. Haste! haste! a special order!-IRON KWANG. 7th year, 3rd month, 24th day."

As Captain Beechey's intentions were farthest from "creating a disturbance" and "implicating himself in crime," he took no notice whatever of this rodomontade, nor of two war-junks, which had dropped down and anchored near him; but having quietly completed his provisions and water, on the 30th of April, the Blossom sailed for the Island of Loo Choo.

The account given by the author of this place is curious and satisfactory, and we find the people not so privileged but that they are liable to the same errors, the same vices, as the rest of humanity.

From Loo Choo, the Blossom again repaired to Behring's Strait; and although the object of her visit, meeting Franklin and Parry, was unluckily not accomplished, still the officers were enabled to gain much curious and valuable information.

On the 6th of October, 1827, the Blossom passed Behring's Strait, on her return to England, where she arrived, and was paid off on the same month of the following year.

It now remains for us to say how inadequately we feel to have done justice to Captain Beechey, and how strongly we recommend to our readers a volume which we consider scarcely inferior in interest to the voyages of Cook. Geography has received large additions to its stores; but at the same time that we congratulate the world upon what has been so ably accomplished, we must add that much remains yet to be done. It is to be sincerely regretted that many parts of the Pacific are still unknown, and many of the Polynesian Islands have only been seen at a distance by early navigators. The archipelago of the Ladrones, the Caroline Islands, and the scattered groups which intervene between them and the Fegee Islands, the navigation of which is attended with risk-in short, the greater part of the West Pacific ought to be surveyed and described. The desideratum of making pendulum experiments round the globe, in two parallels equidistant from the equator, which would determine the shape of the earth, might be obtained. Besides them, the exploration of the North-east passage, we should recommend that a voyage to the Pacific be undertaken-not to make new discoveries, as most of the navigable parts of the earth have been at different times passed over; but with a view to employ our improved means and increased knowledge to correct and unite the labouts of former voyagers, with a view to render navigation safe from unknown or hidden dangers; with a view, in short, of affording facilities to commerce, and to the improvement of scientific knowledge.

So popular is geographical research in this country, that no objection has ever been made to it even on the score of economy: but the plan which we contemplate would be attended with no additional expense; all we suggest is, that instead of being confined to particular stations and inactively laying in known harbours, let one, or even two, of our men-of-war in employment be constantly circumnavigating the globe, under the orders of the Admiralty; their roving nature and uncertainty of movement would add to their effect. Instead of being the carriers of bullion for the merchants, or lying, like drones, in harbours, as well known as Spithead, let them be made available, under efficient officers, to combine scientific purposes with the protection of our trade. We conceive that this plan would be beneficial to the general service, and that many young officers, by this means, would best become acquainted with the dangers and privations, as well as the more agreeable parts of their profession. They would learn the paramount importance of studying the health and comfort of their ship's company. They would be incited to make themselves acquainted with the higher branches of nautical science, to study the use of chronometers, and to bring to a practical application the various instruments, which art, aided by science, has in this country raised to such perfection.

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PROSPECTUS of the help-YOURSELF SOCIETY."

THE custom of HELPING ONESELF has its sanction in the remotest antiquity, and has been continued down to the present day in the highest places, and by those whom it especially behoves to set example to the world. It was clearly never designed that man should regulate his conduct for the good of others, for the first lesson taught to the first of men, was to take care of himself: had it been intended that men should study the good of each other, a number would surely have been simultaneously created for the exercise of the principle, instead of one who being alone was essentially selfish. Adam was all the world to himself. With the addition of Eve, human society commenced, and the fault of our first mother furnishes a grand and terrible example of the mischief of thinking of the benefit of another. Satan suggested to her that Adam should partake of the fruit-an idea, having in it the taint of benevolence, so generally mistaken-whence sin and death came into the world. Had Eve been strictly selfish, she would wisely have kept the apples to herself, and the evil would have been avoided. Had Adam helped himself, he would have had no stomach for the helping of another, and so, on his part, the evil temptation had been obviated.

The HELP-YOURSELF principle has at no time been extinct in society, while it is seen to be a universal law of Nature. The wolf helps himself to the lamb-and the lamb to the grass. No animal assists another, excepting when in the relation of parent to young, when Nature could not dispense with the caprice of benevolence, which in this instance, be it observed, distresses the parties susceptible of the sentiment; for suckling creatures are always in poor condition. Appropriation is the great business of the universe. The institution of property is, on the other hand, artificial.

Penetrated with these truths, individuals above the narrow prejudices and the cant of benevolence, have acted strictly and exclusively upon the HELP-YOURSELF principle on the largest scale in Parliament, which offers the widest sphere for its operation, opening, as it does, the unfathomable depths of the public purse. The opportunity for this practice, however, would have been wanting if the operators had not had the power of helping themselves to seats, by means of the conveniences of Boroughs. Not perceiving the divine ordination and origin of the Help-yourself principle, and feeling some small degree of inconvenience from it, the people have made an attempt to abolish the instrument of appropriation, and to put a stop to the natural liberty of gratifying desires as it has been indulged in without violence to life or limbs.

In this case, the HELP-YOURSELF Society find it necessary to combine for their common protection, obeying in this instance, as in all their conduct, the law of Nature, which in extraordinary emergencies collects rapacious and customarily solitary creatures into bodies, in which they aid each other, just so far as it may be necessary to the carrying of their object.

A Society is therefore instituted for the promotion of the return of Members to Parliament, independent of the people. "Each for him

self, and God for us all," is the maxim acknowledged by the true Representatives of the Borough system. It is not, however, thought expedient that these principles should be declared to a world not sufficiently enlightened for their reception. The HELP-YOURSELF practice must at present be defended on the ground of custom, where its basis is co-extensive with the history of mankind, as no custom is more ancient than that of taking from others to enrich oneself. The HELP-YOURSELF Society rely confidently on the support of all persons interested in that system of Government which has no regard to the good of the many, an obviously visionary fancy, for how can the wit of man accomplish so large an object as that proposed? Moderate designs are easiest of accomplishment; and assured that the benefit of the few only can be attained by any, the most perfect system of policy, the Society of confederated Boroughmongers propose as their State principle, not the fantastical notion (impossible of realization) the greatest good of the greatest number, but the more feasible object, the greatest good of the fewest number.

The Society are of opinion, that the best way of making the people abate their concern for their pockets, is to alarm them for their throats; and to this end, at the approaching election, they design to revive the horrors of the French Revolution of the last century, and to show, from that single instance, that whenever men have thought of taking measures for the security of their purses, the consequence has been confusion, anarchy, and the effusion of oceans of blood. With this view, the Society will collect and place at the disposal of Help-yourself Members all the figures of horror on the French Revolution which they can find, and new paint blood-red for the present occasion.

They have on hand a large supply of sentiments of loyalty to the Crown, and propose to invent some new and curious alarms for its safety.

They will also fill their candidates with apprehensions for the Church, and the Religion it conserves.

The Society undertake to supply advertisements, principles, and speeches to their subscribers, and to support them with testimonials of worth according to the rate of their subscriptions.

The Committee of the Society sit daily at the Turpin Arms, where applications addressed to the Secretary, Sir M*n*ss*h L*p*z, will be duly attended to.

To conclude, they beg most earnestly to recommend to their friends and allies the motto,

"HELP YOURSELF, AND THE DE'L WILL HELP YOU!"

THE PROGRESS OF REFORM. BY AN OLD REFORMER.

THE French Revolution in 1789, which, like a political earthquake, shook the kingdoms of all the European continent, extended its agitations to the shores of Britain. A series of incidents had prepared the way for their transmission. The rights of royal prerogative, and the rights of the people, had been themes of keen discussion from the commencement of the American war, in the year 1775; and towards the close of that disastrous and expensive war, which roused a very energetic opposition to the Government that carried it on, the favourite object of the leaders of the people was, to restrain the influence of the Crown, to which its continuance as well as origin was ascribed, by effecting retrenchment in the salaries of courtiers, and Reform in the Commons House of Parliament. With this view, among the other measures they adopted, Associations were formed by men of rank in the popular party, who acted as delegates from districts in the country; at the head of these Associations were the Duke of Richmond, Sir George Saville, and other long-tried political characters, (among whom Mr. Horne Tooke must not be unnoticed,) who were afterwards joined by Mr. William Pitt, and other younger politicians.

After the conclusion of the war, in 1783 the English Reformers were diverted from the objects of their former pursuit, by the exciting contests between the heads of parties for the assumption of Ministerial power. Except on occasion of some motions made by Mr. Pitt, with a view to redeem the pledge he had given to support the cause as a man and as a Minister," Parliamentary Reform did not again become a subject of public interest until the time of the French Revolution.

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It may,, however, be proper here to notice, on account, not of its intrinsic importance, but of the consequences afterwards attached to it, an anniversary meeting which used to afford occasion if not for diffusing, at least for cherishing, in a limited but respectable circle, a lively and correct regard for the interests of Civil and Religious Liberty. This meeting was held on the birth-day of William III. in celebration of the English Revolution in 1688; and being chiefly composed of Dissenters, whose privileges had been secured by that event, a sermon suitable to the occasion was delivered in some Dissenting place of worship, which was, as usual in London, followed by a public dinner, at which patriotic and liberal sentiments were the order of the day. On these occasions the character of William, as drawn by Bishop Burnet, was regularly read; but the political feeling of the meeting was not confined to the historical period or its particular objects. As a sample of the feeling that prevailed, may be quoted a Chaplain's grace, when asked to return thanks after one of the dinners, as the grace is brief and pointed, rather than of puritanical length :-"We thank the giver of all good for the great political mercy we have this day met to commemorate. May the blessings we derive from this event be extended to all our brethren of mankind. And may all the people say, Amen."

Having had from early life a bias towards political observation, and May 1831.-VOL. XXXI. NO. CXXV.

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the support of popular rights, I attended at the meeting which was held in Nov. 1788, to commemorate the Centenary of the Revolution. It was the first political meeting at which I had ever been present, and it was calculated to afford a mind like mine peculiar gratification. Dr. Kippis preached the sermon at the Meeting-house in the Old Jewry, and the Earl Stanhope presided at the dinner at the London Tavern. The company was more than commonly numerous and brilliant, and the Stewards of a higher rank; and to give effect to the scene, the leading personages, preceded by a band of music, marched into the assembly-room under the identical stand of colours (lent for the occasion) with which William had landed at Torbay. Among the Stewards were Lord Hood, Mr. Beaufoy, and other Members of the House of Commons; and partisans of Mr. Pitt were mingled in concord with partisans of Mr. Fox. No factious feeling interfered in the celebration of the great common good. The noble Chairman filled his office with all his usual zeal and animation, and the meeting was harmonious, joyous, and innoxious. It was not till after this time that these anniversary assemblages gave umbrage to Government.

In the year 1789, Dr. Price preached the Anniversary Sermon previous to the Dinner. On this occasion the Doctor, whose writings in support of Civil Liberty during the American war had raised him to distinction, gave vent to the sympathy he felt in the cause of the French Revolutionists, and drew some interesting inferences from the principles developed by the English Revolution in 1688. It was soon after the publication of this Sermon that Mr. Burke published his "Reflections," in which he treated Dr. Price and his tenets with unmeasured severity. Of this well-known work of Mr. Burke it would be unnecessary to say more in this place, were it not for the effect it produced on public opinion at the period referred to. Until this time, the French Revolution, which had not run into those excesses by which it was afterwards disgraced, had been viewed with complacency by the body of the people, and with hope by many enlightened friends of humanity. By the upper classes it had, indeed, during its progress, been looked upon with jealousy or alarm, and Burke's "Reflections" confirmed their apprehensions, and armed them with weapons of defence. Besides the arguments it furnished directly with this view, it afforded encouragement for measures more forcible than arguments. The French Revolution ceased to be viewed with popular favour, and those who ventured to hope for good from its results, became subject to odium.

In November 1790, Dr. Price, as some compensation for the mortification he had received from Mr. Burke, was called upon to preside at the Anniversary Dinner. On this occasion nothing occurred worthy of notice, except the passing a resolution to form a society to cherish the principles of the Revolution in 1688, as developed by Dr. Price.

In 1791, the character of this meeting was in many points different from that of its predecessors. Its scope was much wider, and its objects appeared of a more general class. The reading of the character of William III., which had hitherto been a steady part of the entertainment, was dispensed with. Petion, who had been Mayor of Paris, and Thomas Paine, who had previously published the first part of his

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